5 The quantitative data appear in Gildrie, “Salem, 1626-1668,” 60. It should be noted that patterns of settlement and field systems were two different but related issues, on which regional customs were very mixed. Open fields in particular were introduced as a matter of expediency in the first generation and rapidly abandoned in most towns. In Salem, East Anglians supported open fields and West Countrymen remained apart from them. In Watertown and Sudbury, the opposite was the case—another indication that the “means of production” were secondary to cultural affiliations.
6 The following persistence rates have been found in studies of eight New England towns:
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Crude |
Refined |
Refined |
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Persistence |
Persistence |
Persistence |
Town |
Period |
Rate |
Rate I |
Rate II |
Rowley, Mass. |
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Dedham, Mass. |
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Brookline, Mass. |
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Hingham, Mass. |
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Windsor, Conn. |
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Wenham, Mass. |
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Beverly, Mass. |
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Concord, Mass. |
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A crude persistence rate measures the proportion of one population list which reappears upon another list, without regard to mortality. Refined persistence (Type I) removes from the first list all who are known to have died, and assumes that others not persisting have moved. Refined persistence (Type II) assumes that “unknowns” for whom no evidence of death or migration survives tended to share the same persistence rates as others. Computed from data in Lockridge, “Dedham”; Smith, “Hingham”; Harris, “Concord”; Dreyfuss, “Brookline”; Auwers, “Windsor”; and Douglas Lamar Jones, Village and Seaport: Migration and Society in Eighteenth-Century Massachusetts (Hanover, 1981).