(C) Daily Kos This story was originally published by Daily Kos and is unaltered. . . . . . . . . . . Elsewhere in Focus: Tigray, Ethiopia: Genocide and Failure of the International Community [1] ['This Content Is Not Subject To Review Daily Kos Staff Prior To Publication.'] Date: 2024-06-12 Hello, everyone. Good morning, afternoon or evening, and welcome to this edition of Elsewhere in Focus. You can find all the articles in the series here (along with my other diaries). What stops a genocide before or once it starts? If it is the army conducting it, the government stepping in. If it is the government directing it, people of the country stepping in. If it is the government and the army precipitating it with the people merely turning away, then the international community—neighbours, world powers, the foremost union of governments in the world—stepping in by doing whatever they can from suspending trade and diplomatic relations to closing their borders for the perpetrators and holding the perpetrators to account. However, our curse is that none of that happens. That is why a genocide becomes a genocide. The people of the country and outside think that at best it is not their concern, that genocidal propaganda that leads to murder of ethnic groups and the murder itself are not their concern, that they could do nothing, or that speaking out may hurt them. So, they don’t. More often that, the people believe that those people undergoing genocide deserved it. The government thinks much the same as does the army. They are after all the people in power who can commit a genocide in the first place. Who have authority and power and hatred. If it was one ethnic group attacking another, with the government having no stakes but peace, they could step in and the violence won’t turn into a genocide, will it? The international community thinks, just like the people, that their own strategic relationship with the country or people in question matter more than ethics, lives of the persecuted group, or even international laws. There are always excuses after all. Failure of people. Failure of government. Failure of international actors. People excusing or justifying those failures. That is how genocide came to be perpetrated against Tigrayans. You might remember the history I shared here a while back. In 2018, after a long dictatorship and single party rule, protests erupted in Ethiopia. These protests brought Aiby Ahmed to power as the President. He sought to centralise rule and postponed elections in Tigray. When Tigrayans defied Aiby Ahmed, he sent in the military to punish Tigray. Further, he invited the Eritrean army to join forces with the Ethiopian military. Civil war ensued. Ethiopian and Eritrean armies brought untold suffering to the people of Tigray. In 2022, a peace agreement called the Pretoria Agreement brought the overt war to an end. However, human rights violations continue under the Ethiopian military, the Eritrean troops, and other actors. At each point in time, the Ethiopian government was complicit in attacks on Tigrayan civilians or at the very least failed to prevent those attacks. The government blocked aid resulting in hunger and famine. The military and other forces such as the Amhara regional forces that joined them engaged in arbitrary detention and torture. Neighbouring Eritrea participated in the attack. In the dispossession, conflict related sexual violence and torture. The United Nations dithered, ignored and bickered leaving Tigrayans without friends or support. The countries of the world, from African Union, to the EU and the US continued friendly relations after brief pauses. That is how Tigrayans were and continue to be subject to genocide. Today, we can read about some of those crimes and failures. Tigray, Ethiopia Genocide and Failure of the International Community A Genocide Against Tigrayans The Ethiopian government instigated or failed to prevent their military and other militias perpetrating acts of genocide against Tigrayans. Since the joint Ethiopian and Eritrean military action started against Tigray, the civilians have been subject to innumerable crimes including rape and sexual assault, dispossession, looting, torture, displacement and Ethiopian government induced famine. The New Lines Institute brought out a report that details these human rights violations, which amount to genocide: Genocide in Tigray: Serious breaches of international law in the Tigray conflict, Ethiopia, and paths to accountability (3 June 2024). Executive Summary There are multiple, widespread and credible independent reports that the conduct throughout Ethiopia of the federal Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) on behalf of Ethiopia, Amhara regional armed forces and/or militia (Fano) and loyal groups, the Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF), as well as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Tigray Defence Forces (TDF) and those loyal to them, have violated international humanitarian law and international human rights law. There is a reasonable basis to believe that such violations amount to the commission of war crimes and/or crimes against humanity. These include numerous examples of inhumane treatment, such as that prohibited under common article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, as well as violations of the requirements of distinction and proportionality in carrying out attacks. Correspondingly, the evidence suggests that Ethiopia has not made adequate efforts to discharge its obligation under customary international law—equally applicable in non-international armed conflicts—to investigate war crimes committed by its nationals or armed forces, or on its territory, and, as appropriate, to prosecute the suspected perpetrators. This report has considered in particular whether some or all of this conduct potentially amounts to genocide. This is significant because genocide not only occasions individual criminal responsibility, if proven, but also the duties and associated responsibilities of States notably under the Genocide Convention (of which Ethiopia was an original signatory and, from 1 July 1949, is a ratified State Party). Likewise, Ethiopia bears corresponding obligations under customary international law. This report concludes that, on the evidence currently available, there is a reasonable basis to believe that members of the ENDF, the Amhara Special Forces (“ASF”), and the EDF have committed genocide against Tigrayans. There is a reasonable basis to believe that at least some members of the ENDF or civilian officials associated with the Ethiopian federal government, the ASF or civilian officials associated with affiliated militias or the Amhara regional government, and the EDF possessed the intent to destroy Tigrayans as an ethnic group, in whole or in part, as such. With the intent described in this report, there is a reasonable basis to believe that EDF, ASF, and ENDF members carried out at least four acts constituting the crime of genocide: killing Tigrayans, causing serious bodily or mental harm, deliberately inflicting conditions of life upon Tigrayans calculated to bring about their destruction, and imposing measures intended to prevent births among Tigrayans. There is a reasonable basis to believe that at least some statements reportedly made on social media by certain individuals also met the requirements for direct and public incitement to genocide, and were again made with the requisite intent. While it may not necessarily be the case that there was a formal plan for any of this conduct to occur, or that senior officials were necessarily involved in these acts, this does not preclude the possibility that these acts may be attributed to Ethiopia, occasioning its responsibility as a State. Furthermore, even if the genocide took place at a ‘grass roots’ level, and irrespective whether it may be attributed to Ethiopia, there is in any event also a reasonable basis to believe that Ethiopia as a State failed to discharge its responsibility under international law to prevent such acts. This failure contributed to and perpetuated the situation of manifest and serious risk that acts of genocide would occur. Likewise, there is a reasonable basis to believe that Ethiopia has not discharged its responsibility to punish such acts. In any event, and notwithstanding questions of State responsibility, the individuals responsible for the serious acts described above may themselves bear criminal responsibility. Indeed, even if the conduct in question were considered not to meet the requirements of genocide, it is highly likely that it amounts to war crimes and/or crimes against humanity, including offences of particular gravity and breadth. These include persecution and other inhumane acts as crimes against humanity, and the war crime of starvation by depriving civilians of objects indispensable for their survival. Emma Ogao’s report for the ABC gives more contextual details. "These findings, drawn from a critical mass of evidence, underscore our collective legal responsibility as signatory states to the Geneva Conventions and the Genocide Convention to prevent further atrocities in the region," said former U.S. Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Issues David Scheffer, who wrote the report's afterward. Among the evidence laid out in the report is a speech by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's social affairs advisor, Daniel Kibret, which was found to openly advocate genocide against Tigrayans. "We can only erase it," Kibret said in reference to Tigray, in a speech widely criticized as dangerous, including by the U.S. government. The report also cites testimony from a senior envoy to the European Union, Pekka Haavisto, who revealed to the media that he was told Ethiopia was planning to "wipe out the Tigrayans for 100 years" in a closed-door meeting attended by Ahmed, the prime minister. "Victims will carry with them scarring and abuse from a conflict that, despite an apparent cessation of hostilities in 2022, did not result in a stable peace," Ibrahim said. The report also said it found "reasonable basis" that starvation was used as a weapon of warfare by Ethiopia's government, a claim Addis Ababa has denied. The report asks for states to take action against Ethiopia and fulfill their obligations as per the Genocide Convention including instituting a case before the International Court of Justice, asking the International Criminal Court or other investigative authorities to investigate the violence and war crimes and bringing the individuals implicated to justice. You can read the report to know more. UN Failures As bad as the actions and failures of the Ethiopian government are the failures of the United Nations. Tigrayans on twitter have been calling out UN failures in the region for a long time. A few days back, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) released a report detailing these failures, confirming Tigrayans’ suspicions. Addis Standard gives the details of the investigation (5 June 2024). Addis Abeba – UN’s independent, inter-agency evaluation revealed that the collective response to the humanitarian catastrophe that engulfed three northern regions of Ethiopia; Afar, Amhara and Tigray, between November 2020 and April 2023, following the outbreak of the Tigray war , “amount to a system failure.” According to a report titled Inter-Agency Humanitarian Evaluation of the Response to the Crisis in Northern Ethiopia released by the UN OCHA on 03 June 2024, joint strategy and planning was missing among UN agencies, and the collective response “was not underpinned by humanitarian principles.” “People in need in the three regions did not receive the quantities and quality of humanitarian services they were entitled to,” the report grimly stated. Lack of preparation by humanitarian actors to provide a response in a situation of armed conflict, further compounded by an under-estimation of the scale of violence and destruction of essential infrastructure posed significant challenges from the onset of the war in November 2020. “The Scale-Up declaration, made six months into the armed conflict, was not timely. The benchmarks that the Humanitarian Country Team (HCT) developed were not tailored to the context and thus did not move the Scale-Up forward,” the report highlighted. Differing sizes of scale-up efforts in the three regions and the disproportionate focus on food insecurity in comparison with massive protection issues, such as CRSV, further compounded the inadequacy, it added. “The number of people in need of protection was about half the total number of those identified needing food aid. Nonetheless, much of the three northern regions was an active combat zone where protection needs were acute, marked by mass killings, serious and gross human rights violations, violence against civilians and conflict-related sexual violence.” The report said “there was no collective access strategy” to deal with access issues, particularly the government imposed blockade on the Tigray region. This was despite an access agreement signed in November 2020 between the UN Humanitarian Coordinator (HC) and the Federal Government of Ethiopia. The agreement failed to include any references to international humanitarian law, making it “a control mechanism for the government.” Furthermore, “disagreements within the Humanitarian Country Team (HCT) on access and advocacy caused tensions and contributed to the lack of collective strategies more broadly. HCT endorsed documents carried little to no weight, and there was a total lack of accountability,” the report stated. “…the system failed to implement the duty of care towards members of staff, which proved to be a significant issue as humanitarian UN and non-UN agency staff were harassed, arbitrarily arrested, detained and tortured. The UN and the HCT did not speak out about these incidents.” Another major challenge had been lack of independently collected key humanitarian data. The report stated that humanitarian data in Ethiopia can only be published following the Government’s approval, with the vetting process leading to delays and risks of undue interference, and forcing agencies to prefer using unvetted data. Ed Schenkenberg van Meirop, Executive Director of HARE, who headed the investigation writes for the New Humanitarian about the failures (5 June 2024). It must have been sometime earlier this year, in the middle of a seven-month-long editing process, that I was told the word “failure” appeared too many times in the draft evaluation report on the aid response in northern Ethiopia. More than an editing issue, the report was expected to present examples of good humanitarian practice. There is little good news to report, however. I led a team tasked with evaluating the inter-agency humanitarian response to the crisis in the northern Ethiopian regions of Tigray, Afar, and Amhara between November 2020 and April 2023. Our findings, published on 3 June, describe the UN-led collective aid effort as a systemic failure. We detailed the government’s obstruction of aid, a lack of unity among UN agencies, and the international community's failure to respond to large-scale sexual violence. We had unparalleled access to understand what went wrong. In hundreds of interviews with humanitarians, government officials, and war-affected communities, we detailed the government’s obstruction of aid, a lack of unity among UN agencies, and the international community's failure to respond to large-scale sexual violence and the harassment of humanitarian staff. Granted, the Ethiopian federal government was highly effective at blocking aid. In the two-year war, civilians were starved to death, their basic healthcare structures destroyed, telecommunications cut, and the banking system prevented from operating. These circumstances may partly explain a less-than-optimal humanitarian response. Yet, they should also be a reason to try harder. Recognising that inaction risked further tarnishing the UN’s reputation, António Guterres, the UN Secretary-General, called on the chiefs of UN and other humanitarian agencies to mobilise, seven months into the war. But the so-called system-wide scale-up that followed was mostly unsuccessful, our evaluation found. UN agencies were largely divided when it came to engagement with the authorities. There are 28 UN organisations and offices in Addis Ababa, but these representatives failed to agree to protect the civilian population in the three northern regions. Leaked audio recordings of UN meetings illustrate that some of the agency directors in Ethiopia even denied credible reports of large-scale sexual violence in the conflict. The UN claimed to be talking to Aiby Ahmed about blocking aid but none of those discussions led to improvement in the situation. Aid continued to be blocked while Ethiopian security forces harassed, arrested and detained humanitarian workers. Meanwhile, Ethiopian government interference and inept UN leadership led to lack of action on widespread sexual assault and other war crimes. The Failure of the Comity of Nations As for the members of the international community—the countries of the world—they failed too. Instead of applying all economic, diplomatic, and other pressure on the Ethiopian government, they continue to behave as if it was business as usual. Azeem Ibrahim uses the New Lines Institute report to write for National Interest how the international community continues to fail Tigrayans (3 June 2024). Measured by the estimated number of deaths, the Tigray War in Ethiopia could be the deadliest armed conflict of the twenty-first century and one of the bloodiest since the end of the Cold War. From its outbreak in 2020 to the official ceasefire in 2022, the civil conflict claimed the lives of up to 400,000 soldiers and 300,000 civilians. Despite the intense human suffering, this “forgotten” war has not garnered the international attention it desperately needs. There is an unfortunate sense in which the world is too ready to move on after its initial efforts. The International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia dissolved before concluding its work. The United States, despite recognizing more than half a million deaths in the region and that crimes against humanity and war crimes had been committed there has restored financial and economic assistance to the status quo ante bellum. Similarly, the EU has returned to its $680 million development strategy with the nation despite a lack of accountability for the widespread abuses in the region. The consequence has been that international efforts to verify serious breaches of international law have not been followed through or adequately supported. Victims will carry with them scarring and abuse from a conflict that, despite an apparent cessation of hostilities in 2022, did not result in a stable peace. Innocent lives continue to be lost, and many millions continue to face food insecurity resulting from military campaigns. More time must be given not only to investigate and, as needed, provide accountability for the blockade on humanitarian aid that contributed to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans but also to investigate and provide accountability for the widely-reported mass murder, rape, forced displacement, physical abuse, and torture which took place, as well as the targeting of key civilian infrastructure such as the healthcare system. As mentioned in my previous diary on the subject, the African Union too failed to take any action at all against Aiby Ahmed and the Ethiopian government. Worse, they acted to appease Aiby Ahmed. And thus, here we are. Ethiopia and Eritrea continuing with their crimes as Tigrayans suffer. So, if you ever wonder how it happens. How hundreds of thousands of people are subject to murder, famine, torture and sexual assault, to acts amounting to genocide at the hand of militaries, governments and majoritarian people, you have a case study here. Change can happen starting now. If only the countries that have bilateral relationship with Ethiopia as well as the United Nations act on the reports mentioned above. Act to bring the individuals who perpetrated the genocide and the Ethiopian government to justice. Act to ensure that aid flows to Tigrayans unhindered and they are assisted in rebuilding. Act to change domestic and international laws, UN frameworks and rules and regulations to ensure that this does not happen again. Act to ensure refugees are granted asylum. We all can contribute to that by creating awareness and where possible pushing our fellow humans and our representatives. That is it for today, everyone. Until next Wednesday. Have a good week ahead. Stay safe. Be well. May those of us who have any, even limited, power always have the courage to stand up for the underprivileged despite benefits from not speaking up. [END] --- [1] Url: https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2024/6/12/2245888/-Elsewhere-in-Focus-Tigray-Ethiopia-Genocide-and-Failure-of-the-International-Community?pm_campaign=front_page&pm_source=more_community&pm_medium=web Published and (C) by Daily Kos Content appears here under this condition or license: Site content may be used for any purpose without permission unless otherwise specified. via Magical.Fish Gopher News Feeds: gopher://magical.fish/1/feeds/news/dailykos/