CHAPTER 16

How Acadacao went as ambassador for his King and compassed the death of Sallabatecao.

Acadacao, being despatched by the Ydallcao, accompanied by certain horsemen with some servants took the road to the city of Mudogal where the King was, and the Ydallcao went with him as far as the river. When Acadacao had arrived, being allowed inside the city by command of the King, he remained several days without seeing the King until he was summoned by his order; then he was admitted and spoke with the King, giving him, with the manner of one who in such negotiations is both wise and bold, an excuse for the mistake which the Ydallcao had committed. He knew how to speak to the King so well that he removed all the King's wrath and fury against the Ydallcao, and he told the King that the principal cause why the Ydallcao did not meet him was the conduct of Salebatacao whom he had captured, and that this man had written to the Ydallcao telling him not to do so, and giving for reason that the King desired to slay him. By these and other similar sayings he sought to set the King's mind against Salebatacao, even to the death, and the King, seeing what Acadacao wanted, and believing that a man of such great fame would not be guilty of saying anything that was not perfectly true, angrily commanded that Salebatacao, who was then in Bisnaga, should be beheaded; and this was at once done as soon as the message arrived.

As soon as Acadacao had accomplished this business he thought himself unsafe, and at once asked leave of the King, saying that he wished to go and get the Ydallcao to come to the river, so that when His Highness arrived he might meet him there. But the King told him not to be impatient but to amuse himself there some days, and added that he wished to show him some things, and that he had somewhat about which to speak to him. Acadacao, however, being afraid that his treason would be discovered, did not feel safe, and behaved in such a manner that what he had done concerning Salebatacao was found out; wherefore the King sent to seize him, but when they went to look for him he was already gone. For he fled one night and betook himself to the Ydalcao, telling him that the King had commanded Salebatacao to be put to death, and that he wanted to do the same to him, and so he had escaped; and it seemed to him that he (the Ydalcao) ought not to trust the King, who after all was nothing but a black. After he had spoken in this way he went to Bilgao, where he strengthened his position, and when the Ydallcao sent afterwards to summon him he never obeyed, because he knew that the wickedness that he had done had been found out.

CHAPTER 17

How the King went to the extremity of his territory to meet the Ydalcao, and what he did on not finding him.

The King did not fail to go to the extremity of his territory, and since he did not find the Ydalcao there, nor his mother, as Acadacao had told him, he at once perceived that this was due to trickery on the part of Acadacao, and that he had done it all in order to compass the death of Salebatacao. Full of fury at this he entered the kingdom of Daquem and marched against the city of Culbergura[573] and destroyed it and razed the fortress to the ground, and the same with many other places.

Thence he wanted to press forward, but his councillors did not agree to this, saying that water would fail him by that road and that it did not seem to them that those Moorish lords whom they counted as friends would be otherwise than afraid that the King would take their lands as he had taken those of the others, since they all served one sovereign, and that for this reason these lords would probably make friends with the Ydalcao, and together they would come against the King; and although there was no reason to be afraid of them, yet the King must needs fear the want of water, of which they had none. And the King agreed that this counsel was good.

In this city of Calbergara, in the fortress belonging to it, the King took three sons of the King of Daquem. He made the eldest King of the kingdom of Daquem, his father being dead, though the Ydallcao wanted to make King one of his brothers-in-law, who was a bastard son of the King of Daquem, and had married one of the Ydallcao's sisters; for this reason he had kept these three brothers prisoners in that fortress. He whom he thus made King was received by all the realm as such, and obeyed by all the great lords, and even by the Ydallcao owing to his fear of the King.[574] The other two brothers he took with him, and gave them each one an allowance, to each one every year fifty thousand gold PARDAOS; and he holds them and treats them as princes and great lords, as indeed they are. After the return of the King to Bisnaga, which took place in the same year in which he had left, nothing more passed between him and the Ydalcao worthy of record, relating either to peace or war.


CHAPTER 18

How this King, during his own lifetime, raised to be King his son, being of the age of six years.

After the King had made an end of this, and had obtained so great a victory over his enemies, perceiving that he was already advanced in years, desiring to rest in his old age and wishing his son to become King when he died, he determined to make him King during his lifetime, the boy being six years old and the King not knowing what would happen after his death. Wherefore he abdicated his throne and all his power and name, and gave it all to his son, and himself became his minister, and Salvatinica[575] who had held that office became his counsellor, and he made one of the latter's sons a great lord among them. And so far did King Crisnarao go that after he had given the kingdom to his son, he himself did obeisance to him. With these changes the King made great festivals which lasted eight months, during which time the son of the King fell sick of a disease of which he died.

After his death Crisnarao learned that his son had died by poison given him by the son of Sallvatinica, and in his anger, being certain that this was so, he sent to call Salvatinica and his son and Guandaja, brother of Ssallvatinica, and many other captains relatives of Ssallvatinica, and made them a speech at the time of the salaam, there being present many chiefs and principal persons of the kingdom, and relations of Ssallvatinica; he addressed him thus: -- "I held thee always as my great friend, and now for these forty years thou hast been governor in this kingdom, which thou gavest me; yet I am under no obligation to thee for that, because in doing so thou didst act in a way contrary to thy duty. Thou wert bound, since thy lord the King my brother commanded so, to put out mine eyes; yet thou didst not carry out his will nor obey him, but instead thou didst cheat him and the eyes of a goat were put out, wherefore, since thou didst not fulfil his command, thou wert a traitor, and thy sons with thee for whom I have done so much. Now I have learnt that my son died of poison given to him by thee and thy sons, and for that ye are all here made prisoners." With these words he arose and laid hands on them and seized them, and in doing so called for aid from many Portuguese who were then in the country with horses, asking them to come to his aid; and after he had seized the men, father and sons, they remained three years in prison. And he made minister a son of Codemerade, the same who had killed the son of King Narsymga in the city of Penagundy in the garden by treachery, by command of the King his father, as has already been told in this history.[576]

And soon afterwards Danayque, son of Salvatinica, escaped from prison and betook himself to a mountain range in which dwelt nobody but robbers and highwaymen, and in this there was a fortress where dwelt a captain, his relative, who received him and helped him in all that he could, and from there he made such war on the King Crisnarao that he was driven to send against him much people, and as captain of the army he sent his minister Ajaboissa, who invested the place on all sides and took him therein and brought him prisoner to the King. After he had so come the King commanded him to be brought before him, with Sallvatinica his father and another brother of his who was kept in the prison, and he sent them to the place of executions and there had their eyes put out, for in this country they do not put Brahmans to death but only inflict some punishment so that they remain alive. So he put them in prison again, and there Timadanayque died, and Salvatinica his father remained in the prison with his other son Gamdarja.[577]

CHAPTER 19

How the Ydallcao came against Rachol, and did not dare to await the King, and fled.

At this time the Ydallcao collected his army and formed afresh his forces of cavalry and elephants, and marched upon Rachol which remained under the king of Bisnaga. Hearing this news, Crisnarao, without even telling any one, ordered to saddle a horse, and he rode at full speed in the direction of Rachol where already the Ydallcao was; but as soon as his enemy was aware of the coming of the King he fled. On the road King Crisnarao bought six hundred horses from the Portuguese at the rate of 4 3/4 for 1000 pardaos.[578] And from Rachol he sent a message to the Ydallcao saying that he had already twice broken his oath and his word, and that as he had not fulfilled the promise he had made he would make war on him in such fashion as that by force he should become his vassal, and that he would not let him alone till he had taken from him Billgao.[579]

As the winter had now begun the King could not then go forward, and so he went to Bisnaga to make ready for this war; and he commanded to prepare a large force of artillery, and sent an ambassador to Goa to ask for the help of the Governor. He promised him that after taking Billgao he would give him the mainland; for this city of Billgao is fifteen leagues from Goa, and its captain is lord of the mainland of Goa. Goa is the frontier or boundary of his city of Billgao, and there is one of his captains at a fortress called Pomda which is three leagues from Goa by the mainland, who also receives the revenues and has command over several villages; and in like manner these and others have captains appointed by the Ydalcao, who is lord of the whole land.[580]

While Crisnarao was thus making ready he presently fell sick of the same illness of which all his ancestors had died, with pains in the groin, of which die all the kings of Bisnaga.

Now this King Crisnarao, when he was young and growing up in this city of Bisnaga, had an intrigue with a courtezan for whom he had much affection, and who was called Chinadevidy, and for the great love he bore her he promised many times that if ever he became King he would marry her; and though he said this in jest, it afterwards became true, so the history records. For when raised to the throne and taken away from the things he had done when a young man, he still did not forget the affection he felt for this woman, but used secretly to leave his palace and go to her house. And this was discovered one night by his minister Sallvatinica, who watched him until he had got into the woman's house, and he rebuked him much for it and brought him back to the palace. Then the King told him how well he loved her, and that he had promised to marry this woman and was determined to do so in any case; and the minister, seeing how he was bent on it, gave way to his wish, saying that he would accomplish it in such a way that His Highness would not be blamed for it. In order to do this he sought for him a very beautiful woman of the family of the kings of Narsymga, and after he had married him to her, at the end of the wedding ceremonies, he put this woman and the other in a house, to which he had added a tower very lofty and large, and in which he lodged her. Afterwards the King married many other wives, for these kings hold it as a very honourable thing to have many wives; and this King Crisnarao married four, and yet he loved this one better than any of the others. This King built a city in honour of this woman, for the love he bore her, and called its name Nagallapor and surrounded it with a new wall which is one of the best works that he has in his kingdom, and he made in it a street very long and large with houses all of masonry. In order to people this town he ordered all the chiefs of his kingdom to build themselves palaces therein, and so they did. This town has one principal street, of length four thousand and seven hundred paces[581] and of breadth forty, which is certainly the most beautiful street it is possible to see; and he made and finished this town without stinting any expense on it. It now yields forty-two thousand PARDAOS of duties for things which enter into it, the duties in this land being very great; since nothing comes through the gates that does not pay duty, even men and women, as well as head-loads and all merchandise.

This King also made in his time a lake for water, which lies between two very lofty SERRAS. But since he had no means in the country for making it, nor any one who could do it, he sent to Goa to ask the Governor to send some Portuguese masons, and the Governor sent him Joao della Ponte,[582] a great worker in stone, to whom the King told how he wanted the tank built. Though it seemed to this man (MESTRE, modern MAISTRY) impossible to be made, nevertheless he told the King he would do it and asked him to have lime prepared, at which the King laughed much, for in his country when they build a house they do not understand how to use lime. The King commanded to throw down quantities of stone and cast down many great rocks into the valley, but everything fell to pieces, so that all the work done in the day was destroyed each night, and the King, amazed at this, sent to call his wise men and sorcerers and asked them what they thought of this thing. They told him that his idols were not pleased with this work, it being so great and he giving them nothing, and that unless he spilled there the blood of men or women or buffaloes that work would never be finished. So the King sent to bring hither all the men who were his prisoners, and who deserved death, and ordered them there to be beheaded; and with this the work advanced. He made a bank across the middle of the valley so lofty and wide that it was a crossbow-shot in breadth and length, and had large openings;[583] and below it he put pipes by which the water escaped, and when they wish so to do they close these. By means of this water they made many improvements in the city, and many channels by which they irrigated rice-fields and gardens, and in order that they might improve their lands he gave the people the lands which are irrigated by this water free for nine years,[584] until they had made their improvements, so that the revenue already amounts to 20,000 PARDAOS.

Above this tank is a very large ridge all enclosed, and in the middle some very strong gates with two towers, one on one side and one on the other; and within are always posted 1000 men on guard. For through this gate all things must enter that come into the two cities, since in order to enter the city of Bisnaga there is no other road but this, all other roads meeting there. This gate is rented out for 12,000 PARDAOS each year, and no man can enter it without paying just what the renters ask, country folk as well as strangers. In both these cities there is no provision or merchandise whatever,[585] for all comes from outside on pack-oxen, since in this country they always use beasts for burdens;[586] and every day there enter by these gates 2000 oxen, and every one of these pays three VINTEES,[587] except certain polled oxen without horns, which never pay anything in any part of the realm.

Outside these two cities are fields and places richly cultivated with wheat and gram and rice and millet, for this last is the grain which is most consumed in the land; and next to it betel (BETRE), which is a thing that in the greater part of the country they always eat and carry in the mouth.

CHAPTER 20

How on the death of Crisnarao his brother Achetarao was raised to be king.

Before[588] the death of King Crisnarao from his disease as has been before recounted, being sick and already despairing of his life, he made a will, saying that of his three brothers whom, at the time when they raised him to be King, he had sent to be confined in the fortress of Chamdegary[589] with his nephew, son of the King Busbalrao,[590] they should make King his brother Achetarao[591] who now reigns; for the latter seemed to him to be better fitted for that than any of the others, for the reason that he himself had no son of fit age for the throne, but only one of the age of eighteen months. After his death Salvanay became minister of the kingdom, and governed it till the coming of King Achitarao from the fortress of Chamdegary where he was detained. And he further left in his will that he should take Billgao,[592] and should make war on the Ydallcao.

Which King Chytarao, after he ascended the throne, gave himself over to vice and tyranny. He is a man of very little honesty, and on account of this the people and the captains are much discontented with his evil life and inclinations; for he has never done anything except those things that are desired by his two brothers-in-law,[593] who are men very evilly disposed and great Jews. By reason of this the Ydalcao, learning of how little weight he was, determined to make war on him, believing that he would easily succeed since the King was not inclined to war; so he made his forces ready, and began to invade the King's territory, and arrived within a league of the city of Bisnaga. Chetarao was in the city with such great forces and power that he could easily have captured him if his heart had allowed him to take action, since the Ydallcao had with him only 12,000 foot and 30,000 horse; yet with this small force the Ydallcao entered Nagallapor a league from Bisnaga and razed it to the ground. The King never tried to go out against him, nor had he the stomach for a fight, and there were only small skirmishes by some captains, good horsemen. These spoke to the King, asking that His Highness would give them leave to attack, and saying that his own presence was unnecessary for so slight an affair; but the King was terrified, and by the advice of his brothers-in-law (of which they gave not a little) decided to send and make peace with the Ydallcao. The Ydallcao was very glad and made a peace with him which was to last for a hundred years, on condition that the King should give him ten LAKHS of gold PARDAOS, each LAKH being 100,000 PARDAOS, and further should yield up to him the city of Rachol which the King Crisnarao had taken from him, and which had a revenue with its lands of 150,000 PARDAOS, as well as jewels which could easily be valued at a LAKH. The King accepted these terms, and the Ydallcao departed well pleased with this money; and after all was done the King sent to him a diamond stone weighing 130 MANGELLINIS,[594] with fifteen other similar ones worth fully a LAKH. This money he soon afterwards recovered and put in his treasury, exacting payments from his captains and people so ruthlessly that they say that in six months he had recovered and put the whole in his treasury.

Wherefore the captains and troops, both because he made this peace and because he exacted this sum of money contrary to the wishes of them all, have lived greatly discontented, and have held that if this kingdom should ever be brought to destruction, it must take place in the lifetime of King Chitarao; for he had destroyed the principal people of his kingdom and killed their sons and taken their goods, all owing to the bad counsel of his brothers-in-law, by whom he was dominated.

I will tell you of one who was called Crisnaranarque whom he seized one night, and who, before he surrendered himself, killed all his wives, in number two hundred, and then killed himself with poison in presence of the King. This was because the King wanted to kill his son in his presence. By sale of the captain's arms, namely daggers, swords, spears, battle-axes and other things, which were all ornamented with gold and silver, the King realised more than 3000 PARDAOS. In this way the kingdom has been deprived of its principal men and of those who sustain it, wherefore the Ydalcao holds it in so little esteem that he puts upon it every day a thousand affronts and requisitions. Of this King there is nothing more so far to recount, save that he is a man that they hold to be of little force of character, and very negligent of the things which most concern the welfare of his kingdom and State.

CHAPTER 21

Of the manner of attendance on these kings, which is as follows.

[What follows concerns the reign of Achyuta Raya.]

All the service of this house, with the things which they make use of, is of silver and gold, that is to say basins and bowls, stools, ewers, and other vessels of that sort. The bedsteads[595] in which his wives sleep are covered and adorned with silver plates. Every wife has her bed in which she sleeps, and that of the King is plated and lined and has all its legs of gold, its mattress of silk, and its round bolster worked round the ends with large seed pearls. It has four pillows of the same pattern for the feet, and has no other sheet than a silk cloth on top. He always carries with him a mosquito curtain with a frame of silver,[596] and he has a house made of pieces of iron in which is contained a very large bed, which is intended for such time as he takes the field.

He has five hundred wives and as many less or more as he wants, with whom he sleeps; and all of these burn themselves at his death. When he journeys to any place he takes twenty-five or thirty of his most favourite wives, who go with him, each one in her palanqueen with poles. The palanqueen of the principal wife is an covered with scarlet cloth tasselled with large and heavy work in seed-pearls and pearls, and the pole itself is ornamented with gold. The palanqueens of the other wives are ornamented only with silver, but another palanqueen, which is for his own person, always goes on the right side, and is in the same way decorated with gold. For a son or a daughter, if such an one goes with him, he takes another bedstead of ivory inlaid with gold; and when he takes the field, wherever he pitches his camp there they make for him houses of stone and clay, for he does not stay in a tent, and he always has these decorated with cloths.[597]

In his palace within the gates he is served by women and eunuchs and servants numbering fully five or six hundred; and these wives of the King all have their own officials for their service, each for herself, just as the King has within the gates, but these are all women. The palaces of the King are large and with large rooms; they have cloisters like monasteries, with cells, and in each one is one of his wives, and with each of these ladies is her maid-servant; and when the King retires to rest he passes through these cloisters, and his wives stand at the doors and call him in; but these are not the principal wives, they are the daughters of captains and nobles of the country. Inside the gates of the palace they say that there are over two hundred milch-cows, from the milk of which they make butter for these ladies to eat.

The King has no expense in connection with his food, because the nobles send it to him every day to his house, namely rice and wheat and meat and fowls with all other necessary things. In the kitchen there are some two hundred inferior guards, and four over it, and two chief officers of the guard; and those who are now captains of the guard of this king are called, one Pedanayque and the other Ajanaique, they are also captains of soldiers; these porters do not go further inside than through four or five doors, because inside of these are none but eunuchs and women.

When the King rides out there go with him usually two hundred horsemen of his guard whom he pays, and a hundred elephants, and this in addition to the captains, forty or fifty in number, who are always in attendance with their soldiers. He takes with him two thousand men with shields, all men of good position, ranged in order on the flanks, and in front goes the chief ALCAID with about thirty horsemen having canes in their hands like porters; the chief ALCAID bears a different wand; he who is now the chief ALCAID of this King is called Chinapanaique. Behind with the rearguard goes the Master of the Horse with two hundred horsemen, and behind the cavalry go a hundred elephants, and on their backs ride men of high estate. He has in front of him twelve destriers, saddled, and in front of these horses go five elephants, specially for the King's person, and in front of these elephants go about five-and-twenty horsemen with banners in their hands, and with drums and trumpets and other music playing so loudly that you can hear nothing. Before these goes a great drum carried by men at the sides, and they go now and then striking it; the sound of this is heard a long distance off; and this drum they call PICHA. After the King has mounted he counts the two hundred horsemen and the hundred elephants and the shield-bearers of the guard, and whoever is missing is severely punished and his property confiscated.

CHAPTER 22

Of the manner in which obeisance is done to the King, &c.

The manner of the salaam which the nobles make to the King every day is this: -- In the morning the nobles go to the palace at ten or eleven o'clock, at which hour the King comes out from within where his wives are, and after he has taken his seat they open to the nobles, and each one comes by himself and bows his head and raises his hands. This is what they call the "salaam" (SALEMA). With the king are about ten or twelve men who have the duty, on the entrance of each captain, of saying to the King: "See, your Highness, your captain so-and-so, who makes salaam to you."

The Kings of Bisnaga have always liked, for show, to have many horses in their stables, and they always had eight or nine hundred horses and four or five hundred elephants, on account of which, and on account of the people that looked after them, they were put to great expense; and this King that now is (Achyuta Raya) has in his stable seven hundred and odd horses and four hundred elephants. He spends on account of them and for their attendants, to whom he gives food, two thousand gold PARDAOS per day. And of horsemen whom the King pays he has six thousand, and all of them are on the stables establishment (?) (COMEM DA ESTREBARYA); and those who serve them are paid each year, some a thousand PARDAOS, some five hundred, some three hundred, and those who have less pay receive not less than a hundred. Of these six thousand, two hundred are obliged to ride with the King.

The kings of this country are able to assemble as many soldiers as they want, as they have them there in their kingdom and have much wealth wherewith to pay them. This King Chitarao has foot-soldiers paid by his nobles, and they are obliged to maintain six[598] LAKHS of soldiers, that is six hundred thousand men, and twenty-four thousand horse, which the same nobles are obliged to have. These nobles are like renters who hold all the land from the King, and besides keeping all these people they have to pay their cost; they also pay to him every year sixty LAKHS of rents as royal dues. The lands, they say, yield a hundred and twenty LAKHS of which they must pay sixty to the King, and the rest they retain for the pay of the soldiers and the expenses of the elephants which they are obliged to maintain. For this reason the common people suffer much hardship, those who hold the lands being so tyrannical. Of these sixty LAKHS that the king has of revenue every year he does not enjoy a larger sum than twenty-five LAKHS, for the rest is spent on his horses, and elephants, and foot-soldiers, and cavalry, whose cost he defrays.

During his feasts and the almsgiving to his temples all these captains, who are thus like renters, must always attend the court, and of those whom this King always has about him and by whom he is accompanied in his court there are more than two hundred. These are obliged always to be present with the King, and must always maintain the full number of soldiers according to their obligations, for if he finds that they have a less number they are severely punished and their estates confiscated. These nobles are never suffered to settle themselves in cities or towns because they would there be beyond reach of his hand; they only go thither sometimes. But a concession is granted to the kings that are subject to him, namely they do not go to court unless they are summoned, and from their own cities they send to him their rents or tributes; yet the King of Bengapor is obliged to be always in camp, and he goes to court twice in the year.

The kings who are subject are these, besides this King of Bengapor, namely the King of Gasopa and the King of Bacanor and the King of Calecu and he of Batecala,[599] and these when they come to the Court of Bisnaga are not held in higher esteem than any other captains, either by the King or by the other nobles.

The captains and lords of this kingdom of Bisnaga, as well those who are at Court as those who are away from it, have each one his secretary who goes to the palace in order to write to him and let him know what the King is doing; and they manage so that nothing takes place of which they do not soon know, and day and night they are always in the palace. And the King also, when he leaves the palace, takes with him on his own account secretaries, who write what the King says, and the favours he bestows, and with whom he spoke, and upon what subject, and what his determination was; and to these men is given a credit equal to that of the Evangelists, because they say that whenever the King speaks there must be something worthy to be recorded, and also that such a record is necessary for their remembrance. Thus no written orders are ever issued, nor any charters granted, for the favours he bestows or the commands he gives; but when he confers a favour on any one it remains written in the registers of these secretaries. The King however gives to the recipient of the favour a seal impressed in wax from one of his rings, which his minister keeps, and these seals serve for letters patent.

These Kings of Bisnaga eat all sorts of things, but not the flesh of oxen or cows, which they never kill in all the country of the heathen because they worship them. They eat mutton, pork, venison, partridges, hares, doves, quail, and all kinds of birds; even sparrows, and rats, and cats, and lizards, all of which are sold in the market of the city of Bisnaga.

Everything has to be sold alive so that each one may know what he buys -- this[600] at least so far as concerns game -- and there are fish from the rivers in large quantities. The markets are always overflowing with abundance of fruits, grapes, oranges, limes, pomegranates, jack-fruit, and mangoes, and all very cheap. It is said that in the markets they give twelve live sheep for a PARDAO, and in the hills they give fourteen or fifteen for A PARDAO. The King drinks water which they bring from a spring, which is kept enclosed under the hand of a man in whom the King has great confidence; and the vessels in which they draw the water come covered and sealed. Thus they deliver it to the women who wait on him, and they take it inside to the other women, the King's wives.

The greatest mark of honour that this King of Bisnaga confers on a noble consists of two fans ornamented with gold and precious stones, made of the white tails of certain cows;[601] he gives them bracelets also. Everything which the noble receives is placed on the ground. The King confers very high honour, too, if he permits a certain one to kiss his feet, for he never gives his hands to be kissed by any one. When he wishes to please his captains, or persons from whom he has received or wishes to receive good service, he gives them scarves of honour[602] for their personal use, which is a great honour; and this he does each year to the captains at the time that they pay him their land-rents. This takes place in the month of September[603] when for nine days they make great feasts. Some say that they do this in honour of the nine months during which Our Lady bore her Son in the womb; others say that it is only done because at this time the captains come to pay their rents to the King. Which feasts are conducted in the following manner.

The first day they put nine castles in a piece of ground which is in front of the palace, which castles are made by the nine principal captains in the kingdom. They are very lofty and are hung with rich cloths, and in them are many dancing-girls and also many kinds of contrivances. Besides these nine every captain is obliged to make each one his castle, and they come to show these to the King. Each one has his separate device, and they all come like this during the nine days of the feast. The officers of the city are bound to come with their devices each day at night, just as in our festivals, and in these nine days they slaughter animals and make sacrifice. The first day they kill nine male buffaloes and nine sheep and nine goats, and thenceforward they kill each day more, always doubling the number; and when they have finished slaying these beasts, there come nine horses and nine elephants of the King and these come before the king covered with flowers -- roses -- and with rich trappings. Before them goes the chief Master of the Horse with many attendants, and they make salaam to the King. And when these have finished making their salaam there come from within priests, and they bring rice and other cooked edibles, and water, and fire, and many kinds of scents, and they offer prayers and throw the water over the horses and elephants, just (as our priests do with) holy water; and they put chaplets of roses on them. This is done in the presence of the King, who remains seated on a throne of gold and precious stones; he never sits on this except only this once in the year. And this King that now reigns does not sit on it, for they say that whoever sits on it must be a very truthful man, one who speaks the whole truth, and this King never does so. Whilst this is going on there pass by the King fully a thousand women, dancing and posturing before him. After all the devices that have been prepared have been witnessed all the horses of the King pass by, covered with their silken trappings,[604] and with much adornment of gold and precious stones on their heads, and then all the elephants and yokes of oxen[605] in the middle of the arena[606] in front of the palace. After these have been seen there come thirty-six of the most beautiful of the King's wives covered with gold and pearls, and much work of seed-pearls, and in the hands of each a vessel of gold with a lamp of oil burning in it; and with these women come all the female servants and the other wives of the King, with canes in their hands tipped with gold and with torches burning; and these then retire inside with the King. These women are so richly bedecked with gold and precious stones that they are hardly able to move.

In this way during these nine days they are compelled to search for all things which will give pleasure to the King.

The King has a thousand wrestlers for these feasts who wrestle before the King, but not in our manner, for they strike and wound each other with two circlets with points[607] which they carry in their hands to strike with, and the one most wounded goes and takes his reward in the shape of a silk cloth,[608] such as the King gives to these wrestlers. They have a captain over them, and they do not perform any other service in the kingdom.

And after these nine days are finished the Rao[609] rides out and goes to hold a review of the troops of his captains, and he goes a length of two leagues between the armed men. At the end he dismounts and takes a bow in his hand and shoots three arrows, namely one for the Ydallcao, and another for the King of Cotamuloco,[610] and yet another for the Portuguese; it was his custom to make war on the kingdom lying in the direction where the arrow reached furthest. After this is done the King returns home, and on that day he fasts and with him all the people of the land; and on the next day he goes to the river to bathe with all his people. Within these nine days the King is paid all the rents that he receives from his kingdom; for, as already said, all the land belongs to the King, and from his hand the captains hold it. They make it over to the husbandmen who pay nine-tenths to their lord; and they have no land of their own, for the kingdom belongs entirely to the King;[611] only the captains are put to charges on account of the troops for whom the King makes them responsible, and whom they are obliged to provide in the way of service. Every Saturday the dancing-girls are obliged to go to the palace to dance and posture before the King's idol, which is in the interior of his palace. The people of this country always fast on Saturdays and do not eat all day nor even at night, nor do they drink water, only they may chew a few cloves to sweeten the breath. The King always gives large sums in charity; in the palace there are always two or three thousand Brahmans who are his priests, and to whom the King commands to give alms. These Brahman priests are very despicable men; they always have much money, and are so insolent that even by using blows the guards of the door cannot hold them in check.

The captains and principal people use[612] at night torches of oil, from four to twelve torches (according to rank), those of highest rank having twelve at most. The King, however, must have a hundred or a hundred and fifty torches. There is much wax in the country, but they do not know how to work it. Every merchant who brings merchandise in horses and other things which he may have brought to sell to the King, if he desires an audience, has to offer him a present of a piece of goods or a horse of the best that he has brought, in order that he may obtain an audience and transact his business. And this not only to the King. You must perforce pay bribes to all the several officers with whom you have to deal. They will do nothing without some profit to themselves

When any one suffers wrong and wishes to represent his case to the King he shows how great is his suffering by lying flat on his face on the ground till they ask him what it is he wants. If, perchance, he wishes to speak to the King while he is riding, he takes the shaft of a spear and ties a branch to it and thus goes along calling out. Then they make room for him, and he makes his complaint to the King; and it is there and then settled without more ado, and the King orders a captain, one of those who go with him, to do at once what the supplicant asks. If he complains that he was robbed in such and such a province and in such and such a road, the King sends immediately for the captain of that province, even though he be at court, and the captain may be seized and his property taken if he does not catch the thief. In the same way the chief bailiff[613] is obliged to give an account of the robberies in the capital, and in consequence very few thefts take place; and even if some are committed, you give some little present and a description of the man who stole from you, and they will soon know by the agency of the wizards whether the thief be in the city or not; for there are very powerful wizards in this country. Thus there are very few thieves in the land.

This King has continually fifty thousand paid soldiers, amongst whom are six thousand horsemen who belong to the palace guard, to which six thousand belong the two hundred who are obliged to ride with him. He has also twenty thousand spearmen and shield-bearers, and three thousand men to look after the elephants in the stables; he has sixteen hundred grooms[614] who attend to the horses, and has also three hundred horse trainers[615] and two thousand artificers, namely blacksmiths, masons, and carpenters, and washermen who wash clothes. These are the people he has and pays every day; he gives them their allowance at the gate of the palace. To the six thousand horsemen the King gives horses free and gives provision for them every month, and all these horses are marked with the King's mark; when they die they are obliged to take the piece of skin containing the mark to Madanarque, the chief master of the horse, so that he may give them another, and these horses which he gives are mostly country-breds which the King buys, twelve or fifteen for a thousand PARDAOS.[616] The King every year buys thirteen thousand horses of Ormuz, and country-breds, of which he chooses the best for his own stables, and he gives the rest to his captains, and gains much money by them; because after taking out the good Persian horses, he sells those which are country-bred, and gives five for a thousand PARDAOS, and they are obliged to pay him the money for them within the month of September; and with the money so obtained he pays for the Arabs that he buys of the Portuguese, in such a way that his captains pay the cost of the whole without anything going out of the Treasury.

This King has also within his gates more than four thousand women, all of whom live in the palace; some are dancing-girls, and others are bearers[617] who carry the King's wives on their shoulders, and the King also in the interior of the palace, for the king's houses are large and there are great intervals between one house and another. He has also women who wrestle, and others who are astrologers and soothsayers; and he has women who write all the accounts of expenses that are incurred inside the gates, and others whose duty it is to write all the affairs of the kingdom and compare their books with those of the writers outside; he has women also for music, who play instruments and sing. Even the wives of the King are well versed in music.

The King has other women besides. He has ten cooks for his personal service, and has others kept for times when he gives banquets; and these ten prepare the food for no one save for the King alone. He has a eunuch for guard at the gate of the kitchen, who never allows any one to enter for fear of poison. When the King wishes to eat, every person withdraws, and then come some of the women whose duty it is and they prepare the table for him; they place for him a three-footed stool, round, made of gold, and on it put the messes. These are brought in large vessels of gold, and the smaller messes in basins of gold, some of which are adorned with precious stones. There is no cloth on the table, but one is brought when the King has finished eating, and he washes his hands and mouth. Women and eunuchs serve him at table. The wives of the King remain each in her own chamber and are waited on by maid-servants. It is said that he has judges, as well as bailiffs and watchmen who every night guard the palace, and all these are women.

The King never puts on any garment more than once, and when he takes it off he at once delivers it to certain officers who have charge of this duty, and they render an account; and these garments are never given to any one. This is considered to show great state. His clothes are silk cloths (PACHOIIS)[618] of very fine material and worked with gold, which are worth each one ten PARDAOS; and they wear at times BAJURIS of the same sort, which are like shirts with a skirt; and on the head they wear caps of brocade which they call CULAES,[619] and one of these is worth some twenty cruzados. When he lifts it from his head he never again puts it on.

The punishments that they inflict in this kingdom are these: for a thief, whatever theft he commits, howsoever little it be, they forthwith cut off a foot and a hand, and if his theft be a great one he is hanged with a hook under his chin. If a man outrages a respectable woman or a virgin he has the same punishment, and if he does any other such violence his punishment is of a like kind. Nobles who become traitors are sent to be impaled alive on a wooden stake thrust through the belly, and people of the lower orders, for whatever crime they commit, he forthwith commands to cut off their heads in the market-place, and the same for a murder unless the death was the result of a duel. For great honour is done to those who fight in a duel, and they give the estate of the dead man to the survivor; but no one fights a duel without first asking leave of the minister, who forthwith grants it. These are the common kinds of punishments, but they have others more fanciful; for when the King so desires, he commands a man to be thrown to the elephants, and they tear him in pieces. The people are so subject to him that if you told a man on the part of the King that he must stand still in a street holding a stone on his back all day till you released him, he would do it.

The officers of the King who go about the kingdom are these: -- First the minister (REGEDOR) of the kingdom, who is the second person in it, then the treasurer, with the scribes of the King's own lands,[620] the chief treasurer, and the commander of the palace guards (O PORTEIRO MOOR), the treasurer of the jewels, the chief master of the horse. The King has no controller of the revenues nor other officers, nor officers of his house, but only the captains of his kingdom; of whom I will here mention some, and the revenues they hold, and of what territory they are lords,

Firstly Salvanayque, the present minister; he has a revenue of a million and a hundred thousand gold PARDAOS. He is lord of Charamaodel and of Nagapatao, and Tamgor, and Bomgarin, and Dapatao, and Truguel, and Caullim, and all these are cities; their territories are all very large, and they border on Ceylon.[621] Of this money he is obliged to give a third to the King, and two-thirds remain for him for the expenses of his LASCARIS and horses, which he is obliged to maintain for the King, viz.: thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse and thirty elephants; so that he only gets the balance after deducting the expenses of this force. But in this way he acquires much wealth because he never maintains the whole force. And the King, whenever he wishes, takes away property of these nobles.

Another captain, Ajaparcatimapa,[622] who was minister of Crisnarao, has a revenue of eight hundred thousand PARDAOS of gold, and is lord of the city of Hudogary,[623] and of the city of Condovim,[624] and of the city of Penagundim,[625] and of Codegaral[626] of Cidaota.[627] All these large cities border on the kingdom of Oria, and some of them with Cape Comorin (CABO DE COMARY). These lands Crisnarao gave him when he made him minister and put out the eyes of Salvatinica, his minister, who was captain of them. He is obliged to serve with twenty-five thousand[628] foot, fifteen hundred horse, and forty elephants, and pays each year to the King three hundred thousand PARDAOS.

Another captain, who is called Gapanayque, is lord of these lands, namely of Rosyl,[629] and of Tipar, and of Ticalo, and of Bigolom.[630] These lands march with the territory of the Ydallcao, and in all these there is much wheat and grains and cattle and goats and gingely and cotton; and very fine cloth made of the last, for all the cloth that is manufactured is made of it. He has a revenue from these territories of six hundred thousand PARDAOS, and is obliged to furnish two thousand five hundred horse, and twenty thousand foot, and twenty elephants, and he pays every year to the King a hundred and fifty thousand PARDAOS.

Another captain called Lepapayque, who is lord of Vimgapor,[631] a land very rich in seed-plots and cattle-breeding farms, has a revenue of three hundred thousand PARDAOS; and is obliged to furnish twelve hundred horse and twenty thousand foot and twenty-eight elephants, and he pays to the King every year eighty thousand PARDAOS.

The treasurer of the jewels, who is called Narvara is captain of the new city which is called Ondegema,[632] and is lord of the city of Diguoty and of Darguem and of Entarem,[633] and of the other lands bordering on the lands of Bisnaga; they are all fields. They yield him every year four hundred thousand PARDAOS, of which he gives the King two hundred thousand, and the rest he spends on twelve thousand foot and six hundred horse and twenty elephants.

Another captain called Chinapanayque, the King's marshal, is lord of the land of Calaly[634] in the direction of Cochim in the interior, and of many other lands that yield him three hundred thousand PARDAOS; and he is obliged to pay the King every year one hundred thousand PARDAOS, and serves with eight hundred horse and ten thousand foot (PRACOS).

Crisnapanayque is lord of Aosel,[635] which is a large city, and of other villages that I do not here mention as they have very difficult names. These lands yield him every year twenty thousand PARDAOS of gold, and he pays an annual revenue to the King of seven thousand PARDAOS, and serves with five hundred horse and seven hundred foot (PRACOS).

Also Bajapanarque, who is captain of the country of Bodial,[636] which borders on Mamgalor[637] by the sea-coast. He is lord too of Guiana.[638] In this country there is much pepper and sugar-cane and cloth (of flax)[639] and much rice; but there is no wheat, nor other cloth, and it is a land of wax. It yields him three hundred thousand PARDAOS a year, and he serves with eight hundred horsemen and ten thousand foot and fifteen elephants. He pays the King ten thousand PARDAOS.

Mallpanarque, who was chief master of the horse to King Crisnarao, is lord of the country of Avaly,[640] which is in the interior of Calecu.[641] This land has much iron and much cotton, rice, goats, sheep, cows and buffaloes. He has a revenue of fifteen thousand PARDAOS, and is obliged to serve with four hundred horse and six thousand foot, and pays the King every year five thousand PARDAOS.

Another captain, called Adapanayque, who is the chief counsellor of the King, is lord of the country of Gate,[642] whence come the diamonds, and of many other territories which yield him three hundred thousand gold PARDAOS, excluding the precious stones which form a revenue by themselves. He pays to the King every year forty thousand PARDAOS, with the condition that all diamonds which exceed twenty MANGELINS[643] in weight shall be given to the King for his Treasury. He serves with eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse and thirty elephants, and pays the King every year one hundred thousand PARDAOS.

Another Bajapanayque is captain of Mumdoguel,[644] which was a fortress of the Ydalcao, and was taken from him by Crisnarao when he took Rachol,[645] which was a boundary of it. This fortress of Mumdoguel with other territories yields him four hundred thousand PARDAOS, and he serves with a thousand cavalry and ten thousand foot and fifty elephants, and pays the King every year one hundred and fifty thousand PARDAOS.

In this way the kingdom of Bisnaga is divided between more than two hundred captains who are all heathen,[646] and according to the lands and revenues that they have so the King settles for them the forces that they are compelled to keep up, and how much revenue they have to pay him every month during the first nine days of the month of September. He never gives any receipts to them, only, if they do not pay they are well punished, and are ruined and their property taken away. All the captains of this kingdom make use of litters and palanqueens. These are like biers and men carry them on their shoulders, but people are not allowed to make use of litters unless they are cavaliers of the highest rank, and the captains and principal persons use palanqueens. There are always at the court where the King is twenty thousand litters and palanqueens.

These matters concerning (I.E. the power and greatness of) the kingdom of Bisnaga, though it may seem to you that I have exaggerated, yet the people of this country assert them to have been even more notable[647] in times past, and greater than they now are.

And in this kingdom of Bisnaga there is a class of men, natives of the country, namely Brahmans, who the most part of them never kill or eat any live thing, and these are the best that there are amongst them. They are honest men, given to merchandise, very acute and of much talent, very good at accounts, lean men and well-formed, but little fit for hard work. By these and by the duties they undertake the kingdom is carried on. They believe that there are Three Persons and only One God, and they call the Persons of the Most Holy Trinity "TRICEBEMCA." There is another class who are Canarese who have pagodas in which are (images of?) monkeys, and cows, and buffaloes, and devils, to whom they pay much honour, and these idols and monkeys which they adore they say that in former times this land belonged all to the monkeys, and that in those days they could speak. They have books full of fine stories of chivalry, and many foolish tales about their idols, such as it is out of reason for men to believe. But because of this, neither in the kingdom of Bisnaga nor in all the land of the heathen are any monkeys killed, and there are so many in this country that they cover the mountains. There is another class of men called Telumgalle;[648] when these die their wives are buried alive with them.

The King of Bisnaga is a Brahman;[649] every day he hears the preaching of a learned Brahman, who never married nor ever touched a woman. He urges in his preaching (obedience to) the commandments of God, that is to say, that one must not kill any living thing, nor take anything belonging to another, and as with these so with the rest of the commandments. These people have such devotion to cows that they kiss them every day, some they say even on the rump -- a thing I do not assert for their honour -- and with the droppings of these cows they absolve themselves from their sins as if with holy water. They have for a commandment to confess their sins to the Brahman priests, but they do not do it, except only those who are very religious (AMIGUOS DE DIOS). They give in excuse that they feel a shame to confess themselves to another man, and say that it is sufficient to confess themselves alone after approaching God, for he who does not do so does not acquire grace; thus they fulfil the command in one way or another. But they do it so seldom (in reality) that they (may be said to) neglect this command to confess.

This kingdom of Bisnaga is all heathen. The women have the custom of burning themselves when their husbands die, and hold it an honour to do so. When therefore their husbands die they mourn with their relations and those of their husbands, but they hold that the wife who weeps beyond measure has no desire to go in search of her husband; and the mourning finished their relations speak to them, advising them to burn themselves and not to dishonour their generation. After that, it is said, they place the dead man on a bed with a canopy of branches and covered with flowers, and they put the woman on the back of a worthless horse, and she goes after them with many jewels on her, and covered with roses; she carries a mirror in her hand and in the other a branch of flowers, and (she goes accompanied by) many kinds of music, and his relations (go with her) with much pleasure. A man goes also playing on a small drum, and he sings songs to her telling her that she is going to join her husband, and she answers also in singing that so she will do. As soon as she arrives at the place where they are always burned she waits with the musicians till her husband is burned, whose body they place in a very large pit that has been made ready for it, covered with much firewood. Before they light the fire his mother or his nearest relative takes a vessel of water on the head and a firebrand in the hand, and goes three times round the pit, and at each round makes a hole in the pot; and when these three rounds are done breaks the pot, which is small, and throws the torch into the pit. Then they apply the fire, and when the body is burned comes the wife with all the feasters and washes her feet, and then a Brahman performs over her certain ceremonies according to their law; and when he has finished doing this, she draws off with her own hand all the jewels that she wears, and divides them among her female relatives, and if she has sons she commends them to her most honoured relatives. When they have taken off all she has on, even her good clothes, they put on her some common yellow cloths, and her relatives take her hand and she takes a branch in the other, and goes singing and running to the pit where the fire is, and then mounts on some steps which are made high up by the pit. Before they do this they go three times round the fire, and then she mounts the steps and holds in front of her a mat that prevents her from seeing the fire. They throw into the fire a cloth containing rice, and another in which they carry betel leaves, and her comb and mirror with which she adorned herself, saying that all these are needed to adorn herself by her husband's side. Finally she takes leave of all, and puts a pot of oil on her head, and casts herself into the fire with such courage that it is a thing of wonder; and as soon as she throws herself in, the relatives are ready with firewood and quickly cover her with it, and after this is done they all raise loud lamentations. When a captain dies, however many wives he has they all burn themselves, and when the King dies they do the same. This is the custom throughout all the country of the heathen, except with that caste of people called Telugas, amongst whom the wives are buried alive with their husbands when they die. These go with much pleasure to the pit, inside of which are made two seats of earth, one for him and one for her, and they place each one on his own seat and cover them in little by little till they are covered up; and so the wife dies with the husband.

CHAPTER 23

Of the ceremonies practised at the death of Brahmans.

When a Brahman is sick, before he dies, they send to call the learned Brahmans who are his priests, so that they should come to pray, and console the sick man; and they talk to him of the affairs of his soul, and what he must do to save it, bidding him spend money in alms. After this ceremony is over they make the Brahman priests shave the sick man's head, and after the shaving they bid them wash it, and after the washing it is their custom to bring into their houses a cow with a calf, -- there are very few Brahmans, however poor they be, who do not have one to live in their house, -- which cow, when they have finished washing the man's head, they take a turban and tie it to its neck and put the end of the turban into the hand of the sick man, and he gives it and the calf in alms for his soul to those priests who perform these ceremonies. On that day he gives alms according to his position, and gives to eat to some Brahmans who are invited and who come there for the purpose. They believe that when these ceremonies are made for the sick man, if he is to live he is soon cured of his infirmity, and if not that he soon dies.

After the death of the sick man they have the ground washed upon which he lay, and after the washing they take cow-dung and spread it over the ground, and place the body on the top of this dung. They hold that a sick man who dies on a cot, or on anything so-ever except only on the ground, commits a mortal sin. As soon as the body is laid on the ground they make for it a bier covered with boughs of the fig-tree, and before they place the body on the bier they wash it well with pure water, and anoint it with sandal-wood (oil); and they place by the body branches of sweet basil and cover it with a new cloth, and so place it in the bier. Then one of his relatives takes the bier on one side, and they call three other Brahmans whosoever they may be to aid them to lift it; and so they carry it to the place where they are to burn it, accompanied by many Brahmans who go singing in front of the corpse. In front of all goes his son, if he has one, or next younger brother or nearest relative, with fire in the hand for the burning. As soon as they arrive at the place where they have to burn the body, they scatter money according to their ability, and then put the fire to it; and they wait there till the whole body is consumed, and then all go and wash their bodies in a tank and afterwards return each one to his house. The son or brother or relation who put the fire is obliged to sleep on the ground where the man died for nine nights, and after the lapse of nine days from the death come the priests and learned men and they command to shave the head of this man. During these nine days, they feed the poor and they give them the dead man's clothes, and they give the cot with its bed in alms to the priests, with some money in addition; if he is a rich man they give gardens and other things in alms to many Brahmans. When ten days are finished, and the son has been shaved, he goes to the place where they burned his father or his brother, and they perform many ceremonies over the ashes and bones that remain unburned; then they put them in a small vessel and make a pit in the ground and bury them in it, and keep them thus guarded and buried in order (afterwards) to send the bones to be thrown into a sacred river, which is distant from Goa over one thousand leagues.[650] There is a very large temple there, the object of many pilgrimages, and they hold that every pilgrim who dies there is saved, and goes to Paradise, and also every dead man whose bones are thrown into that river. In spite of this they in reality take very few people there. The heir or the father or son of the dead man is obliged, from the day of the death, for eleven days to give food to twenty-seven Brahmans, and until twenty-one days to three others; until twelve days again he feeds seven Brahmans, and until twenty-seven days gives to eat to the three; on the last day of the month he gives food to three others, and thenceforward, until one year is finished, he gives meals once a month to three Brahmans. They do this in honour of the Trinity for the soul of the deceased. When this year is over he gives no more alms, except that each year, on the day on which the death happened, he feeds six Brahmans, -- namely, three in honour of the Trinity, and three for the persons of his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather; who thus seemingly eat together. Thus he obtains favour with God, and for these expenses they beg alms of the Brahmans if they are poor. These give him all help for it. Before they dine they wash the feet of all six, and during the meal some ceremonies are performed by Brahman priests who come there for that purpose.


CHAPTER A

Diamonds

However much it may at first sight appear that our chroniclers have exaggerated in their description of the wealth of the Hindu sovereign and his nobles, and of the wonderful display of jewels made on days of high festival by the ladies of their households, an account of which is given us by Paes, I for one see little reason for doubt. Nuniz distinctly states (p. 389) that the diamond mines, in their day the richest in the world, were farmed out on condition that all stones above twenty mangellins in weight -- about twenty-five carats -- were sent to the Raya for his personal use, and there must have been many of these. Barradas (p. 226 above) states that, according to rumour, even after the downfall of the empire the king at Chandragiri in 1614 A.D. had no less than three large chests full of diamonds in his possession; and every traveller and chronicler has something to say on the subject.

The principal mines were on the north bank of the Krishna river, and in the Kurnool and Anantapur countries, notably at Vajra Karur. Generically these are known as "the mines of Golkonda," and the phrase has passed into a proverb.

Linschoten (ii. 136) writes: "They (diamonds) grow in the countrie of Decam behinde Ballagate, by the towne of Bisnagar, wherein are two or three hilles, from whence they are digged, whereof the King of Bisnagar doth reape great profitte; for he causeth them to be straightly watched, and hath farmed them out with this condition, that all diamonds that are above twenty-five Mangellyns in weight are for the King himselfe (every Mangellyn is foure graines in weight).

"There is yet another hill in the Countrie of Decam, which is called Velha, that is the old Rocke, from whence come the best diamonds and are sold for the greatest price.... Sometimes they find Diamonds of one hundred and two hundred Mangelyns and more, but very few."

As regards the diamond "as large as a hen's egg," said to have been found at the sack of Vijayanagar and presented to the Adil Shah (above, p. 208), Couto (Decade VIII. c. xv.) says that it was a jewel which the Raya had affixed to the base of the plume on his horse's head-dress. Garcia da Orta, who was in India in 1534, says that at Vijayanagar a diamond had been seen as large as a small hen's egg, and he even declares the weights of three others to have been respectively 120, 148, and 250 MANGELIS, equivalent to 150, 175, and 312 1/2 carats (Tavernier, V. Ball, ii. 433).

Dr. Ball has gone carefully into the question of the diamonds known as "Babar's," "the Mogul's," "Pitt's," "the KOH-I-NUR," and others, and to his Appendix I. I beg to refer those interested in the subject.

It is clear that this hen's egg diamond could not be the fame as Sultan Babar's, because the former was taken at Vijayanagar in A.D. 1565, whereas Sultan Babar's was received by his son Humayun at Agra in 1526, and could not have been, forty years later, in the possession of the Hindu king of the south.[651]

Dr. Ball has shown that probably the KOH-I-NUR is identical with the "Mogul's diamond." Was, then, this "hen's egg" diamond the same? Probably not. If we had been told that the "hen's egg," when found in the sack of Vijayanagar, had been cut, the proof CONTRA would be conclusive, since the KOH-I-NUR was certainly uncut in A.D. 1656 or 1657. But there is no information available on this point.

The "hen's egg" was apparently taken by the Adil Shah to Bijapur in 1565, and it is not likely to have found its way, still in an uncut state, into the possession of Mir Jumla in 1656.

The KOH-I-NUR was found at Kollur on the river Krishna, probably in A.D. 1656. Mir Jumla farmed the mines at that time, and presented it uncut to the emperor, Shah Jahan. It is said to have weighed 756 English carats (Ball, ii. 444). It was entrusted to a Venetian named Hortensio Borgio, and was so damaged and wasted in his hands that, when seen by Tavernier in Aurangzib's treasury in 1665, it weighed not more than 268 1/2 English carats. In 1739 Nadir Shah sacked Delhi and carried the stone away with him to Persia, conferring on it its present immortal name the "Mountain of Light." On his murder in 1747 it passed into the hands of his grandson, Shah Rukh. Four years later Shah Rukh gave it to Ahmad Shah Durani of Kabul, and by him it was bequeathed to his son Taimur. In 1793 it passed by descent to his son Shah Zaman, who was blinded and deposed by his brother Muhammad; but he retained possession of the stone in his prison, and in 1795 it became the property of his brother Sultan Shuja. In 1809, after Shuja became king of Kabul, Elphinstone saw the diamond in his bracelet at Peshawur. In 1812, Shuja, being dethroned by Muhammad, fled to Lahore, where he was detained as a quasi-prisoner by Ranjit Singh, the ruler of the Panjab. In 1813 an agreement was arrived at, and Shuja surrendered the diamond to Ranjit Singh. Ranjit often wore the stone, and it was constantly seen by European visitors to Lahore. Dying in 1839, the KOH-I-NUR was placed in the jewel-chamber till the infant Dhulip Singh was acknowledged as Ranjit's successor. In 1849 it was handed over to Sir John Lawrence on the annexation of the Panjab, and by him was sent to England to Her Majesty the Queen. In 1851 it was exhibited at the first great Exhibition, and in 1852 it was re-cut by an Amsterdam cutter, Voorsanger, in the employ of Messrs. Garrards. The weight is now 106 1/16 carats.

It would be interesting to trace the story of the "hen's egg" diamond after its acquisition by the Bijapur sultan, Ali Adil.

H. de Montfart, who travelled in India in 1608, saw a very large diamond in the possession of the Mogul emperor Jahangir at Delhi,[652] but this had been pierced. "I have seene one with the great MOGOR as bigge as a Hen's egge, and of that very forme, which he caused expressly to bee pierced like a pearle to weare it on his arme.... It weighteth 198 Mangelins."


CHAPTER B

The Wealth of the Dakhan in the Fourteenth Century A.D.

When Malik Kafur, in the year 1310 A.D., during the reign of Ala-ud-Din Khilji of Delhi, carried out his successful raids into the Dakhan and to the Malabar coast, sacking all the Hindu temples, ravaging the territory of Maisur, and despoiling the country, he is said to have returned to Delhi with an amount of treasure that seems almost fabulous. Firishtah writes: "They found in the temples prodigious spoils, such as idols of gold adorned with precious stones, and other rich effects consecrated to Hindu worship;" and Malik presented his sovereign with "312 elephants, 20,000 horses, 96,000 MANS of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and other precious effects."

When we come to estimate the amount of gold we are met with a difficulty, as there are many varieties of MANS in India, the variation being as much as from 19 lbs. in Travancore to 163 1/4 lbs. in Ahmadnagar. The Madras MAN weighs 25 lbs., the Bombay MAN 28 lbs. Hawkins, writing in 1610, gives 55 lbs. to the MAN,[653] Middleton, in 1611, 33 lbs.[654] Now Firishtah had more to do with Ahmadnagar than any other part of India, and if his estimate was based on the MAN of that tract. Malik Kafur's 96,000 MANS of gold would have amounted to the enormous sum of 15,672,000 lbs. weight. It is hardly likely that Firishtah would have had in his mind the Travancore MAN. Even if he was thinking of the Madras MAN, which is not likely, his estimate of the weight of the gold carried off amounted to 2,400,000 lbs.

Whether we accept these amounts or not, there can be no manner of doubt that the richness of the temples was very great, and the reason is easy to see. The country had always been subject to Hindu kings, and treasures had year by year accumulated. The Brahmans exacted gifts and payments from the people on all occasions. Kings and chiefs, merchants and landowners, vied with one another in presenting rich offerings to their favourite places of worship; and when it is remembered that this practice had been going on from time immemorial, it need be no matter for wonder that the man who first violently despoiled the sacred buildings departed from the country laden with an almost incredible amount of booty. Colonel Dow, in his translation of the works of Firishtah (i. 307), computes the value of the gold carried off by Malik Kafur at a hundred millions sterling of our money.

CHAPTER C


Portuguese Viceroys and Governors of Goa

(A.D. 1505 TO 1568.)


A.D. Dom Francisco de Almeida (VICEROY) 1505 -- 1509 Afonso de Albuquerque (GOVERNOR) 1509 -- 1515 Lopo Soares de Albergaria (GOVERNOR) 1515 -- 1518 Diogo Lopes de Sequeira (GOVERNOR) 1518 -- 1521 Dom Duarte de Menezes (GOVERNOR) 1521 -- 1524 Dom Vasco da Gama, Conde de Vidigueria (VICEROY) 1524 Dom Henrique de Menezes (GOVERNOR) 1525 -- 1526 Lopo Vaz de Sampaio (GOVERNOR) 1526 -- 1529 Nuno da Cunha (GOVERNOR) 1529 -- 1538 Dom Garcia de Noronha (VICEROY) 1538 -- 1540 Dom Estevao da Gama (GOVERNOR) 1540 -- 1542 Martim Affonso de Sousa (GOVERNOR) 1542 -- 1545 Dom Joao de Castro (GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-IN-CHIEF) 1545 -- 1547 ,, ,, (VICEROY) 1547 -- 1548 Garcia de Sa (GOVERNOR) 1548 -- 1549 Jorge Cabral (GOVERNOR) 1549 -- 1550 Dom Affonso de Noronha (VICEROY) 1550 -- 1554 Dom Pedro Mascarenhas (VICEROY) 1554 -- 1555 Francisco Barreto (GOVERNOR) 1555 -- 1558 Dom Constantino de Braganza (VICEROY) 1558 -- 1561 Dom Francisco Coutinho, Conde de Redondo (VICEROY) 1561 -- 1564 Joao de Medonca (GOVERNOR) 1564 Dom Antonio de Noronha (VICEROY) 1564 -- 1568

[The above List is extracted from Mr. Danvers's work, "The Portuguese in India" (vol. ii. p. 487). The author continues the List to the present day.]


NOTES

[1] -- Translation of the "Chronica dos reis de Bisnaga", written by Domingos Paes and Fernao Nunes about 1520 and 1535, respectively, with historical introduction. Includes bibliographical references.

[2] -- The letters from China were copied by a different hand.

[3] -- Barros was apparently never himself in India, but held an official position in the India Office in Lisbon. His work was completed in four Decadas. Couto repeats the fourth DECADA of Barros, and continues the history in eight more DECADAS. The first three DECADAS of Barros were published in A.D. 1552, 1553, and 1563, bringing the history down to 1527, under the title of DOS FEITOS QUE OS PORTUGUESES FIZERAM NO DESCUBRIMENTO E CONQUISTA DOS MARES E TERRAS DO ORIENTE. His fourth DECADA, published by Couto, dealt with the period A.D. 1527 to 1539, and contained an account of the events that occurred during the governorships of Lopo Vaz de Sampaio and Nuno da Cunha. Couto's own eight DECADAS covered the subsequent period down to 1600. The combined work is generally called the DA ASIA. Couto completed his publication in 1614. The fourth DECADA was published in 1602, the fifth in 1612, the sixth in 1614, the seventh in 1616, the year of his death. Couto spent almost all his life in India, for which country he embarked in 1556.

[4] -- CHRONICA DOS REIS DE BISNAGA, by David Lopes, S.S.G.L. Lisbon, 1897: at the National Press. The extract given is taken from his Introduction, p. lxxxvi.

[5] -- Firishtah was a Persian of good family, and was born about 1570 A.D. Early in his life he was taken by his father to India, and resided all his life at the Court of the Nizam Shahs of Ahmadnagar, rejoicing in royal patronage. He appears to have begun to compile his historical works at an early age, since his account of the Bijapur kings was finished in 1596. He appears to have died not long after the year 1611, which is the latest date referred to in any of his writings.

[6] -- According to tradition the wealth carried off was something fabulous. See Appendix B.

[7] -- It is highly probable that amongst the hills and crags about the upper fortress of Anegundi there may be found remains of a date long prior to the fourteenth century; and it is much to be regretted that up to now no scientific examination of that tract, which lies in the present territories of Haidarabad, has been carried out. Want of leisure always prevented my undertaking any exploration north of the river; but from the heights of Vijayanagar on the south side I often looked wistfully at the long lines of fortification visible on the hills opposite. It is to be hoped that ere long the Government of Madras may place us in possession of a complete map of Vijayanagar and its environs, showing the whole area enclosed by the outermost line of fortifications, and including the outworks and suburbs. Hospett and Anegundi were both part of the great city in its palmy days, and Kampli appears to have been a sort of outpost.

[8] -- Nuniz erroneously gives the date as 1230. The error will be commented on hereafter.

[9] -- Scott, i. 45, 46.

[10] -- Delhi.

[11] -- The Portuguese historians often mistook "Cambay" for the name of the country, and "Gujarat" for one of its dependencies.

[12] -- SIC. The meaning is doubtful.

[13] -- There is evidently a confusion here between tales of the doings of Muhammad Taghlaq and much older legends of Rama's Bridge and his army of monkeys.

[14] -- Mallik Naib. (See the chronicle below, pp. 296, 297.)

[15] -- "Your honour" was probably the historian Barros (see preface).

[16] -- Sheik Ismail's power in Persia dates from early in the sixteenth century. Duarte Barbosa, who was in India in 1514 and wrote in 1516, mentions him as contemporary. He had subjugated Eastern Persia by that time and founded the Shiah religion. Barbosa writes: "He is a Moor and a young man," and states that he was not of royal lineage (Hakluyt edit. p. 38). Nuniz was thus guilty of an anachronism, but he describes Persia as he knew it.

[17] -- "Chronicle of the Pathan Kings of Delhi," by Edward Thomas, p. 200.

[18] -- Firishtah (Briggs, i. 413).

[19] -- Elphinstone, "History of India," ii. 62.

[20] -- Lee's translation, p. 144.

[21] -- Sir H. Elliot's "History of India," iii. 215.

[22] -- If we add together the number of years of the reigns of kings of Vijayanagar given by Nuniz prior to that of Krishna Deva Raya ("Crisnarao"), we find that the total is 180 (Senhor Lopes, Introduction, p. lxx.). The date of the beginning of the reign of Krishna Deva Raya is known to be 1509 -- 10 A.D.; whence we obtain 1379 -- 80 A.D. as the foundation of the empire in the person of "Dehorao" according to the chronicle. This is not quite accurate, but it helps to prove that "1230" is a century too early.

[23] -- Batuta was a native of Tangiers, his name being Sheik Abu' Abdullah Muhammad. He arrived at the Indus on the 1 Muharram A.H. 734 (September 12, 1333 A.D.), and he seems to have resided in India till 1342.

[24] -- The narrative is given in the French translation of Ibn Batuta's travels, by Defremery and Sanguinetti (vol. iii. pp. 318 -- 320). See also Sir Henry Elliot's "History of India" (vol. iii. pp. 615 -- 616).

[25] -- Firishtah's account is somewhat different, and he gives the date A.H. 739, or July 20, 1338, to July 9, 1339. But I consider the narrative of Ibn Batuta to be far the most reliable, since he wrote from personal experience, while Firishtah compiled his story two and a half centuries later.

[26] -- This was Ghiyas-ud-din Bahadur Bura of Bengal, mentioned above.

[27] -- This tale is told of the rise of almost every kingdom, principality, or large zamindari in Southern India, the usual variant being the discovery of a hidden treasure.

[28] -- I think that there can be little doubt that this derivation, though often given, is erroneous, and that the name was "City of Victory," not "City of Learning," -- VIJAYA, not VIDYA. VYDIAJUNA evidently represents VIDYARJUNA.

[29] -- Buchanan ("Mysore," &c., iii. 110), while on a visit to Beidur in Mysore in 1801, was shown by one Ramappa Varmika a Sanskrit book in his possession called the VIDYARAYANA SIKKA, which relates that the founders of Vijayanagar were Hukka and Bukka, guards of the treasury of Pratapa Rudra of Warangal. These young men came to the Guru, or spiritual teacher, Vidyaranya, who was head of the monastery of Sringeri, and the latter founded for them the city of Vijayanagar. This was in 1336, and Hukka was made first king. But this story entirely leaves out of account the most important point. How could two brothers, flying from a captured capital and a conquered kingdom, suddenly establish in a new country a great city and a sovereignty?

[30] -- DECADA VI. l. v. c. 4.

[31] -- "India in the Fifteenth Century," Hakluyt edit., p. 29.

[32] -- JOURNAL BOMBAY BR. R.A.S., xii. 338, 340.

[33] -- There is an undated inscription, published in Dr. Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions" (vol. i. p. 167), on a rock not far from the summit of the lofty hill on which stands the virgin fortress of Gutti or Gooty in the Anantapur District, according to which that stronghold belonged to King Bukka. The place is seventy-eight miles east of Vijayanagar.

[34] -- EPIG. IND., iii. 36.

[35] -- An inscription of 1368 -- 69 (Saka 1290, year Kilaka) mentions Madhavacharya Vidyaranya, apparently as still living. IND. ANT., iv. 206.

[36] -- See my "Antiquities of Madras," ii. 8, No. 58; Hultzsch's EPIG. INDICA, iii. 21.

[37] -- Briggs, i. 427.

[38] -- This is in itself absurd, and carries with it its own refutation. It would be manifestly impossible for the city to be "built" in so short a time, and, moreover, it would have been sheer waste of time for the Prince to have employed himself in such a way. The sentence was probably introduced merely to account for that city having been built ABOUT this period.

[39] -- Firishtah says on 1st Rabi-ul-awwal A.H. 759; A.H. 761 (A.D. 1359 -- 60) according to the BURHAN-I-MAASIR. But the author of the latter work says that Ala-ud-din reigned thirteen years ten months and twenty-seven days, which would make the date of his death the 22nd of Rabi-ul-awwal A.H. 762, or January 31, A.D. 1361. He does not, therefore, appear to be very accurate. Firishtah gives in words the length of his reign as "eleven years two months and seven days."

[40] -- Certain inscriptions published by Mr. Rice state that the general who commanded Bukka's armies about this time was Nadegonta Mallinatha, son of Nadegonta Sayyana. These bear date A.D. 1355 -- 1356 and 1356 -- 57.

[41] -- Called "Nagdeo" in Scott's translation (i. 19).

[42] -- Briggs, ii. 307.

[43] -- There is a confusion of dates here in Firishtah; but he definitely fixes the month and year when Muhammad set out, and we may accept it for the present. The BURHAN-I-MAASIR implies that the war against Vijayanagar took place prior to the campaign against Warangal. Firishtah places it certainly after the "Vellunputtun" affair.

[44] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 23).

[45] -- Adoni as now called; Adhvani as properly spelt. This is a fine hill-fortress with extensive lines of walls, a few miles south of the River Tungabhadra and on the line of railway between Madras and Bombay.

[46] -- We must never forget that the narrative of Firishtah is necessarily tinged with bias in favour of the Musalmans, and that it was not compiled till the end of the sixteenth or beginning of the seventeenth century A.D. The "infidels" are, of course, the Hindus, the "faithful" the followers of Muhammad the Prophet.

[47] -- The country in question is a plain composed of a deep alluvial deposit, generally overlying gravel, and known as "black cotton soil." After heavy rain it is practically impassable for traffic for some days.

[48] -- The expression of Firishtah last quoted is deserving of note, as it implies that, according to tradition in his time, the Raya of Vijayanagar had by the year 1366 A.D. become a great and important sovereign.

[49] -- Briggs (ii. 312, n.) considers it unlikely that the armies could have possessed artillery at so early a date.

[50] -- Scott's edit., i. 27.

[51] -- Briggs gives the name as Bhoj-Mul. He MAY be the Mallayya or Mallinatha mentioned above (p. 31, note).

[52] -- Sacred animals to the Hindus.

[53] -- About forty-two miles.

[54] -- The Tiger-Hunter.

[55] -- 19th Zilkada A.H. 776 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says in A.H. 775.

[56] -- The BURHAN-I MAASIR calls the Raya "Kapazah." Major King says that even the vowel marks are given, and there can be no doubt about the name. I venture to hazard a conjecture that if the word had been written "Pakazah," transposing the first two consonants -- a mistake occasionally made by writers dealing with, to them, outlandish names -- the sound of the word would suggest Bukka Shah. There is no name that I have met with amongst those borne by the kings of Vijayanagar in the remotest degree resembling "Kapazah."

[57] -- Firishtah relates a story which is hardly sufficient to account for Bukka's faint-heartedness. He says that Mujahid went one day while on the march after a man-eating tiger of great ferocity, and shot it with a single arrow through the heart. "The idolaters, upon hearing of this exploit, were struck with dread." At the present day, at least, there are no tigers in the country between Adoni and Vijayanagar, though panthers are plentiful enough.

[58] -- Firishtah, ii. 332 n.

[59] -- A French map of A.D. 1652, published by Mr. Danvers ("Portuguese in India," end of vol. i), shows at this spot "C. de Rames," but the modern Ordnance Map has no place of that name in the vicinity.

[60] -- It should be noted that Firishtah has previously described Mujahid, though he was then only about twenty years old, an a remarkably powerful man. He states that at the age of fourteen he had broken the neck of an opponent in a wrestling match.

[61] -- Probably Marappa or Muddappa.

[62] -- It will be seen hereafter that the kingdom was divided into provinces, held by nobles an condition of maintaining large armies ready for service at any moment.

[63] -- Some authorities say that Daud was Mujahid's cousin.

[64] -- "Dhunna Sodra" is, I think, a lake or tank in the plain on the eastern edge of the Vijayanagar hills, close under a lofty hill called, in the Trigonometrical Survey Taluq map, "Dannsundram," for (probably) Dharma Samudram. On the summit of this hill is a great Trigonometrical Survey pillar. The hill is 500 feet high, and lies within the limits of the village of Kanvi Timmapuram. Commanding, as it does, the route by which a force issuing from the capital would attempt, by rounding the hills, to cut off the only line of retreat open to the invaders towards the north east, the importance of the post to the Muhammadan army could not be over estimated.

[65] -- Senhor Lopes tells me that he recently found in the archives of the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part iii. packet 11, No. 107) a copy of a copper-plate grant which was executed by the chief of Goa in A.D. 1391 in the name of "Virahariar," king of Vijayanagar, the suzerain. This was "Vira" Harihara II. It was copied in A.D. 1532, and translated into Portuguese.

[66] -- Probably Belgaum.

[67] -- The Tulu-ghat, or the Tulu country on the Malabar coast.

[68] -- Compare the passage in the Chronicle of Nuniz, p. 302 below, where, writing of a period a few years later, he says, "The king of Coullao (Quilon) and Ceylon, and Paleacate (Pulicat), and Pegu and Tanacary (Tenasserim), and many other lands, pay tribute to him" -- the Raya.

[69] -- 17th Zil-hijja, A.H. 779.

[70] -- Meadows Taylor, in his "History of India," relates (p. 163) that on one occasion Mujahid, during his attack on Vijayanagar, penetrated into the second line of works, where there was a celebrated image of the monkey-god, Hanuman. The Sultan dispersed the Brahmans who tried to protect it, and struck the image in the face, mutilating its features. "A dying Brahman lying at the foot of the image cursed the king. 'For this act,' he said, 'thou wilt die ere thou reachest thy kingdom.' A prophecy which was literally fulfilled. The image, hewn out of a large boulder of granite, still remains, and shows the marks of the king's mutilation." I do not know to which image the historian alludes. There are several statues of Hanuman in the second line of works, two of them lying south of the temple of Malaanta Raghunathasvami.

[71] -- 21st Muharram A.H. 780.

[72] -- The name is generally given as Mahmud, and so Firishtah names him but Dr. Codrington (NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE, 3rd Series, vol. xviii p. 261) points out that the name on all the coins of this Sultan is "Muhammad," and not "Mahmud;" and this is confirmed by the BURHAN-I MAASIR and two other authorities (Major King in IND. ANT., July 1899, p. 183, note 39). I think it best, however, to adhere to Firishtah's nomenclature to prevent confusion.

[73] -- 21st Rajab A.H. 799. The 26th according to the BURHAN-I MAAZIR.

[74] -- See Rice's "Mysore Inscriptions," p. 55 (A.D. 1379); JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 340 (A.D. 1399).

[75] -- See above, p. 28. Professor Aufrecht believes that Sayana died A.D. 1387.

[76] -- "Mysore Inscriptions," p. 226.

[77] -- JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, ix. 227.

[78] -- In this the king is called "MAHAMANDALESVARA, son of Vira Bukka Udaiyar, Lord of the four seas."

[79] -- EPIG. IND., iii. pp. 115 -- 116.

[80] -- OP. CIT., p. 119.

[81] -- 17th Ramazan A.H. 799 (Firishtah).

[82] -- 23rd Safar A.H. 800 (Firishtah).

[83] -- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36, N. 3.

[84] -- Firishtah (Scott, p. 76).

[85] -- Rather, I think, basket-boats. These are described in the text of Paes (below, p. 259) as being in use on these rivers in the sixteenth century, just as they are to-day. They are circular in shape, and are made of wickerwork of split bamboo covered all over outside with leather. Colonel Briggs, writing of these boats (Firishtah, ii. 371), in a footnote says, "A detachment of the British army crossed its heavy guns without even dismounting them over the Toongbudra in 1812 in these basket-boats."

[86] -- These women always accompanied the Raya's armies. Nuniz says that large numbers of them were at the Hindu camp at Raichur in 1520.

[87] -- A stringed instrument.

[88] -- Youths trained to sing and dance in public.

[89] -- Assessed at "near [pound sterling]400,000" (Scott, Firishtah, p. 79, note).

[90] -- "Mysore Inscriptions," Rice, p. 279, No. 150. Professor Kielhorn in IND. ANT., xxiv. p. 204, No. 304, and note.

[91] -- "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 82 (Dr. Hultzsch).

[92] -- We must remember that the narrator is a loyal Muhammadan. Mudkal was in the tract always in dispute between the two kingdoms.

[93] -- About forty miles north.

[94] -- Briggs gives her name as "Nehal."

[95] -- Briggs says, "In the beginning of the year 809." This would be the month of June, and the months following would have been unfavourable for the march of armies. I prefer Scott's rendering.

[96] -- Firishtah generally calls this place "Beekapore" (Scott, i. 47, 69, 85, 86 &c.), but on p. 301 he spells the name "Binkapore." Bankapur was one of the principal fortresses in the Carnatic. It is the "Bengapor" or "Vengapor" of our chronicles. (See below, p. 122.)

[97] -- This again points to the Muhammadan camp having been in the neighbourhood of Hospett, south of Vijayanagar.

[98] -- "Plates of gold filled with incense and silver flowers." -- Briggs (ii. 386).

[99] -- This square is the open space mentioned by both Nuniz and Paes. On the left of it, as the cortege advanced, was the palace.

[100] -- Scott has it "Mankul" (i. 90), but Briggs (ii. 389) corrects this into "Pangul," which is undoubtedly correct.

[101] -- His grandfather, Deva Raya I., was young enough at the beginning of his reign (A.D. 1406) to plunge into amorous intrigues and adventures, and he reigned only seven years at most. His son and successor, Vijaya, reigned only six years. Vijaya's son, Deva Raya II., therefore, was probably a mere boy when he came to the throne in A.D. 1419.

[102] -- PINA = CHINNA (Telugu) or CHIKKA (Kanarese), and means "little" or "young." (See the tale told by Barradas below, p. 222 ff., of the events of 1614 A.D.) The name is very common in Southern India, and was generally applied to the Crown Prince.

[103] -- 7th Shawwal A.H. 825. Firishtah, (Scott) p. 95, gives the length of the reign, and his figures yield this result.

[104] -- The spot-was therefore probably close to one of the old irrigation channels, supplied by dams constructed across this river under the Rayas.

[105] -- It is difficult to reconcile this story with the fact of the Raya's tender age at this date, for I think it is certain that he was then quite a boy. Is it possible that the Muhammadan chroniclers, from whom Firishtah obtained the narrative, mistook for the king an adult member of the family who commanded the army? Such mistakes were certainly made in later years. The chroniclers seem to have taken little pains to ascertain the actual names of the Hindu kings. It must, however, be noted that a little later on Firishtah speaks of Deva Raya's son.

[106] -- There is no clue as to where this event took place, except that it was not very close to Vijayanagar. The Sultan must have been near some hills with a plain below, because he met with open ground difficult for a horse to cross, in his eagerness to reach a mud enclosure in a plain. The description is applicable to numberless places in the vicinity, and it is useless to speculate. As he was on horseback, it is possible that he was riding down antelope.

[107] -- Before Ahmad's accession, his brother, the late Sultan Firuz, had designed, in order to secure the throne for his own son Hasan, that Ahmad, should be blinded. Ahmad was warned of this and left Kulbarga in time to secure his safety.

[108] -- This is the Muhammadan version. Nothing is said regarding this tribute by Firishtah in describing the terms of the peace of 1399 A.D. It is possible, however, that tribute was really paid. It had apparently been exacted by Muhammad Shaw Bahmani, and agreed to by Bukka Raya I. who confirmed the arrangement on the accession of Daud Shah's brother Muhammad (See above, p. 47.)

[109] -- This looks as if he was really paraded with ignominy as a vanquished inferior, and so displayed to the Muhammadan troops. If he had desired to do him honour, the Sultan himself would have met the prince and personally escorted him, as representing his father. Moreover, the prince was only permitted to sit at the foot of the throne, and was taken, almost as a prisoner, for many days with the army till it reached the Krishna river.

[110] -- 8th Rajab A.H. 838 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says 22nd Rajab.

[111] -- Firishtah (Scott), i. 118.

[112] -- Estates.

[113] -- Below, p. 303.

[114] -- DANAIK, a word which the traveller apparently took for a proper name, is simply "the commander" -- DHANNAYAKA.

[115] -- As to Deva Raya's age see above, p. 63. He had now been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[116] -- These words appear to confirm Abdur Razzak's statement.

[117] -- Saka 1348 current, year Visvavasu ("Asiatic Researches," xx. p. 22; Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 82).

[118] -- OP. CIT., p. 160 Saka 1349 current, cyclic year Parabhava, on the full moon day of the month Karttika.

[119] -- Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," i. p. 79. Fifth Karkataka Sukla, Saka 1353 current, year Sadharana. The donor's name is given as Vira Pratapa Deva Raya Maharaya and he is styled MAHAMANDALESVARA, "Lord of the four oceans."

[120] -- OP. CIT. p. 109. They both give the king full royal titles.

[121] -- IND. ANT., xxv. 346.

[122] -- I.E. the second or dark half (KRISHNA PAKSHA) of the month.

[123] -- Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," ii. 339. The date is Saka 1863 expired, year Kshaya, Wednesday the fifth day of the bright half of the month, on the day of the Nakshatra Purva Phalguni.

[124] -- Hultzsch's "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 110. Saka 1371 expired, year Sukla, Saturday 13th Sukla of the month of Simha, on the day of the Nakshatra Uttarashadha.

[125] -- The termination IA is appended to many Indian names by Bracciolini; thus "Pacamuria" for Bacanor, the Portuguese way of spelling Barkur, "Cenderghiria" for Chandragiri, "Odeschiria" for Udayagiri, and so on.

[126] -- JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, vol. xiv. Part ii. p. 518.

[127] -- Text of Paes, below, p. 281. I have discussed in full the dates given by the chronicler in considering the question as to the year of the battle of Raichur (see pp. 140 -- 147).

[128] -- The stone balls, generally made of quartzose granite, which are so often found in the country about Vijayanagar on the sites of old forts, were probably intended to be projected from these weapons. They are often called "cannon-balls," but could hardly have been fired from guns, as they would have broken up under the discharge and have seriously injured the piece.

[129] -- About the same time, viz., 1436, Barbaro (Hakluyt Society, "Travels of Barbaro," p. 58), speaking of his sojourn in Tartary, wrote: "At which time, talking of Cataio, he tolde me howe the chief of that princes corte knewe well enough what the Franchi were ... We Cataini have twoo eyes, and yow Franchi one, whereas yow (torneing him towards the Tartares that were wth him) have never a one." The coincidence is curious.

[130] -- The Samuri of Calicut.

[131] -- Sir H. Elliot ("History," iv. 103, note) has "BIDRUR" as Abdur Razzak's spelling. The place alluded to was probably Bednur.

[132] -- This was in A.H. 846, and corresponds to the end of April A.D. 1443.

[133] -- Below, p. 253.

[134] -- I.E. about seven miles. It is actually about eight miles if measured from the extreme south point of the first line of defence northwards to the river. Razzak evidently did not include the walls of Anegundi, the northern lines of which lie two miles farther still to the north.

[135] -- The descriptions are rather vague, but, if I am right in supposing that there was a long bazaar called the Pansupari bazaar, along the road leading from the palace gate to the Anegundi gate on the river, it must certainly have been crossed by another road, and probably therefore a road lined with shops, leading from the Kamalapura gate of the inner enclosure northwards to the great Hampi temple. Close to the gate of the palace proper these roads would intersect at right angles, and would form four separate bazaars or streets. The galleries and porticoes are now not in existence, but the remains in the street running east from the Hampi temple will show what the galleries were like in those days. This last street alone is half a mile long.

[136] -- Remains of these are still to be seen not far from the "Ladies' Bath." There was a long trough that conveyed the water, and on each side were depressions which may have been hollowed for the reception of round vessels of different sizes, intended to hold water for household use.

[137] -- "The DEWAN KHANAH resembles a forty-pillared hall" (Sir H. Elliot's translation, "History," iv. 108). I am doubtful as to what building is referred to. The Hakluyt translator's rendering seems to point to the great enclosure west of the elephant stables, which has been called the "Zenana." I know of no hall exactly answering to Sir Henry Elliot's description. The lofty walls with watch-towers at the angles WHICH surround the enclosure referred to would be just such as might be supposed to have been erected for the protection of the royal archives and offices of the kingdom -- the "Dewan Khana." If so, the "hall" in front would be the structure to which has been fancifully given the name of "the concert-hall." This hall, or DAFTAR-KHANA, would be the usual working office of the Minister and his colleagues -- the office of daily work or courthouse, the necessary documents and records being brought to and from the central offices in the enclosure.

[138] -- Roughly, twenty yards by seven. It is difficult to understand the height mentioned.

[139] -- I give this word as in the India Office copy. The Hakluyt edition has DAIANG, which seems incorrect.

[140] -- Officers with staves, generally covered with silver.

[141] -- Abdur Razzak writes as if he was standing at the gate of the palace looking eastwards. Taken so, his description seems exact. Mr. A. Rea takes this view generally in a paper published in the MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE (December 1886).

[142] -- About two hundred yards by fifteen.

[143] -- All this seems to have disappeared, but the buildings may have stood on each side of what is now the main road from Kamalapura to Hampi -- "behind the Mint," as the author stood.

[144] -- The India Office copy adds here: "He was exceedingly young." If so, the personage whom the ambassador interviewed could hardly have been Deva Raya II., who at this period (1443) had been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[145] -- MAHANADI (Hakluyt), MAHANAWI (Elliot). There can be little doubt as to the meaning.

[146] -- The actual moment of the new moon corresponding to the beginning of the month of Karttika in Hindu reckoning was 7.40 A.M. on the morning of October 23, and the first Hindu day (TITHI) of Karttika began at 5 A.M. on October 24. The Muhammadan month begins with the heliacal rising of the moon, and this may have taken place on the 24th or 25th evening. At any rate, Razzak could hardly have called a festival that took place a whole month earlier a festival which took place "during three days in the month Rajab." Hence I think that he must have been present at the New Year festivities in Karttika, not at the Mahanavami in Asvina, a month previous. Note Paes' description of the festivals at which he was present. He states that the nine days' MAHANAVAMI took place on September 12, when he was at Vijayanagar, and the details correspond to the year A.D. 1520. September 12, 1520, was the first day of the month Asvina. The New Year's festival that year took place on October 12, which corresponded to the first day of Karttika, each of these being the day following the NEW moon, not the full moon.

[147] -- About seven yards or twenty-one feet.

[148] -- Genealogical table in EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36.

[149] -- Dr. Hultzsch (EPIG. IND., iii. 36, and note; IND. ANT., xxi. 321). The last is on a temple at Little Conjeeveram and is dated in Saka 1387 expired, year Parthiva.

[150] -- Saka 1392 expired, year Vikriti, on the same temple (IND. ANT., xxi. 321 -- 322).

[151] -- Firishtah says that he reigned twenty-three years nine months and twenty days, which gives this date. The BURHAN-I MAASIR fixes his decease at the end of Junmada'l Awwal A.H. 862, which answers to April A.D. 1458. Major King states that another authority gives the date as four years later (IND. ANT., Sept. 1899, p. 242, note).

[152] -- 28th Zil-kada A.H. 865.

[153] -- 13th Zil-kada A.H. 867.

[154] -- Dec. I. viii. c. 10.

[155] -- Below, p. 305.

[156] -- IND. ANT., November 1899, p. 286, note.

[157] -- Vijayanagar.

[158] -- Masulipatam.

[159] -- Scott's translation has "Ghondpore" (i. 166); Briggs (ii. 500) says "Condapilly."

[160] -- This evidently means Kanchi or Conjeeveram; but the story is exceedingly improbable. The distance was 250 miles, and the way lay through the heart of a hostile country.

[161] -- Ramazan A.H. 885.

[162] -- 11th Muharram, A.H. 886.

[163] -- Scott's translation, i. 167.

[164] -- It is possible that one of these towns was Goa, which was taken in 1469.

[165] -- Meaning evidently palanquins.

[166] -- "Chenudar" and "Binedar" appear to be variations of the name Vijayanagar, called "Bichenegher" farther on.

[167] -- This may, perhaps, refer to Belgaum (A.D. 1471).

[168] -- Mahamandalesvara Medinisvara Gandan Kattari Saluva Dharanivaraha Narasimha Raya Udaiyar. These are not the titles of a sovereign. (Hultzsch, "South Indian Inscriptions," i. 131, No. 116).

[169] -- OP. CIT., p. 132, No. 119.

[170] -- OP. CIT., p. 131.

[171] -- Scott's "Firishtah," i. pp. 190, 210; Briggs, ii. 537, iii. 10.

[172] -- Briggs calls him "Timraj" (ii. 538) in all cases whence I conclude that in this passage Scott's "Ramraaje" is a slip of the pen. It does not occur again. The former translator in the second of the two passages calls "Timraj" the general of the Roy of Beejanuggur.

[173] -- Scott, i. p 228.

[174] -- Scott, i. p. 262.

[175] -- This is very similar to the story told by Nuniz of the two sons of Virupaksha.

[176] -- This again is similar to the tale Nuniz gives us of the minister Narasa and the two young princes.

[177] -- Scott, i. p. 252; Briggs, iii. 66.

[178] -- Firishtah has told us in a previous paragraph that "dissensions prevailed in Beejanuggur."

[179] -- April A.D. 1493.

[180] -- Scott's note to this is "about one million eight hundred thousand pounds sterling." Briggs (iii. p. 13) says two millions.

[181] -- April 1509 to April 1510.

[182] -- Da Orta was at Vijayanagar in 1534, at the same time as our chronicler Nuniz.

[183] -- Colloq., x.

[184] -- May 20th, according to Barros.

[185] -- Published by the Hakluyt Society in English.

[186] -- The origin of the name "Sabayo" has often been discussed, and never, I think, quite satisfactorily explained. Several of the old writers have exercised their ingenuity on the question. Barros (Dec. II. l. v. cap. 1) writes: "AO TEMPO CUE NOS ENTRAMOS NA INDIA, ERA SENHOR DESTA CIDADE GOA HUM MOURO PER NOME SOAI, CAPITAO D'EL REY DO DECAN, A QUE COMMUNAMENTE CHAMAMOS SABAYO" -- "When we arrived in India, the lord of this city of Goa was a Moor, by name Soai, captain of the king of the Dakhan, whom we commonly call Sabayo." But Barros must not always be depended upon for Indian names. He explains "Sabayo" as derived from SABA or SAVA -- "Persian," and says that the Sabayo's son was Adil Shah. Garcia da Orta derives it from SAHIB, Burton (LUSIADS, iii. p. 290) thinks it was a corruption of SIPANDAR or "military governor."

[187] -- I have not seen the original, and suspect an error of translation here.

[188] -- Compare the account given by Paes as to his horse, which he saw at the Mahanavami festival, and at the review which followed (pp. 272, 278 below).

[189] -- EPIG. IND., i. 366; IND. ANT., xxiv. 205.

[190] -- Henry VIII. of England succeeded to the throne on April 22nd of the same year. It is interesting, when reading the description of the splendours of Krishna Raya's court in the narrative of Nuniz, to remember that in Western Europe magnificence of display and personal adornment seems to have reached its highest pitch at the same period.

[191] -- The chief of Bankapur seems to have been a Mahratta. Nuniz calls him the "Guym de Bengapor." Albuquerque styles him "King Vengapor" about A.D. 1512 (Hakluyt edit., iii. 187).

Osorio writes: -- "EST AUTEM VENGAPOR REGIO MEDITERRANEA, CUM ZABAIMI REGIONE CONTINENS" (p. 263).

Castanheda states that Albuquerque, then Governor-General of Goa, sent two embassies, one to Vijayanagar and one to "Vengapor," as if the latter were independent; and adds of the chief of Vengapor, "His kingdom is a veritable and safe road to Narsinga, and well supplied with provisions."

Barros speaks of the same event, calling the place "Bengapor" and stating explicitly that its king was "vassal of Narsinga" (or Vijayanagar) (Dec. II. l. v. cap. 3). Subsequently, writing of the chiefs in the same neighbourhood, Barros speaks of two brothers, "Comogij" and "Appagij" (Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5), and describing Krishna Deva Raya's march towards Raichur -- recapitulating the story and details given by Nuniz -- he speaks of "the Gim of the city of Bengapor." In l. v. cap. 3 of the same Decade Barros says that "Bengapor" was "on the road" to Vijayanagar. "Gim," "Guym" and other names appear to be renderings of the Mahratta honorific "Ji."

Bankapur was one of the most important fortresses in the Karnataka country, situated forty miles south of Dharwar on the direct road from Honawar to Vijayanagar. The road from Bhatkal, a favourite landing-place, first went northwards to Honawar, then inland to Bankapur, and thence to Banavasi, Ranibennur, and over the plains to Hospett and Vijayanagar. It was known as early as A.D. 848, and remained in possession of Hindu rulers down to 1573, when it was captured by Ali Adil Shah and its beautiful temple destroyed. Firishtah calls the place "Beekapore" and "Binkapor" (Scott's edit., i. 47, 69, 85, 86, 119, 301, &c).

[192] -- "Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque" (Hakluyt edit., ii. p. 73). Fr. Luis left Cochin, travelled to Bhatkal, and thence to Vijayanagar.

[193] -- Dec II. l. v. cap. 3.

[194] -- See also Castanheda, who was in India in 1529 (Lib. iii. cap. 12).

[195] -- As before stated, Firishtah mentions this event (Scott, i. 225).

[196] -- Purchas's summary of the Portuguese conquest of Goa runs as follows: "SABAIUS (I.E. the "Sabayo") when he died, left his sonne IDALCAN (Adil Khan) very young; whereupon his Subjects rebelled, and the King of Narsinga warred upon him, to dispossesse him of his Dominion. Albuquerque, taking his opportunitie, besieged and ... took Goa with the Iland. Which was soon after recovered by Idalcan, comming with a strong Armie thither, the Portugal flying away by night. But when the King of Narsinga again invaded Idalcan, He was forced to resist the more dangerous Enemy, leaving a strong Garrison at Goa, which yet ALBUQUERK overcame, and sacked the Citie." Purchas's work was published (folio) in 1626. He merely follows Barros (Dec. I. l. viii cap. 10).

[197] -- "Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque" (Hakluyt edit, iii. 35).

[198] -- The name may represent "Timma Raja."

[199] -- "Commentaries of Dalboquerque," iii. pp. 246 -- 247.

[200] -- Firishtah (Scott), i. p. 236.

[201] -- "Commentaries of Dalboquerque," iv. 121.

[202] -- "East Africa and Malabar" (Hakluyt edit., pp. 73, &c.). Barbosa was son of Diego Barbosa, who sailed in the first fleet sent out under Joao de Nova in 1501. He gives no dates in his own writings except that he finished his work in 1516 (Preface), after "having navigated for a great part of his youth in the East Indies." It was probably begun about 1514. He was certainly in the Indian Ocean in 1508 -- 9. The heading of the work is "Description of the East Indies and Countries on the sea-board of the Indian Ocean in 1514." It was published in Spanish (translated from the Portuguese) in 1524. The copy in the Library at Barcelona is said to be the oldest extant.

[203] -- This name awaits explanation.

[204] -- This probably refers to the highly decorated building in the interior of what I believe to have been the Government offices, surrounded by a lofty wall with watch-towers, and often called "The Zenana" The elephant stables lie to the east of it. The building in question is "No. 29 Council Room" on the Government plan.

[205] -- Barbosa in A.D. 1514 mentions this expedition.

[206] -- An inscription at Kondavid glorifying Saluva Timma states that he took the fortress on Saturday, June 23, A.D. 1515 (Ashadha Sukla Harivasara Saurau, Saka 1437). This information was kindly supplied to me by Dr. Luders.

[207] -- There is a long inscription in the temple of Varadarajasvami at Conjeeveram exactly confirming this whole story, It relates that the king first captured Udayagiri, Bellamkonda, Vinukonda, Kondavid, and other places; then Bezvada and Kondapalle, and finally Rajahmundry.

[208] -- Pp 354 to 371.

[209] -- Krishna Raya in 1515 was only about twenty-nine years old; but we must not forget the Hindu custom of the marriages of girls while infants.

[210] -- If this refers to Krishna Raya's capture of that place in 1515, it is to be noted here that Nuniz asserts that it was taken, not from the Muhammadans, but from the king of Orissa.

[211] -- Firishtah's account of this is that Ismail Adil joined with Amir Barid in an attack on Telingana and laid siege to Kovilkonda. Vijayanagar had no part in the causes of the campaign.

[212] -- Firishtah tells this story of Jamshid Qutb Shah, Quli's successor (1543 -- 50).

[213] -- So says Nuniz, but, as before stated, Firishtah differs. In my opinion we must accept the former as correct, for his account is so graphic and detailed that it is impossible to believe that he could have been mistaken. Firishtah did not write for many years later and was much more liable to en on Several Portuguese were present at the siege, and, if I am not mistaken, either Nuniz was there himself, or obtained his information from those who were so. The story bears all the marks of a personal narrative.

[214] -- Pp. 323 to 347 below.

[215] -- On the Ordnance Map I observe on the river-bank, thirteen miles N.N.E. of Raichur, a plan of what appears to be a large fortified camp, with its base on the river, the average of its west, south, and east faces being about a mile each It lies just below the junction of the Bhima and Krishna rivers, and two miles west of the present railway station on the latter river. What this may be I know not, but it looks like the remains of an entrenched camp erected in some former year. Perhaps some one will examine the place.

[216] -- Below, p. 263. "These feasts begin on the twelfth of September, and they last nine days."

[217] -- Below, p. 281. "At the beginning of the month of October when eleven of its days had passed.... On this day begins their year; it is their New Year's Day.... They begin the year in this month with the new moon, and they count the months always from moon to moon."

[218] -- Below, p. 243.

[219] -- "On the upper platform, close to the king, was Christovao de Figueiredo, with all of us who came with him, for the king commanded that he should be in such a place, so as best to see the feasts and magnificence." (Paes, p. 264 below.)

[220] -- Lib. v. c 57.

[221] -- TANADARIS are small local divisions of the kingdom, each under its own petty official. A THANAH is a police-station in modern parlance. I can think of no English word exactly suitable, but, as far as area is concerned, perhaps the term "parish" would best express the meaning.

[222] -- LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. 581.

[223] -- Menezes assumed charge of the Viceroyalty on January 22, 1522. A short summary of Sequeira's career is given in the interesting MS. volume called the LIVRO DAS FORTALEZAS DA INDIA, of which the text was written by Antonio Bocarro, and the numerous portraits and plans were drawn and coloured by Pero Barretto de Rezenda. The British Museum copy is in the Sloane Collection and bears the number "197."

[224] -- Dec. III. 1. in cap. 4.

[225] -- IDEM, cap. 5.

[226] -- IDEM, cap. 8.

[227] -- IDEM, cap. 9.

[228] -- IDEM, cap. 10.

[229] -- "Asia Portugueza" of Faria y Souza, I. Pt. iii. cap. 4 (Stevens' translation).

[230] -- Compare Nuniz (text, p. 329).

[231] -- These numbers are probably taken from Barros, who copied Nuniz.

[232] -- "Asia Portugueza," I. Pt. iii. cap. 4, sec. 5. "Ruy de Mello, que estava a Goa, viendo al Hidalchan divertido con sus ruinas o esperancas, o todo junto, y a muchos en perciales remolinos robando la tierra firme de aquel contorno, ganola facilmente con dozientos y sincuenta cavallos, y ochocientos peones Canaries"

[233] -- "Histoire des Descouvertes et Conquestes des Portugais" (Paris, 1733).

[234] -- Danvers, "The Portuguese in India," i. 347, gives us the same dates for Sequeira's absence, and mentions De Figueiredo's presence at the battle of Raichur.

[235] -- The corresponding actual new moon day in May 1521 was Monday, May 6, and the new moon was first visible on Wednesday. In 1522 the actual new moon day was Sunday, May 25, and it was first visible on Tuesday.

[236] -- Paes says that on an emergency he could raise even two millions.

[237] -- "Handbook of Indian Arms," pp. 15 -- 16.

[238] -- Above, p. 12.

[239] -- OP. CIT., p. 18.

[240] -- Below, p. 292.

[241] -- Below, pp. 384 to 389.

[242] -- Liv. ii. c 16.

[243] -- Commander-in-chief.

[244] -- Below, p. 333.

[245] -- "OMDE ACHAVEIS ... HO QUE AVIEIS MISTER."

[246] -- "VERIEIS."

[247] -- "ACHAREIS."

[248] -- Below, pp, 346, 347.

[249] -- Below, p. 351.

[250] -- Vol. i. p. 347.

[251] -- Vol. i. p. 533.

[252] -- We hear nothing of this from Firishtah. But we know that the Bahmani Sultan Mahmud II., who died in 1518, had three sons, Ahmad Ala-ud-Din, and Wali-Ullah, the first of whom became Sultan in December 1517, the second in 1521, the third in the same year; in all cases only nominally.

[253] -- Dec. III. l. iv. c. 10.

[254] -- Correa, Stanley's translation (Hakluyt edition, p. 387, note; Danvers, "Portuguese in India," i. 363. The "Suffilarim" is Asada Khan.

Mr. Baden-Powell has published, in the JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY for April 1900, an interesting paper on the king of Portugal's regulations for, and record of customs in, the newly acquired tracts, dated at Goa in A.D. 1526, and called FORAL DOS USOS E COSTUMES.

[255] -- Dec. IV. 1. vii. c. 1.

[256] -- Mallik Barid. The Hidalchan is the Adil Khan or the Adil Shah; Madre Maluco is the Imad Shah, and Cota Maluco the Qutb Shah.

[257] -- Perhaps this matter ought to find place under the reign of Achyuta Raya, but I mention it here as it may have occurred before the death of Krishna Deva.

[258] -- Article "Vijayanagar" in the MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE for December 1886.

[259] -- "Bellary District Manual" (Kelsall), p. 231.

[260] -- "South Indian Inscriptions" (Hultzsch), p. 132; and EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, BY the same author, iv. 266.

[261] -- JOURNAL, BOMBAY BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 336, &c.

[262] -- EPIG. IND., i. 398; iv. p. 3, note 4.

[263] -- I have broadly declared this relationship, but, as a matter of fact, almost every inscription and literary work in the country differs as to the genealogy of the sovereigns who reigned from this time forward. Nuniz, however, as a contemporary writer residing at the capital, is an excellent authority.

[264] -- EPIG. IND., iv. 3, note 4 (Professor Kielhorn).

[265] -- Scott's edition, i. 252.

[266] -- These names are discussed below.

[267] -- This is apparently an error. The period was only ten years.

[268] -- 16th Safar, A.H. 941 (Firishtah).

[269] -- Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 374 -- 375.

[270] -- "Lists of Antiquities, Madras," vol. i. p. 181 (No. 86), and p. 182 (No. 115).

[271] -- Scott's translation, i. p. 262.

[272] -- Below, p. 367.

[273] -- IDEM, p. 354.

[274] -- Scott, i. pp. 262 ff.; Briggs, iii. p. 80.

[275] -- Briggs has it "a daughter of Shew Ray." Rama married a daughter of Krishna Deva, who was son of the first Narasimha.

[276] -- Inscriptions do not give us the name of any prince of the female line at this period. Briggs calls the uncle "Bhoj" Tirumala. Couto (Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5) renders the name as "Uche Timma," and states that UCHE means "mad."

[277] -- Here we probably find an allusion to the reign of Achyuta. Rama was the elder of three brothers afterwards to become very famous. He and his brother Tirumala both married daughters of Krishna Deva Raya. Achyuta being, in Nuniz's belief, brother of the latter monarch, that chronicler calls these two brothers "brothers-in-law" of King Achyuta. (Below, p. 367.) Nuniz says that King Achyuta "destroyed the principal people in the kingdom and killed their sons" (p. 369).

[278] -- Achyuta had then been for about six years on the throne.

[279] -- If the Sultan's march towards Vijayanagar began in 1535 -- 36, we shall perhaps not be far wrong in assigning Nuniz's chronicle to the year 1536 -- 37, seeing that the author alludes to the dissatisfaction and disgust felt by the nobles and others for their rulers, which presupposes a certain interval to have passed since the departure of the Mussalman army.

[280] -- Scott's edit., i. 265.

[281] -- Scott spells the name "Negtaderee," but I have substituted the rendering given by Briggs, "Venkatadry," as less confusing.

[282] -- Firishtah writes glowingly (Scott, i. 277) of the grandeur of Asada Khan. He "was famed for his judgment and wisdom.... For nearly forty years he was the patron and protector of the nobles and distinguished of the Dekhan. He lived in the highest respect and esteem, with a magnificence and grandeur surpassing all his contemporary nobility. The sovereigns of Beejanuggur and every country observing a respect to his great abilities, frequently honoured him with letters and valuable presents. His household servants ... amounted to 250. He had sixty of the largest elephants and 150 of a smaller size. In his stables he had 400 horses of Arabia and Persia, exclusive of those-of mixed breed foaled in India. His treasures and riches were beyond amount," &c.

[283] -- Firishtah's story of Asada Khan's life is contained in Scott's edition. i. pp. 236 -- 278; Briggs, iii. pp. 45 -- 102.

[284] -- Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5.

[285] -- Dec. IV. l. vii. cap. 6.

[286] -- Turugel is probably Tirakhol, north of Goa.

[287] -- Couto tells us (Dec. VII. l. vii. c. 1) that Rama Raya in 1555 made an expedition against the Christian inhabitants of San Thome, near Madras, but retired without doing great harm; and it is quite possible that the king acknowledged no connection between San Thome and Goa.

[288] -- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii 147.

[289] -- EPIGRAPHIA CARNATICA (Rice), Part i. p. 176, No. 120.

[290] -- I have published a rough list of eighty-eight of these, eighty-four of which are dated, in my "Lists of Antiquities, Madras" (vol. ii. p. 134 ff.).

[291] -- South Indian Inscriptions," vol. i. p. 70.

[292] -- Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

[293] -- "Tetarao," "Ramygupa," and "Ouamysyuaya" (text, below, p. 314).

[294] -- Page 108.

[295] -- Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

[296] -- EPIG. IND., iii. 236.

[297] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 252) states that Rama Raya "married a daughter of the son of Seoroy, by that alliance greatly adding to his influence and power." If so, "Seoroy" must be the first Narasa The historian says that "Seoroy dying was succeeded by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him, and left the throne to a younger brother." These brothers, then, were the second Narasa, called also Vira Narasimha, and Krishna Deva. The rest of Firishtah's account does not tally with our other sources of information. As being son-in-law of Krishna Deva, Rama was called "Aliya," which means "son-in-law," and by this name he is constantly known.

[298] -- IND. ANT., xiii. 154.

[299] -- Vol. iv. pp. 247 -- 249, 276 -- 282.

[300] -- See the pedigree above. The young son would be Venkata, and the uncle, Ranga.

[301] -- Who all these were we do not know. The boy Venkata's uncles would be either brothers of Ranga or brothers of the queen-mother, widow of Achyuta. Achyuta's nephew referred to could not be Sadasiva, because he survived. He may have been nephew of the Rani. The assassination of the boy-king recalls to our minds the story of Firishtah of the murder of the infant prince by "Hoje" Tirumala.

[302] -- Sister, that is, of Krishna Deva. As above stated, Rama Raya, for undoubtedly he is here referred to, married Krishna Deva's daughter, not sister, so far as we can gather.

[303] -- Caesar Frederick states that Rama and his two brothers, of whom Tirumala was minister and Venkatadri commander-in-chief, kept the rightful kings prisoners for thirty years prior to their downfall in 1565. If so, this would include the reign of Achyuta, and the story would differ from that of Nuniz, who represents King Achyuta as free but subject to the malign influence of his "two brothers-in-law." These two may, perhaps, represent Rama and Tirumala, who are said to have married two daughters of Krishna Deva. They would, however, not have been really brothers-in-law of Achyuta.

[304] -- Senhor Lopes, DOS REIS DE BISNAGA, Introduction, p. lxix.

[305] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 271).

[306] -- So Firishtah. The Muhammadan historian of the Qutb Shahi dynasty of Golkonda, translated by Briggs, tells this story of Quli Qutb Shah, Jamshid's predecessor (Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 371).

[307] -- The terms of this treaty are interesting, as they throw much light on the political and commercial relations of the Portuguese at this period with the two great states their neighbours.

The contracting parties are stated to be the king of Portugal by his deputy, the captain-general and governor of Goa, Dom Joao de Castro, and the great and powerful King Sadasiva, king of Bisnaga.

(A) Each party to be friends of the friends, and enemy of the enemies, of the other; and, when called on, to help the other with all their forces against all kings and lords in India, the Nizam Shah always excepted.

(B) The governor of Goa will allow all Arab and Persian horses landed at Goa to be purchased by the king of Vijayanagar on due notice and proper payment, none being permitted to be sent to Bijapur.

(C) The king of Vijayanagar will compel all merchants in his kingdom trading with the coast to send their goods through ports where the Portuguese have factors, permitting none to proceed to Bijapur ports.

(D) The king of Vijayanagar will forbid the importation of saltpetre and iron into his kingdom from any Bijapur port; and will compel its purchase from Portuguese factors.

(E) The same with cloths, copper, tin, China silk, &c.

(F) The king of Vijayanagar will allow no Moorish ship or fleet to stop in his ports, and if any should come he will capture them and send them to Goa. Both parties agree, to wage war on the Adil Shah, and all territory taken from the latter shall belong to Vijayanagar, except lands on the west of the Ghats from Banda on the north to Cintacora on the south, which lands shall belong to the king of Portugal.

[308] -- Muharram, A.H. 956. But the Portuguese records state that Asada Khan died in 1545 (Danvers, i. 465).

[309] -- Danvers' "Portuguese in India," i. 465, 466.

[310] -- Briggs, iii. 328.

[311] -- Below, p. 383.

[312] -- Briggs' "Firishtah," iii. 397, &c.

[313] -- Senhor Lopes has recently found amongst the archives in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon a paper, dated 1555 A.D., which states that the king of Vijayanagar had consented to aid Ibrahim Adil Shah against Ain-ul-Mulkh and "the Meale" (I.E. Prince Abdullah, called "Meale Khan" by the Portuguese), in return for a present of 700,000 pardaos (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part i., packet 97, No. 40).

[314] -- Scott's edit., i. 284.

[315] -- The Muhammadans seem to have always treated Rama Rajah as king. Sadasiva was perhaps too young at that period to have had a son, and the allusion is probably to a son of Rama.

[316] -- King Sadasiva was apparently not strewn.

[317] -- That Ali Adil actually made this visit is confirmed by the narrative of a Golkonda historian, whose work has been translated and published by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 402). The story may be compared with that told above of the visit of Firuz Shah Bahmani to King Deva Raya in A.D. 1406, which had a similar ending.

[318] -- Dec. VII. l. vii. c 1.

[319] -- See also Briggs' "Firistah," iii. 403 -- 405.

[320] -- Firishtah relates an interesting anecdote about this in his history of the Ahmadnagar Sultans. Hussain Nizam Shah desired to make peace with Vijayanagar, and Rama Raja offered to grant it on certain conditions, one of which was that Kallian should he restored to Bijapur, and another that the Nizam Shah should submit to pay him a visit and receive betel from him. Hussain was in such straits that he accepted these severe terms and went to Rama Raja's camp, "who rose on his entering his tent (he did not go out to meet him) and kissed his hand. The Sultan, from foolish pride, called for a basin and ewer, and washed his hands, as if they had been polluted by the touch of Ramraaje, who, enraged at the affront, said in his own language, 'If he were not my guest he should repent this insult;' then calling for water, he also washed." Hussain then gave up the keys of Kallian.

[321] -- Scott's "Firishtah." i. 291; Briggs, iii. 406.

[322] -- 20th Jamada 'l awwal, Hijra 972. Firishtah (Scott), i. 295; Briggs, iii. 413.

[323] -- Though, in fact, the battle did not take place there, but many miles to the south of the river. Talikota is twenty-five miles north of the Krishna. The battle took place ten miles from Rama Raya's camp south of the river, wherever that may have been. There is no available information on this point, but it was probably at Mudkal, the celebrated fortress. The ford crossed by the allies would appear to be that at the bend of the river at Ingaligi, and the decisive battle seems to have been fought in the plains about the little village of Bayapur or Bhogapur, on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal.

[324] -- Couto (Dec. VIII. c. 15) tells an incredible story that Rama Raya was utterly ignorant of any impending attack, and never even heard that the enemy had entered his territories till the news was brought one day while he was at dinner.

[325] -- Below, pp. 275 to 279.

[326] -- I have seen on several occasions bodies of men collected together at Vijayanagar and the neighbourhood, dressed and armed in a manner which they assured me was traditional. They wore rough tunics and short drawers of cotton, stained to a rather dark red-brown colour, admirably adapted for forest work, but of a deeper hue than our English khaki. They grimly assured me that the colour concealed to a great extent the stains of blood from wounds. Their weapons were for the most part spears. Some had old country swords and daggers.

[327] -- Firishtah gives the date as "Friday the 20th of Jumad-oos-Sany," A.H. 972 (Briggs, iii. 414), but the day of the month given corresponds to Tuesday, not Friday.

[328] -- What follows is taken entirely from Firishtah (Scott, i. 296 ff.; Briggs, iii 128, 247).

[329] -- Dec. VIII. c. 15.

[330] -- An interesting note by Colonel Briggs is appended to his translation of these passages of Firishtah (iii. 130). "It affords a striking example at once of the malignity of the Mahomedans towards this Hindoo prince, and of the depraved taste of the times, when we see a sculptured representation of Ramraj's head, at the present day, serving as the opening of one of the sewers of the citadel of Beejapoor, and we know that the real head, annually covered with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Mahomedans of Ahmudnuggur, on the anniversary of the battle, for the last two hundred and fifty years, by the descendants of the executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present period." This was written in 1829.

[331] -- Couto calls them "Bedues," probably for "Beduinos," "Bedouins" or wandering tribes.

[332] -- In this I follow Couto; but the Golkonda historian quoted by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 414) states that the "allied armies halted for ten days on the field of action, and then proceeded to the capital of Beejanuggur." It is, however, quite possible that both accounts are correct. The advanced Muhammadan troops are almost certain to have been pushed on to the capital. The main body, after the sovereigns had received information that no opposition was offered, may have struck their camp on the tenth day.

[333] -- Purchas, edit. of 1625, ii. p. 1703.

[334] -- Couto states that this diamond was one which the king had affixed to the base of the plume on his horse's headdress (Dec. VIII. c. 15). (See Appendix A.)

[335] -- Portuguese ARMEZIM, "a sort of Bengal taffeta" (Michaelis' Dict.).

[336] -- Gold coins of Vijayanagar.

[337] -- KULLAYI. See below, p. 252, 273, 383, and notes.

[338] -- Dec. VIII. c. 15. I have taken this and the next paragraph from Lopes's CHRONICA DOS REYS DE BISNAGA, Introd., p. lxviii.

[339] -- Writing in 1675, the travelled Fryer relates what he saw of the Inquisition at Goa. I take the following from his Letter iv., chapter ii. "Going the next Morning to the Palace-Stairs, we saw their Sessions-House, the bloody Prison of the Inquisition; and in a principal Market-place was raised an Engine a great height, at top like a Gibbet, with a Pulley, with steppings to go upon, as on a Flagstaff, for the STRAPADO, which unhinges a Man's joints; a cruel Torture. Over against these Stairs is an Island where they burn ... all those condemned by the Inquisitor, which are brought from the SANCTO OFFICIO dress'd up in most horrid Shapes of Imps and Devils, and so delivered to the executioner.... St. JAGO, or St. James's Day, is the Day for the AUCTO DE FIE." And in chapter v. of the same Letter he states that, when he was at Goa, "all Butcher's Meat was forbidden, except Pork" -- a regulation irksome enough even to the European residents, but worse for those Hindus allowed by their caste rules to eat meat, but to whom pork is always especially distasteful. Linschoten, who was in India from 1583 to 1589, mentions the imprisonments and tortures inflicted on the Hindus by the Inquisition (vol. ii. pp. 158 -- 227).

[340] -- Caesar Frederick.

[341] -- I.E., they advanced by way of Mudkal, Tavurugiri, and Kanakagiri, a distance of about fifty-five miles, to Anegundi on the north bask of the river at Vijayanagar.

[342] -- Other accounts say that Venkatadri was killed in the battle, and that Tirumala alone of the three brothers survived. Firishtah only wrote from hearsay, and was perhaps misinformed. Probably for "Venkatadri" should be read "Tirumala."

[343] -- Firishtah wrote this towards the close of the century.

[344] -- "South Indian Inscriptions," Hultzsch, i. 69; IND. ANT., xxii. 136.

[345] -- The pedigree is taken from the EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 238. I am not responsible for the numbers attached so the names. Thus I should prefer to call Rama Raya II. "Rama I.," since his ancestors do not appear to have reigned even in name. But I take the table as Dr. Hultzsch has given it. See the Kondyata grant of 1636 (IND. ANT., xiii. 125), the Vilapaka grant of 1601 (ID. ii. 371), and the Kallakursi grant of 1644 (ID. xiii. 153), also my "Lists of Antiquities, Madras," i. 35 -- an inscription of 1623 (No. 30) at Ellore.

[346] -- Scott, i, 303.

[347] -- Briggs, iii pp. 435 -- 438.

[348] -- According to the Kuniyur plates (EPIG. IND, iii. 236), Rama III., Tirumala's third son, was not king.

[349] -- EPIG. IND., iv. 269 -- The Vilapaka Grant.

[350] -- Traditionary history at Adoni relates that the governor of the fortress appointed by Sultan Ali Adil about A.D. 1566 was Malik Rahiman Khan, who resided there for nearly thirty-nine years. His tomb is still kept up by a grant annually made by the Government in continuation of the old custom, and is in good preservation, having an establishment with a priest and servants. Navab Siddi Masud Khan was governor when the great mosque, called the Jumma Musjid, was completed (A.D. 1662). The Bijapur Sultan, the last of his line, sent to him a marble slab with an inscription and a grant of a thousand bold pieces. The slab is still to be seen on one of the arches in the interior, and the money was spent in gilding and decorating the building. Aurangzib of Delhi annexed Bijapur in 1686, and appointed Navab Ghazi-ud-Din Khan governor of Adoni, who had to take the place from the Bijapur governor, Siddi Masud Khan. This was done after a fight, in consequence of the Delhi troops firing (blank) on the great mosque from their guns; which so terrified the governor, who held the Jumma Musjid dearer than his life, that he surrendered. The new governor's family ruled till 1752, when the country was given to Bassalat Jung of Haidarabad. He died and was buried here in 1777, and his tomb is still maintained. The place was ceded to the English by the Nizam in 1802 with the "Ceded Districts."

[351] -- Briggs, iii. 416, ff.

[352] -- "Lists of Antiquities, Madras" (Sewell), ii. 6, 7, Nos. 45, 46.

[353] -- OP. CIT., ii 139 -- 140.

[354] -- The Italian traveller Pietro della Valle was at Ikkeri at the close of the year 1623, and gives an interesting account of all that he saw, and what befell him there. He went with an embassy from Goa to that place. "This Prince VENKTAPA NAIEKA was sometime Vassal and one of the ministers of the great King of VIDIA NAGAR ... but after the downfall of the king ... Venktapa Naieka ... remain'd absolute Prince of the State of which he was Governour, which also, being a good souldier, he hath much enlarged."

[355] -- CARTARIO DOS JESUITOS (Bundle 36, packet 95, No. 22, in the National Archives at Lisbon, ARCHIVO DA TORRE DO TOMBO). Compare Antonio Bocarro, DECADA xiii. p. 296. Mr. Lopes also refers me to an as yet inedited MS., DOCUMENTOS REMETTIDOS DA INDIA, or LIVROS DAS MONCOES, t. i. 359, and t. ii. 370 -- 371, as relating to the same tragic events.

[356] -- See the genealogical table on p. 214. Venkata I. was son of Tirumala, the first real king of the fourth dynasty. The nephew, "Chikka Raya," may have been Ranga III., "Chikka" (young) being, as Barradas tells us, a name usually given to the heir to the throne. In that case Ranga's son, Rama IV., "one of several brothers," would be the boy who survived the wholesale massacre related in the letter.

[357] -- The name "Chikka Raya" in Kanarese means "little" or "young" Raya.

[358] -- Chandragiri.

[359] -- It is not known to whom this refers. The name is perhaps "Obala."

[360] -- This youth was only a great-nephew of Jaga Raya's by a double marriage. His wife was niece of King Venkata, and therefore by marriage niece of Queen Bayama, who was Jaga Raya's daughter.

[361] -- BREDOS. See note, p. 245.

[362] -- Perhaps Ite Obalesvara.

[363] -- Chinna Obala Raya.

[364] -- Written in 1616.

[365] -- This was Muttu Virappa, Nayakka (or Naik) of Madura from 1609 to 1623. Mr. Nelson ("The Madura Country") mentions that in his reign there was a war with Tanjore. Nuniz, writing in 1535, does not mention Madura as amongst the great divisions of the Vijayanagar kingdom; and this coincides with the history as derived from other sources. But by 1614 the Naik of Madura had become very powerful, though the people still occasionally recognised their old sovereigns, the Pandiyans, one of whom is mentioned as late as 1623 ("Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India," 85).

[366] -- Trichinopoly.

[367] -- Close to Madras, often called "Melliapor" by the Portuguese, its native name being Mailapur. Linschoten, writing at the end of the sixteenth century, a few years earlier than the date of the events described, says, "This towne ... is now the chiefe cittie of Narsinga and of the coast of Choromandel."

[368] -- See above, p. 214.

[369] -- "Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India," p. 112.

[370] -- "He" here is Domingo Paes.

[371] -- The "kingdom of Narsinga" is the name often given by the Portuguese and others to Vijayanagar.

[372] -- The term here is limited to the small territory of Portuguese India immediately round the city of Goa. Thus Linschoten (A.D. 1583) wrote, "At the end of Cambaya beginneth India, AND the lands of Decam and Cuncam," meaning that immediately south of the territories of Cambay began those of Portuguese India, while other countries on the border were the Dakhan and the Konkan.

[373] -- In Portugal.

[374] -- This was apparently the usual route for travellers from the coast to Vijayanagar. Fr. Luis used it for his journey from Cochin to the capital in 1509 (above, p. 123, and note).

[375] -- Probably Sandur, about 120 miles from the coast at Bhatkal. Sandur is a small Mahratta state 25 miles from Vijayanagar.

[376] -- That is, on the east of Portuguese India, west of the territory of Vijayanagar.

[377] -- Unidentified. The great tree was of course a banyan.

[378] -- Coromandel. This name was applied by the Portuguese to the Eastern Tamil and Southern Telugu countries. It had no well-defined limits, and often was held to extend even as far north as to the Krishna river, or even to Orissa. Yule and Burnell adhere to the now generally received definition of the name from CHOLA-MANDALA, the country of the Cholas (Glossary, S.V. Coromandel).

[379] -- Orissa.

[380] -- COMQUISTA COM is evidently an error for CONFINA COM. The same word is used three times in the next paragraph.

[381] -- The Adil Khan, Sultan of Bijapur. The name is sometimes written by the Portuguese IDALXA (XA for Shah). We have numberless spellings in the old chronicles, thus, HIDALCAN, ADELHAM, &c.

[382] -- For Nizam-ul-Mulkh, or the Nizam Shah, the Sultan of Ahmadnagar. Similarly the Qutb Shah of Golkonda is called in these chronicles "Cotamaluco." The Imad Shah of Birar is called the "Imademaluco," or even "Madremaluco," by the Dutch (Linschoten) and Portuguese. The Barid Shah of Bidar is styled "Melique Verido."

[383] -- The spelling of the name in the original is very doubtful. First it reads ARCHA, on the next occasion it is undoubtedly DARCHA. The third mention of the place calls it LARCHA. But in each case the R is not very clear, and might be an I undotted. Moreover, the C may possibly be an E, and the name may be ARCHA or DAREHA. If we should accept the latter, we may identify it with Dharwar, and believe it to be the same as the DUREE of Nuniz (below, p. 292).

[384] -- PRANHAS in original, probably for PIANHAS or PEANHAS (see below, p. 288).

[385] -- JOGIS, Hindu ascetics.

[386] -- This probably refers to the Egyptian obelisk at St. Peter's.

[387] -- Evidently the god GANESA.

[388] -- "Bisnaga," the Portuguese rendering of VIJAYANAGAR, the "city of victory." The spellings adopted by different writers have been endless. We have Beejanugger and Beejnugger in the translations of Firishtah; Bisnagar, Bidjanagar, Bijanagher, amongst the Portuguese; Bicheneger In the writings of the Russian Nikitin; Bizenegalia in those of the Italian Nicolo dei Conti.

[389] -- BUQUEYROIS. The word implies something dug out, as opposed so redoubts, which would be built up.

[390] -- Dakhan.

[391] -- This is Nagalapur, the modern Hospett (EPIG. IND., iv. 267).

[392] -- This tank or lake is described by Nuniz (see p. 364).

[393] -- HUU TIRO DE FALLCAO, a shot from a falcon, an old piece of artillery.

[394] -- BREDOS, "blites," an insipid kitchen vegetable. But as the word is not common, and as Brahmans make use of most vegetables, I have preferred the more general term.

[395] -- MACAAS, literally "apples."

[396] -- It was generally called Nagalapur, but Nuniz says that the lady's name was Chinnadevi (below, p. 362).

[397] -- CORUCHEES. See p. 200, note 3.

[398] -- GRANDES SUPITOS.

[399] -- A mixture, apparently, of MAHA, "great," and "Shah."

[400] -- The passage that follows is not very clear in the original.

[401] -- The word last used is SELLADOS, literally "sealed."

[402] -- ALJOFAR. This word is constantly used in the chronicles. Garcia da Orta (COLLOQ. xxxv.) derives it from Cape Julfar in Arabia, near Ormuz. Cobarruvias says it is from Arabic jauhar, "jewel" (Yule and Burnell Dict.). Da Orta writes: "CHAMA-SE perla EM CASTELHANO E perola EM PORTUGUEZ, E EM LATIM unio, E ISTO NO aljofar GRANDE; PORQUE O MIUDO CHAMA-SE EM LATIM margarita, E EM ARABIO lulu, E EM PERSIO E NEST' OUTRAS GERACOES DA INDIA moti, E EM MALAVAR mutu, E EM PORTUGUEZ E CASTELHANO aljofar;" I.E. a large pearl is called PERLA in Spanish, PEROLA in Portuguese, UNIO in Latin; a small pearl is called in Latin MARGARITA, in Arabic LULU, in Persian and many Indian languages MOTI, in Malayalam MUTU, and in Portuguese and Spanish ALJOFAR.

[403] -- EMGELLYM, sesamum or gingelly, an oil seed.

[404] -- This was the great Saluva Timma, Krishna Deva's minister. The termination -RSEA probably represents ARASA, the Kanarese form for Rajah. TEMERSEA = TIMMARASA = TIMMA RAJAH.

[405] -- According to Correa, Christovao de Figueiredo had been sent by the governor, Lopo Soares, in 1517 to Vijayanagar as factor, with horses and elephants (LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. 509 -- 510); but Senhor Lopes points out (Introduction to his CHRONICA, lxxxii. note) that we do not know how far this assertion is true. He certainly lived at Goa, and not long after this battle was made chief TANEDAR of the mainlands of Goa, with residence at the temple of Mardor. He was several times in peril at the hands of the Mussalmans, and in 1536 was present at the battles which took place between the Portuguese and Asada Khan of Belgaum, with whom he was on terms of friendship. Mr. Danvers (ii. 507) states that he was also at one time attorney of the factory of Goa.

[406] -- This apparently refers to Ruy de Mello (see above, p. 142 ff.). If De Sequeira were meant he would have been called "Governor."

[407] -- HORGAOS. Mr. Ferguson points out that these were undoubtedly musical instruments. Castanheda (v. xxviii.), describing the embassy to "Prester John" under Dom Roderigo de Lima in 1520 (the same year), states that among the presents sent to that potentate were "some organs and a clavichord, and a player for them." These organs are also mentioned in Father Alvares's account of their embassy (Hakluyt Society Trans., p. 10).

[408] -- PATECA, something worn round the neck. There appears to be some mistake here, as PATECA means "a sort of long robe or gown (worn) in India" (Michaelis' Dict.).

[409] -- Varthema says, "The king wears a cap of gold brocade two spans long." This was Krishna Deva's predecessor, Narasimha.

[410] -- This may refer to the handsome temple of Anantasayana, a mile or so from Hospett on the road to Kamalapur. The trees still stand in parts.

[411] -- FORTALEZAS. Probably the writer refers either to bastions or towers, or to strongly fortified places of refuge on the hilltops. The passage is obscure.

[412] -- Four words, TEMDES HUA PORTA PRIMCIPAL, have been accidentally omitted in the printed copy.

[413] -- TERREIRO. The gateway here spoken of is most probably the great entrance to the palace enclosure, just to the north of the village of Kamalapur.

[414] -- The writer forgot to fulfil this promise.

[415] -- POR QUE SAO COMO AS COMFRARYAS que NAS NOSSAS PARTES HAA.

[416] -- A MUYTOS NATURAES DA TERRA.

[417] -- MUNGUO. "Moong ... green gram ... a kind of vetch" (Yule and Burnell, Dict.).

[418] -- MACHARUY.

[419] -- A VINTEM = 1 7/20 of a penny.

[420] -- Probably for FANAOS. But the plural of FANAO is usually given as FANOES.

[421] -- ESTARNA. "A sort of small partridge with black feet" (Michaelis' Dict.).

[422] -- Here we have the plural FANOEES.

[423] -- Povos is a place near Lisbon.

[424] -- Anegundi.

[425] -- Below, pp. 292, 293.

[426] -- The stone bridge, built on rows of rough monolithic uprights, the remains of which are still to be seen near the temple of Vitthalasvami, appears, from the absence of allusion to it, to have been constructed at a later date.

[427] -- This clearly alludes to the beautifully sculptured temple of Vitthalasvami, which is in the situation described.

[428] -- This word is a puzzle. If the temple be, as seems most probable from the description, the principal temple at Hampe, still in use, I suggest that AOPE represents "Hampi" or "Hampe." RADI may be "rajah," or RADIAN may be "rajyam." The name was perhaps given to Paes by some one who described it as "the royal Hampe temple" and this would accurately describe it. It was dedicated to Virupaksha, and was the cathedral of the great city.

[429] -- The word used is ROMEYRA, which may mean either a pomegranate tree or a female pilgrim. The allusion is to the plaster figures and designs on the tower (CORUCHEO) above the gate.

[430] -- CINZEYRO apparently means a place for ashes (CINZA). CINZAS are "ashes of the dead." The reference may be to a place in a church where incense-burners are kept, or, as I think, equally well to the crypt, and this last sense seems better to suit the context.

[431] -- SEUS for SEIS.

[432] -- The word is omitted in the original.

[433] -- BREDOS. See above, pp. 227, 245, notes.

[434] -- For a discussion as to the dates given in Paes, see p. 140 ff. above.

[435] -- TERREYRO. See above, p. 254. Evidently the place of arms is referred to.

[436] -- PORTEYROS, PORTEYRO MOOR. These men are often mentioned in the chronicle. Their chief was one of the king's most important officers, and I give him the title "Chief of the Guard."

[437] -- I am doubtful about this translation. The word used has probably some technical meaning. Yule's Dictionary has SOOSIE from Persian susi. "Some kind of silk cloth, but we know not what kind." The original passage runs: -- "Quoanto ao pao, sabereis que he toda chea de sues soajes, e de liois todos d ouro, e no vao d estas soajes tem huas chapas d ouro com muytos robis," &c.

[438] -- CABO. I think this must mean the edge, the front, not the extreme end of the king's balcony.

[439] -- This is given in the singular number, probably by mistake, as the plural is used immediately afterwards AO CAVALLO ... OS ENCEMCA.

[440] -- TAVOLEIRO.

[441] -- PAREDES, probably for "purdahs" (Persian, PARDA), curtains or screens. The Portuguese word means a "wall."

[442] -- MOLHERES SOLTEIRAS E BAYLHADEIRAS, I.E. the dancing girls of the temple and palace.

[443] -- LAVODES. See below, p. 276, note regarding LAUDES.

[444] -- Saluva Timma, the minister. The name is spelt in various ways in the chronicles of both Paes and Nuniz. Krishna Deva owed his throne to him (below, p. 315).

[445] -- The king of Seringapatam at this period was Bettada Chama Raya, who ruled the Mysore country from 1513 to 1552. He had three sons. The two eldest received at his death portions of his estate, but both died without issue. The third son was called "Hire" or "Vira" Chama. He was apparently the most powerful, and the best beloved of his father, since he received as his portion on the latter's death the principal tract of Mysore, the town itself, and the neighbouring province. After the fall of Vijayanagar in 1565 he became practically independent, and ruled till the principal power was seized by his relative, Raja Udaiyar, in 1578. The word KUMARA (= "son") is often applied in royal families in India to one of the reigning king's offspring, and I venture to think that CUMARVIRYA represents KUMARA VIRAYYA, the king of Seringapatam being himself not present at these feasts, and the personage seen by Paes being his son Vira.

[446] -- The writer begins again, "But returning to the feasts." I have omitted the phrase here, as it has become rather monotonous.

[447] -- A small gold coin, of which it is very difficult to assess the exact value. Abdur Razzak (1443) apparently makes it equal to the half pagoda; Varthema (1503 -- 7) to the pagoda itself; and this latter is the sense in which we must take it. Varthema calls it a "gold ducat." Purchas says it was in his day about the value of a Flemish dollar. The general value assigned in more recent days to the pagoda is 3 1/2 rupees, or seven shillings when the rupee stands at par value. (See Yule and Burnell's Dictionary, "Hobson-Jobson," S.V. "pagoda" and "pardao." Yule apparently values it, at the period treated of, as about 4s. 6d.) Barros and Castanheda both agree with Paes that the pardao was worth 360 reis. (Below, p. 282.)

[448] -- Kullayi in Telugu. See pp. 210, 252, note 2, and p. 383. These women appear to have worn men's head-dresses.

[449] -- The reins were not of leather, but of silk twisted into ropes.

[450] -- I read the word in the MS. XISMAEL, and Mr. Lopes suggests that this stands for Sheik (XEQUE) Ismail. If so, undoubtedly Persia is meant.

[451] -- LAUDEIS. This word, variously spelt, is constantly used. It appears to refer to the thick quilted tunics, strengthened by leather or metal pieces, which were so often worn in India in old days. They were in many cases richly ornamented, and formed a good defence against sword-cuts. The pillars of the elaborately ornamented KALYANA MANDAPA of the temple in the fort at Vellore in North Arcot, which was built during the Vijayanagar period, are carved with rearing horses, whose riders wear jerkins, apparently of leather, fastened with buttons and loops. It is possible that this was the body-clothing referred to by the chronicler. I can give no clue to the origin of the word, unless it be connected with the Kanarese LODU, "a stuffed cloth or cushion." Barros, describing the dress of the Hindu cavalry in the Raichur campaign of 1520, says that they wore LAUDEES of cotton (EMBUTIDOS, whatever that may mean in this context -- lit. "inlaid"), or body, head, and arms, strong enough to protect them against lance-thrusts or sword-cuts; the horses and elephants were similarly protected. Foot-soldiers carried no defensive armour "but only the LAUDEES." -- Dec. III. l. iv. c. 4.

[452] -- LIOES. The meaning is not clear.

[453] -- As to this large number see p. 147 ff. above.

[454] -- Some details are given by Nuniz (below, p. 384 f.).

[455] -- According to the quite independent testimony of Nuniz (below, p. 374) these were the "kings" of Bankapur, Gersoppa, Bakanur Calicut, and Bhatkal.

[456] -- For a full note as to these chronological details see above, p. 140 ff.

[457] -- The "Guandaja" of Nuniz (below, p. 361).

[458] -- All these buildings are utterly destroyed, but there is no doubt that careful and systematic excavations would disclose the whole plan of the palace, and that in the ruins and debris would be found the remains of the beautiful sculptures described. Close behind the great decorated pavilion, from which the king and his court witnessed the feasts described by Paes, and therefore close to the gate just alluded to, are to be seen, half-buried in earth and debris, two large stone doors, each made of a single slab. The stone has been cut in panels to imitate woodwork, and teas large staples carved from the same block.

[459] -- FEYTO DE HUAS MEYAS CANAS. I am doubtful as to the meaning of this. Examination of the mass of ruins now remaining would settle all these points. Stone sculptures were broken up and left. They were not removed. (See also p. 288 below.)

[460] -- Mr. Ferguson has ingeniously emendated Senhor Lopes's reading from YINAGEES POR QUE NAS QUE ESTAO METIDAS TO YMAGEES PEQUENAS QUE, &c ... The MS., however, which is itself a copy, has POR QUE NAS.

[461] -- SAO DE MEAS CANES (see above, p. 285). Meaning not understood, unless it be as rendered.

[462] -- This description deserves special notice. The writer is evidently describing a MANDAPA richly sculptured, of which so many examples are still to be seen in temples, and he states that the whole of the stone carving was richly coloured and gilded. This probably was always the case. Traces of colour still remain on many of these buildings at Vijayanagar.

[463] -- PRANHUS (see above, p. 241). Probably the sculptures were like many still to be seen in the temples of that date in Southern India, where the base of the pillar is elaborately carved with grotesque figures of elephants, horses, and monsters.

[464] -- The gate still exists opposite the Anegundi ferry.

[465] -- Krishnapura, where are the ruins of a fine temple.

[466] -- It seems clear that this sentence must be interpolated, and perhaps also the whole of the last four paragraphs. For the penultimate sentence could not have formed part of the original chronicle of Paes, written perhaps in 1522, or thereabouts, as it refers to an event that took place in 1535 -- 36.

[467] -- Elsewhere called "Ondegema." Its other name was Nagalapur. It is the modern Hospett. (See below, Nuniz, p. 387.)

[468] -- This "general destruction" evidently refers to the conquest of Anegundi by Muhammad Taghlaq.

[469] -- (See above, p. 8.) The date should be about 1330. Nuniz was here about a century wrong.

[470] -- Delhi.

[471] -- A common error with the foreigners. Properly speaking it was Cambaya which belonged to Gujarat.

[472] -- Muhammad Taghlaq of Delhi.

[473] -- Persia (above, p. 10).

[474] -- I.E. the Balaghat, or country above the ghats. "The high land on the top is very flatte and good to build upon, called Ballagatte and Decan, and is inhabited and divided among divers kings and governors" (Linschoten, i. 65). Correa divides this part of India into "Bisnega, Balagate, and Cambay."

[475] -- This is the Portuguese rendering of the Adil Khan, or Adil Shah of Bijapur. "Idalxa" represents the latter title.

[476] -- The description applies best to the Malprabha River, and perhaps "Duree" represents Dharwar.

[477] -- Anegundi.

[478] -- He was at that time only chief or king of Anegundi, Vijayanagar not having been yet founded.

[479] -- These basket-boats are described by Paes (see above, p. 259).

[480] -- I have not been able to identify this name. It is possible that the first syllable represents the word SRI, and that the whole may have been a special appellation of the upper fortress or citadel, on the rocky heights above the town of Anegundi.

[481] -- There had been no special war with Anegundi that we know of; but the Rajah of that place had very possibly been directly affected by, if not actually engaged in, the wars between the Hindu Hoysala Ballalas and the rulers of Warangal and Gujarat on the one hand, and the Muhammadan invaders from Delhi on the other.

[482] -- See Introduction, p. 13. "His kingdoms" (SEUS REYNOS) refers to the territories of Muhammad Taghlaq, whose barbarities had resulted in the wasting and depopulation of large tracts.

[483] -- See above, p. 294, note 1.

[484] -- Spelt below "Meliquy niby" and "Mileque neby;" evidently for MALLIK NAIB, the king's deputy.

[485] -- Above, p. 19 ff.

[486] -- Deva Raya. This was the general title of the Vijayanagar kings; thus, Harihara Deva Raya, Bukka Deva Raya, Krishna Deva Raya, &c. This first king is given no personal name by Nuniz. There were afterwards two kings who are known to history by the names Deva Raya I. and Deva Raya II., with no personal name prefixed.

[487] -- This same tale is told of many kings and chiefs in Southern India. The "Tazkarat-ul-Muluk" (IND. ANT., May 1899, p. 129) also relates it of the Bahmani Sultan Ahmad Shah (1422 -- 35), alleging that it was the behaviour of a hunted hare that induced him to make Bidar his capital.

[488] -- This was the great Sringeri Guru, Madhavacharya, surnamed VIDYARANYA, or "Forest of Learning." This derivation of the name of the city is very common, but is believed to be erroneous.

[489] -- The large temple of Virupaksha at Hampe.

[490] -- Bukka Raya.

[491] -- PUREOYRE probably represents "Harihara." This king was not the first to coin PARDAOS or pagodas. A pagoda of Bukka I. is known (IND. ANT., xx. 302).

[492] -- See above, p. 51. There is no name amongst those of this dynasty with which this can be at present connected.

[493] -- Ceylon.

[494] -- Coromandel (note, p. 239 above).

[495] -- Vijaya Rao.

[496] -- Quilon.

[497] -- Pulicat, near Madras. This was an important province of Vijayanagar in later years.

[498] -- Tenasserim.

[499] -- PINA = CHINNA in Telugu, CHIKKA in Kanarese, and means "little." Pina Raya or Chikka Raya was the title applied to the Crown Prince (above, p. 223). The derivation given by Nuniz is plainly wrong.

[500] -- Abdur Razzak relates the same story, and fixes the event as having taken place between November 1442 and April 1445 A.D., "while he was at Calicut" (above, p. 73).

[501] -- This seems so imply that the nephew of the king had been one of the twenty ministers (REGEDORES) mentioned in the chronicle.

[502] -- SIC in orig.

[503] -- Virupaksha Raya.

[504] -- NARASHIMHA. He had apparently large tracts of country under his charge to the east of the capital towards the east coast. His relationship to the sovereign has always been a matter of doubt.

[505] -- Persia (Ormuz) and Aden. The latter were Arabs.

[506] -- "Rachol" is Raichur; "Odegary" represents Udayagiri; "Conadolgi" probably is Kondavid, AOLGI for DRUG, a mountain fortress.

[507] -- This account of the second Narasa and the family relationship differs altogether from the results obtained from epigraphical study, according to which the second Narasa was elder son of the first Narasa or Narasimha Krishna Deva being the latter's younger son.

[508] -- Pennakonda.

[509] -- CF. "Temersea," p. 250, and note. This, however, was not the man there alluded to, though he bore the same name.

[510] -- Later on we learn that this man's name was Codemerade (p. 360).

[511] -- Chandragiri, the capital of the kingdom in its decadent days.

[512] -- Inscriptions do not give us the names of any sons having names like these. "Crismarao" probably represents Krishna Deva Raya, son of the first Narasa or Narasimha, and brother of the second Narasa, often called Vira Narasimha.

[513] -- Saluva Timma. This man belonged apparently to the new royal family, whose family name was Saluva. He was the powerful minister of Krishna Deva Raya, hut died disgraced, imprisoned, and blinded. He is constantly mentioned in inscriptions of the period.

[514] -- Perhaps "Basava Raya," but as yet no brother of Krishna Deva is known bearing that name.

[515] -- Raichur.

[516] -- Mudkal.

[517] -- Udayagiri.

[518] -- Some say uncle.

[519] -- In the MS. EM QUE AVIA is evidently a mistake for E QUE AVIA.

[520] -- Kondavid.

[521] -- I cannot identify this river. There is none such, to my knowledge, twelve miles or thereabouts from Kondavid. "Salt" may perhaps mean brackish.

[522] -- Kondapalle.

[523] -- Rajahmundry. The first syllable has been accidentally dropped, perhaps by the copyist.

[524] -- Senhor Lopes's "Chronica" has "HU HOME SEU QUE AQUELLE TEMPO D AQUELLE TEMPO MUITO SABIA." Mr. Ferguson suggests, and with good reason, that for the second TEMPO we should read JOGO. I have translated the passage accordingly. Senhor Lopes concurs.

[525] -- The original MS. has TOMARIA SUAS TERRAS -- "would take his lands." Possibly the first of these words should have been TORNARIA, in which case the sentence would mean that the King "would restore the lands" to his enemy.

[526] -- I am unable to identify this country. The description of the town answers to Vellore in North Arcot, the fine old fort at which place is surrounded with a deep moat. According to tradition, this place was captured by Krishna Deva Raya from a Reddi chief.

[527] -- Blank in the original.

[528] -- ELREY DAQUEM.. This may be "the king on this side" or "the king of the Dakhan." The former seems most probable, and I think that the reference is to the forces of Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golkonda (see the Muhammadan account of affairs at this time, given above, pp. 132 -- 135.)

[529] -- Muhammad, Mahomet, I.E. he was of the Prophet's kindred.

[530] -- The text is confused here.

[531] -- The following is Barros's account of this affair of "Cide Mercar." After mentioning the terms of the treaty between Vijayanagar and Bijapur, one of which provided for the reciprocal extradition of criminals and debtors, he writes: --

"Crisnarao, knowing that he could catch the Hidalcao in this trap, called a Moor by name Cide Mercar, who had been in his service for many years, and bade him take forty thousand pardaos and go to Goa to buy horses of those that had come from Persia. Crisnaro wrote letters to our Captain ... on purpose so that the affair might become widely known to all. Cide Mercar, either tempted by the large sum of money in his charge, or swayed by a letter which they say was sent to him by the Hidalcao, when he arrived at a TANADARIA called Ponda, three leagues from Goa, fled to the Hidalcao from there. The Hidalcao as soon as he arrived sent him to Chaul, saying hat he bestowed on him this TANADARIA as he was an honourable man of the family of Mahamed ...; but in a few days he disappeared from there, and they say that the king ordered his murder after he had taken from him the forty thousand pardaos."

[532] -- "Madre" stands for Imad, the Birar Sultan; "Virido" for the Barid Sultan of Bidar. I cannot explain Demellyno or DESTUR, unless the former be an error of the copyist for "Zemelluco" as written below, which certainly refers to the Nizam Shah. Several Portuguese writers omit the first syllable of "Nizam" In their chronicles. On p. 348 below, these names are given as Madremalluco, Zemelluco, "Destuy" and "Virido;" and therefore "Destur" and "Destuy" must mean the Qutb Shah of Golkonda, at that period Sultan Quli. On p. 349 we have the form "Descar."

[533] -- For a full discussion of this date see above, p. 140.

[534] -- See above, p. 263, note. His name was Kama Naik (p 329).

[535] -- SEUS ALLYFANTES. Perhaps SEUS is a clerical error for SEIS, "six." Barros, in describing the same event, says "sixteen elephants."

[536] -- See below, p. 360, note.

[537] -- Probably Ganda Rajah, brother of Saluva Timma, the minister. (See p. 284, and note to p. 361.) The initial "O" may he the article "The."

[538] -- The great vassal lords of Madura, who after the fall of the kingdom established themselves as a dynasty of independent sovereigns, descended, so Barradas tells us, from the "Page of the betel" (above, p. 230).

[539] -- I think that the second C in this name is an error for E, and that "Comarberea" represents Kumara Virayya of Mysore (above, p. 269). Later on Nuniz spells the name "Comarberya" (below, p. 336).

[540] -- Above, pp. 40, 60, 122.

[541] -- LADES, for LAUDEIS, quilted tunics, doublets. The word is spelt in other places LAYDES, LAMDES, LANDYS, LAMDYS, and LANDEIS. See note, p. 276, above.

[542] -- GOMEDARES, probably the modern AGOMIA or GOMIA, "a poignard." Senhor Lopes refers me to Barros, Mendes, Pinto, &c., where the form used is GUMIA; the word being derived from the Arabic KUMMIYA, which properly means a curved dagger -- "UM PUNHAL EM MEO ARCO" (MS. in Portuguese, on Morocco, in Senhor Lopes's possession).

[543] -- See above, p. 270.

[544] -- Malliabad, as now called, close to Raichur. The name given by Nuniz I take to represent "Mallia (or Malliya) Banda," probably the Hindu name. BANDA = "rock." "Malliabad" is the name given by the Musalmans.

[545] -- A small copper coin.

[546] -- MINGUO, probably MOONG or green grain ("Hobson-Jobson"). Ibn Batuta calls it MUNJ, others MUNGO.

[547] -- REGATOEES D ARTE.

[548] -- The total cavalry and elephants of the different columns enumerated above comes to 32,600 and 551 respectively.

[549] -- Barros has ANCOSTAO, and Correa ANCOSCAO. The latter termination seems the most natural -- CAO for KHAN. The name appears to be "Ankus Khan." "Pomdaa" is Pomda or Ponda, close to Goa.

[550] -- Dom Guterre de Monroy sailed from Portugal to India in 1515 in command of a fleet (Albuquerque, Hakluyt edition, iv. 194). In 1516 he was in command at Goa during the absence of Governor Lopo Soares at the Red Sea, between the months of February and September, and during that period attacked the Bijapur troops at Ponda, which were commanded by Ankus Khan, with some success (Barros, Dec III. l. i. c. 8). Osorio (Gibbs' translation, ii. 235) represents De Monroy as a man of a very cruel and licentious disposition. He was married to a niece of the governor.

[551] -- They believed, that is, that their prestige would give them great moral superiority over the Hindus.

[552] -- This passage is obscure.

[553] -- See above, p. 327 and note.

[554] -- The original has CAVAS E BAUDES. The meaning of the last word is not clear.

[555] -- AVYAO DE MORRER PEDIDO AUSA DA MORTE. AUSA is perhaps for OUSADIA, "boldness;" and the passage would then mean that since death appeared inevitable they should meet it half-way, and not lazily await it; they should die like soldiers in a charge, not stupidly standing still to be slaughtered.

[556] -- "Sufo Larij," Barros, Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5. Asada Khan's love of intrigue was proverbial amongst the Portuguese of that day.

[557] -- COMO QUER QUE ACADACAO TRAZIA QUEM HIA A TERRA. A doubtful passage.

[558] -- TOMAMDO A FALLDRA DA SERRA DA BAMDA DO SUL. It would be interesting to learn which range of hills is referred to.

[559] -- Salabat Khan.

[560] -- See above, p. 251, note.

[561] -- LLAVAOCAS, for ALAVANCA, a Portuguese word for crowbar still everywhere in Ceylon.

[562] -- FRAMGES, I.E. Feringhees, Franks, or Europeans.

[563] -- Saluva Timma.

[564] -- Rey Daquym, I.E. King of the Dakhan. This evidently refers to the Bahmani king, who was still recognised as titular sovereign, though the whole country had revolted and broken up into five independent kingdoms. For the names that precede this see note to p. 325 above.

[565] -- COMECARAO DEITAR AS BARBES EM REMOLHO. This refers to the Portuguese proverb -- "Quando vires arder as barbas do teu vizinho, poe (or deita) as tuas em remolho" -- "When you see your neighbour's beard on fire, steep your own in water;" or guard against like treatment. -- D. F.

[566] -- This passage appears to be corrupt, and I have been unable to guess at its meaning. Senhor Lopes, whom I have consulted, is equally at fault about it.

[567] -- ELREY O MAMDOU VER.

[568] -- QUE ELLE TE AMA A TY DIANTE DE TY. The latter words may be an emphatic expression, akin to DIANTE DE DEUS E DE TODO O MUNDO, "In the face of God and all the world."

[569] -- Ante elles should be "antre elles."

[570] -- Mudkal.

[571] -- Bijapur.

[572] -- TODO A CULLPA DE TALL SER FEYTO POR ASY. Lit. "all on account of his having acted thus."

[573] -- Kulbarga, the ancient Bahmani capital.

[574] -- This passage does not seem very exact from an historical standpoint (see above, p. 157, and note).

[575] -- Saluva Timma.

[576] -- (Above, p. 310 f.) The original text has "E FEZ REGEDOR HUU FILHO CODEMERADE," but I cannot identify the name with any ordinary Hindu name or title; and if "son of Codemerade" be meant, as I suppose, the DE has been omitted accidentally. If, however, there has been a confusion of syllables and the original reading was "FILHO DE CODEMERA," then I would point to the list given above of powerful nobles (p. 327) who commanded the forces of the king in the great Rachol campaign, one of whom was called COMDAMARA. In the concluding paragraph of this chapter we have this new minister's name given as "Ajaboissa," and in the list of provincial lords (p. 385 below) as "Ajaparcatimapa." The latter name sounds more probable than the former. The first half would be the family name, the last, "Timmappa," his own personal name.

[577] -- In the passage earlier in this chapter Saluva Timma is said to have had a brother "Guandaja." Putting the two together, it would seem that his brother and son both bore the same name, probably Ganda Rajah. Paes refers to the brother as being in his day governor of the capital (above, p. 284. He calls him "Gamdarajo." See also p. 327, note 2.

[578] -- CYMCO MENOS HUU QUOARTO POR MIL PARDAOS, or nineteen for four thousand pardaos. The chronicler was a trader in horses at Vijayanagar. Later on he mentions the usual price as twelve or fifteen horses for a thousand PARDAOS (below, p. 381).

[579] -- Belgaum.

[580] -- The captain of Ponda was Ankus Khan (above, p. 335, notes 1, 2).

[581] -- About a mile and a quarter. Nagalapur is the modern Hospett. If the measurement is accurate, this street, leading, no doubt, towards the capital, is now non-existent.

[582] -- The Della Pontes are more than once mentioned in the history of the sixteenth century. They were probably an Italian family or Italien in origin, and engineers by profession, the Rialto at Venice having been constructed by Antonio della Ponte in 1588. This, however, may be a fanciful connection. It is possible that both in Portugal and in Italy families may have received that surname in consequence of their skill in bridge-building, or of one of the family having in former days distinguished himself by the construction of a particular bridge. The engineer mentioned in the text is probably the individual who at the end of April 1520 was sent by the king of Portugal to examine into the possibility of building a fortress at Tetuan in Morocco. Dom Pedro de Mascarenhas (afterwards, in 1554, Viceroy at Goa) sailed on this mission from Ceuta, and "Joao Nunes del Pont" is mentioned as accompanying him. The king and the Emperor Charles V. were both at this time anxious to prevent the Moorish corsairs from using Tetuan in future, as they had done in the past, as a base for their piratical attacks on Spain and Portugal. (Damiao de Goes, CHRONICA DE DOM MANUEL, edit. of Coimbra, 1790, vol. i. Part IV. p. 532; ALGUNS DOCUMENTOS DO ARCHIVO NACIONAL DA TORRE DO TOMBO, Lisbon, 1892; pp. 445 -- 446.)

In 1521, some time after the month of March, when Dom Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, the governor of Goa, had returned from his expedition to the Red Sea, he was urged by his counsellors to build a fortress at Madrefaba near Goa, as the place contained an anchorage sufficient for an entire fleet. (Correct, LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. p. 622.) Correa continues: "The governor, however, thought better to send in a COTIA Antonio Correa and Pero de Coimbra, his chief pilot, to inspect the river of Madrefaba and measure the water on the bar, and Manuel da Ponte, Overseer of Works, and Joao de la Ponte, his brother, who understood it well, to view the land, and if there were stone, and if lime could be made for the work, and to bring him certitude of all."

If this man were the same as he who went with Mascarenhas to Tetuan, he had, in all probability, not been long in India when he went to Madrefaba. This seems to show that the great tank of Krishna Deva Raya, seen in process of construction by the chronicler Paes (see p. 244), and mentioned in the text by Nunez, was not begun till at least the autumn of 1521. If so, Paes did not WRITE his description of Vijayanagar till after that date (say 1522). (See above, p. 162.)

[583] -- ESPACOS. This probably means sluices or weirs.

[584] -- POR NOVE ANOS DE GRACA.

[585] -- NAO HA NENHU MANIMETO NEM MERCADARYAS.

[586] -- The original (itself a copy) has "NESTA TERRO NAO SE SERVEM DE BESTAS PERA CARREGUAS." I think that the words SE NAO must have been accidentally omitted before DE BESTAS, and have ventured so to render the passage.

[587] -- About 3 1/2d. (?). A VINTEM is about 7 1/20d.

[588] -- I have given the meaning here, not a literal translation. The writer begins: "After the death of King Crisnarao from his disease, as has been already recounted." Then he inserts a long parenthesis which might he read: "While he was sick ... he had made a will ... &c...." down to ... "but only one of the age of eighteen months." Then he continues: "After his death (as I have said) Salvanay became minister," &c....

[589] -- Chandragiri.

[590] -- See above, p. 315.

[591] -- Achyuta.

[592] -- Belgaum.

[593] -- These two may perhaps be two of the three powerful brothers Rama, Tirunnala, and Venkatadri, of whom the two first married two daughters of Krishna Deva. In such case, however, they would not have been actually brothers-in-law of King Achyuta, but of his brother the late king.

[594] -- A mangelin is roughly equivalent to a carat, hut actually the difference is one-fifth; 4 mangelins = 5 carats. So that 130 mangelins = 162 carats, The KOH-I-NUR, when brought to England, weighed 186 carats (See Appendix A.)

[595] -- The word used is CATRE, a light bedstead, probably the origin of the modern South Indian word "cot," for a camp bedstead.

[596] -- ARQUELHA DE PRATA. ARQUELHA is a mosquito-net. Since manifestly the net itself could not be made of silver, the allusion is probably to its supports. Senhor Lopes, in a letter to me, suggests that it means the upper portion of the canopy, "LE CIEL DU LIT," or the framework that holds the curtains, ARQUELHA being a diminutive of ARCO, a "bow" or "arch." In this case it might mean the domed ceiling of a canopy made in Muhammadan fashion, and the curtains may have been of silk or brocade, and not of mosquito-netting.

[597] -- The word used is ARMADAS. It may mean "furnished" or "hung round with cloths," or possibly "fenced" or "fortified."

[598] -- SEUS LEQUES must be a misprint for SEIS LEQUES.

[599] -- Above, pp. 121, 281, and notes.

[600] -- E YSTO HE COANTO A CACA. At the present day in Southern India game-birds are sold alive, generally with the eyes sewn up.

[601] -- This evidently refers to the yak-tail whisks used in the service of idols in the temples and in the palaces of nobles. On occasions of ceremony at the present day any chief or noble who has a pretension to sovereignty, or who claims descent from a line of independent lords, proclaims his dignity by the use of certain insignia, and amongst these the yak-tail fan finds place. It is one of the most graceful of ornaments. The soft white hair is set in a metal handle of brass or silver and waved slowly by an attendant. Its material object was to keep away flies.

[602] -- PACHARI for PICHHAURI.

[603] -- Above, p. 263.

[604] -- "Silken trappings." The original word is PATOLLAS. Later on (see p. 383), in describing the king's dress, Nuniz writes, "OS SEUS VESTIDOS SAO PACHOIIS," &c. Both these words probably refer to the same Canarese word, PATTUDA, "a silk cloth." Barbosa and Pinto use it in the form PATOLA, Correa as PATOLO, and Peyton (in Purchas) as PATOLLA. (Yule and Burnell's Glossary, S.V. PATOLA) In Telugu, PATTU = "silk."

[605] -- JUNTAS. The meaning is doubtful, but in all probability yokes of oxen are referred to. In the Canarese country these are often handsomely decorated and clothed when attached to travelling vehicles.

[606] -- TERREIRO.

[607] -- RODAS DE BICOS. These may perhaps have been weapons such as in England were known as "knuckledusters."

[608] -- A free translation. The original runs, "DE MANEIRA QUE O QUE FICA DE BAIXO D OUTRO MAIS FERIDO VAY, LEVA A FOGACA, QUE HE HUU PACHARIM," &c. It seems curious that the vanquished should be rewarded. LEVA A FOGACA is literally "takes the cake." For PACHARIM see above, p. 376 note 2.

[609] -- This is he only occasion on which the chronicler gives the king his hereditary title of Raya, usually spelt RAO by the Portuguese. RAYA is the same as RAJA.

[610] -- The Qutb Shah of Golkonda.

[611] -- Whether true or not, this statement, coming as it does from a totally external source, strongly supports the view often held that the ryots of South India were grievously oppressed by the nobles when subject to Hindu government. Other passages in both these chronicles, each of which was written quite independently of the other, confirm the assertion here made as to the mass of the people being ground down and living in the greatest poverty and distress.

[612] -- When passing through the city, probably.

[613] -- MEYRINHO.

[614] -- FARAZES.

[615] -- SANEIS QUE ENSYNDO OS CAVALLOS.

[616] -- Above, p. 361, and note.

[617] -- BOIS. Hindu women of the Boyi caste. The Boyis are Telugus, and are employed as bearers of palanqueens and other domestic service in Southern India. Hence the Anglo-Indian term "Boy" for a servant.

[618] -- See above, note to p. 377.

[619] -- Telugu, KULLAYI. See pp. 210, 252, 273.

[620] -- DE FAZEMDA. I think that the meaning is as given. It will be observed below that the kingdom was divided into provinces or estates, each one entrusted to a noble who farmed the revenue to his own advantage, paying a fixed sum every year to the king. In the case of Narvara, the treasurer of the jewels, his estate is described as "bordering on the country of Bisnaga," and as this expression cannot refer to the entire country ruled by the king, it must be taken in a limited sense as applying to the king's own personal lands -- his home farm, so to speak. The system is well known in India, where a prince holds what are called KHAS lands, I.E. lands held privately for his own personal use and benefit, as distinct from the lands held under him by others, the revenue of which last ought to go to the public purse.

[621] -- Note that Madura is not mentioned in these lists. And yet it would appear that a Nayakka, or subordinate chief of Vijayanagar, had been ruling at that place since 1499. Mr. Nelson, in his work, "The Madura Country," gives the following list of Nayakkas there: --

A.D. Narasa Nayakka 1499 -- 1500 Tenna Nayakka 1500 -- 1515 Narasa Pillai (a Tamulian) 1515 -- 1519 Kuru Kuru Timmappa Nayakka 1519 -- 1524 Kattiyama Kamayya Nayakka 1524 -- 1526 Chinnappa Nayakka 1526 -- 1530 Ayyakarai Veyyappa Nayakka 1530 -- 1535 Visvanatha Nayakka Ayyar 1535 -- 1544

Four others are mentioned before we come to the great Visvanatha Nayakka, who founded an hereditary dynasty, though himself only a deputy of the crown. He ruled Madura from 1559 to 1563. Muttu Krishnappa (1602 -- 1609) seems to have been the first to assume royal titles at Madura. His son, Muttu Virappa (1609 -- 1623), is stated, in the narrative of the Portuguese writer Barradas (above, p. 230), to have paid a tribute in A.D. 1616 to the Vijayanagar king at Chandragiri of 600,000 pagodas; he had several vassal kings under him, and must have already obtained great power. It is possible that, in the time of Nuniz, Madura was not one of the greater provinces, but that it became so later.

The names Choromandel, Negapatam, and Tanjore are easy to distinguish in this list. "Bomgarin" I cannot identify, though the termination, GARIM, may represent GIRI, "mountain." "Dapatao" may be Devipatnam. "Truguel" seems to have some affinity with Tirukovil. It cannot be the "Truguel" mentioned by Barros and others as one of the fortresses given to Asada Khan by the king of Vijayanagar (above, p. 175), because those were close to Belgaum, while this "Truguel" was in the extreme south "Caullim" may be Kayal.

[622] -- Above, p. 300, note 1.

[623] -- Udayagiri.

[624] -- Kondavid.

[625] -- Pennakonda.

[626] -- (?) Kanigiri, Nellore district. Codegaral MAY represent Gandikota, the termination GIRI, "hill," being substituted for KOTA, "fort," E.G. GANDIGIRI.

[627] -- Siddhout or Siddhavattam, Cuddapah district.

[628] -- The passage is incomplete, and I have rendered it as seems reasonable. It runs, "VINTE E CIMCO MILL E QUINHENTOS DE CAVALLO E," &c. Looking at the other lists of troops, it cannot be supposed that this chief had to provide 25,000 horse. It seems more probable that such a word as PIAES was accidentally omitted after MILL, and that MILL should have been repeated before QUINHENTOS.

[629] -- Perhaps Rachol, near Goa.

[630] -- Bicholim (?).

[631] -- "Bengapor" as elsewhere spelt, I.E. Bankapur, south of Dharwar.

[632] -- See the last sentence of the chronicle of Paes (above, p. 290), where a town "on the east" is called the new city which Krishna Deva built in honour of his favourite wife. The writer has evidently been confused in that statement, for it seems clear that the town so founded was Nagalapur, the old name for Hospett, with which it is distinctly identified in other places. This town "on the east" is said, in the sentence referred to, to bear the name "Ardegema," and the locality is hard to determine. "East" of what? If east of Nagalapur be meant, then Ardegema or Ondegema (GEMA probably represents GRAMA, "village") might have been a suburb of that town. If east of the capital be intended, I cannot identify the place. But these places evidently were close to the capital, bordering on the crown lands. This, I take it, is the meaning of "bordering on the lands (TERRA) of Bisnaga."

[633] -- These three places I cannot identify. "Diguoty" may perhaps be Duggavatti, in the Harpanhalli division of the Bellary district. "Darguem" suggests "Droog" or "Durgam." The word is applied to a hill-fort, of which there are many in the neighbourhood. One of the most important was Rayadrug, south of Bellary. One of the ghat roads leading eastwards from Goa is called the "gate de Digui" in old maps.

[634] -- Possibly Kalale in Mysore, a place fifteen miles south of that capital. It is said to have been founded in 1504 by a noble who was connected with the Vijayanagar royal family (Rice's gazetteer, ii. 255).

[635] -- Unidentified.

[636] -- Perhaps Budehal in Mysore, which like Kalale was founded by a Vijayanagar officer, and contains several sixteenth-century inscriptions. It is in the Chittaldrug division, forty miles south of that place.

[637] -- Mangalore.

[638] -- Unidentified.

[639] -- ROUPA. Linen cloth. The word is not used of cotton, and the next sentence shows that cotton did not grow in that tract.

[640] -- I hazard the suggestion that this may be a mistake of the copyist for "Avati." This place, now a village in the Kolar district of Mysore, was in the fifteenth century an important place, a ruling family having been founded here by the "Morasu Wokkalu" or "Seven Farmers" (Rice, "Mysore and Coorg," ii. 20). The description applies to it fairly well.

[641] -- Calicut.

[642] -- Either "the ghats," or perhaps Gutti (Goofy). The rich Vajra Karur diamond mines are about twenty miles south-west of Gooty, where are the remains of a very fine hill-fortress.

[643] -- See note above, p. 368.

[644] -- Mudkal.

[645] -- Raichur.

[646] -- I.E. of the Hindu religion, not Muhammadans.

[647] -- NOVEIS in the original, probably for NOTAVEIS.

[648] -- Telugus.

[649] -- This was certainly not the case.

[650] -- The Ganges.

[651] -- Its history is known from A.D. 1304, when it was acquired by Ala-ud-Din Khilji from the Rajah of Malwa.

[652] -- De Montfart's "Survey of all the East Indies." Translation, edition of 1615, p. 34.

[653] -- Purchas, i. 218.

[654] -- See Yule and Burnell's Dictionary, S.V. "Maund."


End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar; A Contribution to the History of India

from http://mc.clintock.com/gutenberg/