(DIR) Return Create A Forum - Home --------------------------------------------------------- True Left (HTM) https://trueleft.createaforum.com --------------------------------------------------------- ***************************************************** (DIR) Return to: Colonial Era ***************************************************** #Post#: 16401-------------------------------------------------- Kuo Min Tang China By: antihellenistic Date: November 12, 2022, 11:22 pm --------------------------------------------------------- From written historical information, the Kuo Min Tang Nationalist China and it's westernized Chinese people on Nusantara worked together to increased their business and economic power with also allied with Netherlands Colonialism. See the written content below : (Read the writings which given bold if you not have enough time to read the entire content) [quote]A Problem in Java - The Chinese in the Dutch East Indies By Amry Vandenbosch ...The Chinese had no political or cultural aspirations. They asked only for the opportunity of improving their economic position, and in this they met with no opposition from the Dutch, for the Dutch found their presence necessary for the exploitation of the islands. Instead of their interest competing with those of the Dutch they complemented them. This is well illustrated in the instructions of one of the early Dutch governors of the East Indies : "A very great number of people is necessary for the inhabiting of Batavia, the Moluccas, Amboyna, Banda.... More money is requisite, to send great returns into the Netherlands... No people in the world do us better service than the Chinese... As trade cannot be gotten by friendly means, it is requisite by this monsoon to send another fleet to visit the coast of China and take prisoners as many men, women and children as possible... If the war proceed against China...an especial foresight must be used to take a very great number of Chinese, especially women and children, for the peopling of Batavia, Amboyna, and Banda, ..." ... There is still a strong nationalist sentiment, although there is among the peranakans a tendency to align themselves on the side of the Indonesian nationalist. Many peranakans, however, seem unable to make up their minds whether their interest lie on the side of the Dutch or of the natives. The Chinese are disliked by the natives who resent their superiority complex. Moreover their interest in a native-controlled government might not receive as favorable consideration as they now do. Peranakans can be found who are more royal than the king. The peranakans are also being more and more oriented toward Dutch culture. Very large numbers go to Netherlands for their higher education. While in Holland they are ardent Chinese nationalist, but upon their return to the Indies they increasingly attach themselves to the Europeans, both because they now feel more at home with them and for protection of their interest against the natives and Indonesian nationalist. Very few peranakans have a speaking or reading knowledge of Chinese. ... The year 1900 was a significant year for the Chinese movement in the East Indies as well as in China. The year of the Boxer Rebellion was marked by several governmental acts of far-reaching importance for the Chinese. The system out the sale of opium was abolished and a government monopoly instituted instead; the decision was made to extend the government monopoly of pawning throughout the East Indies; and in this same year the government began its system of agricultural credit banks with the object of furnishing cheaper credit to the farmers and rescuing them from the clutches of the usurers. All these measures affected the Chinese injuriously, for they took away the business of others. It was at this juncture of events that the Chinese, encouraged by interest which the Chinese government now began to manifest in them, actively began to assert themselves to improve their position. Education and the press were the chief means employed. School societies were organized and schools opened. Preference was expressed for Dutch as the language medium but since the school societies could not afford the high salaried Dutch teachers, English was chosen, for the reason that Chinese instructors could be cheaply obtained from Singapore, and in addtion English had the advantage of being the commercial language of the East. The Chinese press in the Indies strenghtened the unity and national consciousness of the Chinese and pressed their grievances with the Indies government. "The Chinese in the Indies," so wrote the press, "are stepchildren rejected by the Indies government, but again recognized by their own father, China, who, asleep all these years, is awakened." ... ...The fact that the Japanese come under the category of Europeans (since 1889) especially offends Chinese national pride. The announcement of the Chinese government that it would introduce law codes based on western principles in 1930 was the occasion for a statement from the East Indian government that a bill was being prepared for introduction in the next colonial legislature with the object of placing Chinese on the same legal footing as Europeans and Japanese.[/quote] Source : A Problem in Java: The Chinese in the Dutch East Indies - Amry Vandenbosch page 1001, 1015, 1007, 1013 Link/URL : (HTM) https://www.jstor.org/stable/2750073?read-now=1&seq=15#page_scan_tab_contents [quote]The existence of the Chinese officer system did not mean that the VOC did not intervene in Chinese community affairs. In 1655, the Dutch established the Council of Boedelmeesters (Trustees), consisting of both Dutchmen and Chinese, to administer the inheritance of the Chinese who died without issue or without children who had come of age. The fund the trustees came to administer was used to build hospitals and orphanages. The Dutch and the Chinese also had to jointly deal with some other problems such as sanitation and debtor-creditor relations involving both. And also, from early days, the Chinese could take advantage of the Dutch commercial law which gave protection to their property. Being the headquarters of the VOC, Batavia enjoyed the best legal protection, so many Chinese preferred to stay there [Blusse 1986: 85]. From the founding of Batavia in 1619 to the end of the VOC in 1800, the relations between the Dutch and the Chinese seemed generally good ... Peranakans mean the Nusantara-born Chinese ... Close relations with the Dutch influenced the culture of peranakan society. By buying Dutch furniture and other Dutch products, the cabang atas peranakan adopted the Dutch style of living. In the 20th century, when Dutch naturalization became possible, many peranakan Chinese sought it and obtained European status [Skinner 1963]. Even in the early 1940s, when the threat of war began endangering Dutch colonialism, there were still some Chinese asking for Dutch naturalization. ... It was in this situation that there arose a movement among the Chinese in Java, or the Young Chinese Movement, as was called by P.H. Fromberg, the Dutch colonial advisor for Chinese affairs and main advocate of Chinese cause.7) It was a movement against the colonial government policy on the Chinese. The Chinese demanded the colonial government to end the restrictions on traveling and residence and give them legal status equal to the Europeans. The movement also led to the founding of the Tiong Hwa Hwee Kwan School (T.H.H.K. School), Chinese Chamber of Commerce, and a more politically oriented reading club, Soe Po Sia. It was partly in response to this movement that the Dutch established the 7) "De Chineesche Beweging op Java" in [Fromberg 1926]. Hollands Chineesche Scholen (School); it became necessary to keep the loyalty of their Chinese subjects. Also as a response to the movement (and the pressure of Dutch businesses which felt that the restrictions on Chinese traveling and residence were detrimental to their business interests), the Dutch practically abolished the restrictions on traveling and residence in 1910, although it took another several years for these to be completely abolished (this was done in 1916).[/quote] Source : Chinese Capitalism in Dutch Java - Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 27, No.2, September 1989 page 158, 166, 173 Link/URL : (HTM) https://kyoto-seas.org/pdf/27/2/270202.pdf About the Kuo Min Tang Nationalist Chinese, see the content below : [quote]The Kuomintang (KMT),[I] also referred to as the Guomindang (GMD)[35] or the Chinese Nationalist Party,[1] is a major political party in the Republic of China, initially on the Chinese mainland and in Taiwan after 1949. It was the sole party in China during the Republican Era from 1928 to 1949, when most of the Chinese mainland was under its control. The party retreated from the mainland to Taiwan on 7 December 1949, following its defeat in the Chinese Civil War. Chiang Kai-shek declared martial law and retained its authoritarian rule over Taiwan under the Dang Guo system until democratic reforms were enacted in the 1980s and full democratization in the 1990s. In Taiwanese politics, the KMT is the dominant party in the Pan-Blue Coalition and primarily competes with the rival Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). It is currently the largest opposition party in the Legislative Yuan. The current chairman is Eric Chu. ... Founded : 10 October 1919[/quote] Source : (HTM) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuomintang #Post#: 17665-------------------------------------------------- Re: Media decolonization By: antihellenistic Date: January 25, 2023, 6:56 pm --------------------------------------------------------- Seeing Hitler's diplomatic decolonization on German-Chinese relationship, which on previous Weimar Germany's government continued to rise. See this quoted information below : [quote]H.H. Kung, the finance minister of China, and two other Chinese Kuomintang officials visited Germany in June 1937 and were received by Adolf Hitler.[24][25] The Chinese delegation met Hans Georg von Mackensen on June 10. During the meeting, Kung said that Japan was not a reliable ally for Germany, as he believed that Germany had not forgotten the Japanese invasion of Tsingtao and the former German colonies in the Pacific Islands during World War I, and that China was the true anticommunist state, but Japan was only "flaunting." Von Mackensen promised that there would be no problems in Sino-German relations as long as he and von Neurath were in charge of the Foreign Ministry. Kung also met Hjalmar Schacht on the same day, who explained to him that the Anti-Comintern Pact was not a German-Japanese alliance against China. Germany was glad to lend China 100 million Reichsmark (equivalent 2021 to €449 million) and would not do so with the Japanese.[26] Kung visited Hermann Göring on June 11, who told him he thought that Japan was a "Far East Italy," in reference to the fact that during World War I Italy had broken its alliance and declared war against Germany, and Germany would never trust Japan.[27] Kung asked Göring, "Which country will Germany choose as her friend, China or Japan?" Göring said China could be a mighty power and that Germany would take China as a friend.[citation needed] NSDAP Office of Foreign Affairs diplomatic reception in 1939, Chinese ambassador (left), Konstantin Hierl (on the right), Alfred Rosenberg and Hans Frank. Kung met Hitler on June 13, who told him that Germany had no political or territorial demands in the Far East, Germany was a strong industrial country, China was a huge agricultural country, and Germany's only thought on China is business. Hitler also hoped China and Japan could co-operate and that he could mediate any disputes between these two countries since he mediated the disputes between Italy and Yugoslavia. Hitler also told Kung that Germany would not invade other countries but was not afraid of foreign invasion. If the Soviet Union dared to invade Germany, one German division could defeat two Soviet corps. The only thing that Hitler feared was Bolshevism in Eastern Europe. Hitler also said that he admired Chiang Kai-Shek because he had built a powerful central government.[28] ... The outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, on July 7, 1937, destroyed much of the progress and promises that had been made. Hitler chose Japan as his ally against the Soviet Union because Japan was militarily capable.[34] In addition, [color=red]the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 21, 1937 did not help change Hitler's mind, despite protest from Chinese lobbies and German investors.[/color] However, Hitler agreed to have Hapro finish shipments that had been ordered by China though he refused to allow taking any more orders from Nanking. There were plans of a German-mediated peace between China and Japan, but the fall of Nanking in December 1937 effectively put an end to any mediation that would be acceptable to the Chinese government. Therefore, all hope of a German-mediated truce was lost. In 1938, Germany officially recognised Manchukuo as an independent nation. In April that year, Göring banned the shipment of war materials to China, and in May, German advisors were recalled to Germany after the Japanese had insisted.[/quote] Source : (HTM) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sino-German_cooperation_(1926%E2%80%931941)#1930s #Post#: 20277-------------------------------------------------- Re: Exposing people with the Western Darwinian Worldview By: antihellenistic Date: June 11, 2023, 12:26 am --------------------------------------------------------- Western Civilization is Fundamentally Terror Civilization part 2 [quote]Yen Fu again looked outside China for the true field of Darwinian struggle. Even though it had been China’s defeat at the hands of another member of the yellow race, Japan, that had prompted him to write in the first place, Yen Fu looked beyond struggles within his race to a struggle that for him was far more frightening, the “ultimate” struggle between races of different colors. But why in foretelling such a struggle did he mention only the yellow and white races? He did not say much about the others except to suggest that they were virtually already out of the strug- gle. But in his very lack of concern in what he did say, there lay an ominous hint of contempt, that in the writings of other patriots would soon develop into a full-fledged intellectual prejudice— against any race darker than the Chinese. Yen Fu, in his list of races, listed the brown race and the yellow and the white, and then said, “lowest is the black race . . . the so-called black slaves.” 63 Lowest, for Yen Fu, meant “furthest south.” For others, however, it was soon to mean “lowest on the scale of human evolution.” But Yen Fu was not yet interested in any scale of human evolution. He was interested in China’s immediate struggle for existence, and he had not yet entertained the chilling thought, which would soon strike others, that the outcome of that struggle might already be determined, that races might have evolved so unequally that eventual white supremacy was inevitable. For Yen Fu the fight was still free. All China really needed was the will to struggle. Without asking how will could possibly fit into the Darwinian scheme, Yen Fu seemed perfectly convinced of the faith later so strongly held by the would-be materialist Mao Tse-tung, that “if there’s a will there’s a way.” It was this belief, together with his conviction that the real struggle was not between governments but between social organisms, that made Yen Fu look so excitedly towards democracy. Democracy would unify the social organism; it would instill in the whole people the will to survive and the will to fight. ... Thus Yen Fu, in this early Chinese cry for democracy, was actual- ly already crying for a “People’s Democracy” in a sense that makes that later tautology, if not altogether unamusing, at least some- what understandable. The people were subordinate to the People. The People came first. The People was the race, the race was the ch*un , the ch’un was the social organism, the social organism was the country. The individual was almost absent from the argument. Even individual freedom seemed primarily intended for the good of the group. “Freedom” (tzu-yu), and it was never stated what this was really to mean for the individual, was necessary to liberate the people's energies, so that they could have strong bodies, strong minds, and strong wills, all to defend the race. 66 Freedom would allow a pooling of talents that was not yet taking place. Freedom would work for China as it worked for the West- erners: “They have no forbidden topics; they rid themselves of petty, restricting formalities; they break through constricting molds of thought. Everyone can have his own mind. Everyone can voice his view. There is no great gulf between men of high and low position. The ruler is not too much esteemed, the people not de- meaned. All join as one body.” 67 - Yan Fu ... The world had four races, he said, yellow, white, red, and black: “Yellow and white are wise; red and black are ignorant. Yellow and white are masters; red and black are slaves. Yellow and white are tight-knit groups; red and black are dispersed . “India’s failure to rise,” he wrote, “is due to limitations of the race. All black, red, and brown peoples arc in the microorganisms of their blood and the slope of their brains quite inferior to white men. Only the yellows and the whites are not far removed from one another. Hence anything whites can do, yellows can do also.” 98 - Liang Qichao[/quote] (HTM) https://archive.org/details/ChinaAndCharlesDarwin433PageNotFull/page/n73/mode/2up Pusey, James Reeve. 1983. China and Charles Darwin. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Page 69 until 71, 117 and 131 About Yan Fu [quote]He is celebrated for his translations, including Thomas Huxley's Evolution and Ethics, Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, John Stuart Mill's On Liberty and Herbert Spencer's Study of Sociology.[3] Yan critiqued the ideas of Darwin and others, offering his own interpretations. The ideas of "natural selection" and "survival of the fittest" were introduced to Chinese readers through Huxley's work. The former idea was famously rendered by Yan Fu into Chinese as tiānzé (天擇).[/quote] (HTM) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yan_Fu About Liang Qichao [quote]In the Hundred Days' Reform, Liang Qichao had the idea of nationalism, and he advocated reformation and constitutional monarchy to change the social situation of the Qing dynasty. ... With the overthrow of the Qing dynasty, constitutional monarchy became an increasingly irrelevant topic. Liang merged his renamed Democratic Party with the Republicans to form the new Progressive Party. He was very critical of Sun Yatsen's attempts to undermine President Yuan Shikai. Though usually supportive of the government, he opposed the expulsion of the Nationalists from parliament. Liang Qichao's thought was impacted by the West, and he learned the new political thought and regime of the Western countries, and he learned these from the Japanese translation books, and he learned the Western thought through Meiji Japan to analyze the knowledge of the West.[7][/quote] (HTM) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liang_Qichao #Post#: 26525-------------------------------------------------- Re: Arctic alliance By: antihellenistic Date: May 22, 2024, 2:50 am --------------------------------------------------------- Worldview of China [quote]Data from internet sources are drawn from regular observations of popular Chinese social media platforms, primarily Weibo 微博and Zhihu 知乎. Weibo is the Chinese equivalent of Twitter, with nearly 600 million monthly active users.19 Zhihu is a Quora-like platform, with 100 million monthly active users.20 While both are among China’s major platforms of political discussion, Zhihu users are largely middle class and better educated than the average Chinese netizen and mostly live in first- and second-tier cities.21 In general, internet users are younger and more urban than the general Chinese population at large.22 In recent years, the rise of nationalist and racist online content has been the subject of much scholarly discussion. This article uses the terms “black people” and “Africans” interchangeably, in accordance with the way they are used in the Chinese language in daily life and in the media. The Chinese term that is most often used is heiren 黑人(black people). Black and African identities are usually conflated. Arab-speaking, lighter-skinned North Africans are usually identified as whites or Arabs, not as Africans.24 Chinese Racial Nationalism, Internalization of Western/White Supremacy and “Supra-national” Treatment Racial thinking was embedded in the Chinese nation-building process. In the late 19th century, faced with increasing foreign encroachment following the first Opium War (1839–1842), wangguo miezhong 亡国灭种(loss of state and racial extinction) became a national concern as well as a powerful slogan with which to unify the people. On the one hand, race replaced cultural identity and became the most common symbol and tool for national unity.25 On the other hand, Chinese intellectuals borrowed the notion of “race” and Western racial theories to reconstruct a new position for China in the world. From the 1890s onwards, leading Chinese intellectuals like Liang Qichao 梁启超and Tang Caichang 唐才常began disseminating a five-category classification of humanity according to skin colour (yellow, white, red, brown and black).26 They accepted the idea of a racial hierarchy, albeit with the “yellow race,” to which the Chinese belonged, put on an equal footing with the “white race”; all other races were considered inherently inferior. Faced with the threat of wangguo miezhong, they viewed world affairs as a ruthless competition between races and developed the idea of “racial wars” (zhongzhan 种战) in which the yellow race would be the ultimate and sole rival of the white race.27 Following China’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, Chinese reformers systematically used these discourses to demonstrate that reform was both necessary and feasible. Japan’s success in emulating the West, and especially its victory in the Russo-Japanese War, provided further evidence of the potential of the yellow race. Western discourses on the “yellow peril,” introduced to China via Japan, were reappropriated to prove the strength of the yellow race. Notably, Chinese intellectuals tended to ignore the role of Japan in these Western discourses and matter-of-factly positioned the Chinese as the leading force among the yellow races.28 In positioning the “yellow race” as the only qualified competitor of the whites, with the Chinese as the leader or the “genuine yellow,” these discourses reconstructed the Chinese identity and comfortably placed the Chinese on a level with the “whites” and above all other “races.” These racial ideas, developed in the late 19th century, were closely linked to the Chinese adoption and adaptation of Western theories of evolution. Following Yan Fu’s严复early introduction of evolutionary theories, Chinese intellectuals were particularly drawn to the idea of a struggle for survival and consistently applied it to human society, particularly in the context of “racial wars.”29 Such ideas also laid the foundation for the later acceptance of Marxist historical materialism by early Chinese communists.30 Later, a Marx-Engels version of cultural evolution was introduced to the Chinese education curriculum and instilled into generations of Chinese. A ladder-like vision of history, with steps representing “the formations of human society from low level to high level,” remains at the core of the teaching of history in China today.31 As a result, ranking societies, nations, groups and “races” in a hierarchy of “civilization” is nothing but normal in China. On the other hand, Marxist internationalism discourses in the Mao era stressed a Third World solidarity that transcended racial boundaries and condemned racism as an evil of colonialism and Western imperialism.32 However, such discourses posited China as defending the ThirdWorld from Western imperialism and capitalism.33 Seemingly opposed to the “racial hierarchy” put forward in the late 19th century, these discourses still reflected an ideological framework that positioned China/ Chinese as equal rivals to the West/whites, with Africa/Africans as passive victims waiting to be saved. In contemporary China, racial thinking still underpins Chinese nationalism, and “race” has been used to mark the outer boundaries of the “Chinese people” and the Chinese nation.34 What is more subtle and less discussed in the literature is that Chinese racial nationalism is also characterized by an internalization of Western/white superiority. This internalization has played, and is continuing to play, a powerful role in the shaping of a Chinese national-racial identity and in the formation of Chinese attitudes towards Africans.[/quote] Source : Binxin Zhang. Africans in China, Western/White Supremacy and the Ambivalence of Chinese Racial Identity. The China Quarterly, 2024, 16 p. 10.1017/S0305741024000286. hal-04532000 White plague not yet death *****************************************************