There are certain maxims of state, founded upon long observation and
experience, drawn from the constant practice of the wisest nations, and
from the very principles of government, nor ever controlled by any
writer upon politics. Yet all these maxims do necessarily presuppose a
kingdom, or commonwealth, to have the same natural rights common to the
rest of mankind, who have entered into civil society; for if we could
conceive a nation where each of the inhabitants had but one eye, one
leg, and one hand, it is plain that, before you could institute them
into a republic, an allowance must be made for those material defects
wherein they differed from other mortals. Or, imagine a legislator
forming a system for the government of Bedlam, and, proceeding upon the
maxim that man is a sociable animal, should draw them out of their
cells, and form them into corporations or general assemblies; the
consequence might probably be, that they would fall foul on each other,
or burn the house over their own heads.
Of the like nature are innumerable errors committed by crude and
short thinkers, who reason upon general topics, without the least
allowance for the most important circumstances, which quite alter the
nature of the case.
This hath been the fate of those small dealers, who are every day
publishing their thoughts, either on paper or in their assemblies, for
improving the trade of Ireland, and referring us to the practice and
example of England, Holland, France, or other nations.
I shall, therefore, examine certain maxims of government, which
generally pass for uncontrolled in the world, and consider how far they
will suit with the present condition of this kingdom.
First, It is affirmed by wise men, that “The dearness of things
necessary for life, in a fruitful country, is a certain sign of wealth
and great commerce;” for when such necessaries are dear, it must
absolutely follow that money is cheap and plentiful.
But this is manifestly false in Ireland, for the following reason.
Some years ago, the species of money here did probably amount to six or
seven hundred thousand pounds;[38] and I have good cause to believe,
that our remittances then did not much exceed the cash brought in to
us. But, the prodigious discouragements we have since received in every
branch of our trade, by the frequent enforcements and rigorous
execution of the navigation-act,[39] the tyranny of under custom-house
officers, the yearly addition of absentees, the payments to regiments
abroad, to civil and military officers residing in England, the
unexpected sudden demands of great sums from the treasury, and some
other drains of perhaps as great consequence,[40] we now see ourselves
reduced to a state (since we have no friends) of being pitied by our
enemies; at least, if our enemies were of such a kind, as to be capable
of any regard towards us except of hatred and contempt.
Forty years are now passed since the Revolution, when the contention
of the British Empire was, most unfortunately for us, and altogether
against the usual course of such mighty changes in government, decided
in the least important nation; but with such ravages and ruin executed
on both sides, as to leave the kingdom a desert, which in some sort it
still continues. Neither did the long rebellions in 1641, make half
such a destruction of houses, plantations, and personal wealth, in both
kingdoms, as two years campaigns did in ours, by fighting England's
battles.
By slow degrees, and by the gentle treatment we received under two
auspicious reigns,[41] we grew able to live without running in debt.
Our absentees were but few: we had great indulgence in trade, a
considerable share in employments of church and state; and while the
short leases continued, which were let some years after the war ended,
tenants paid their rents with ease and cheerfulness, to the great
regret of their landlords, who had taken up a spirit of oppression that
is not easily removed. And although, in these short leases, the rent
was gradually to increase after short periods, yet, as soon as the
terms elapsed, the land was let to the highest bidder, most commonly
without the least effectual clause for building or planting. Yet, by
many advantages, which this island then possessed, and hath since
utterly lost, the rents of lands still grew higher upon every lease
that expired, till they have arrived at the present exorbitance; when
the frog, over-swelling himself, burst at last.
With the price of land of necessity rose that of corn and cattle,
and all other commodities that farmers deal in: hence likewise,
obviously, the rates of all goods and manufactures among shopkeepers,
the wages of servants, and hire of labourers. But although our miseries
came on fast, with neither trade nor money left; yet neither will the
landlord abate in his rent, nor can the tenant abate in the price of
what that rent must be paid with, nor any shopkeeper, tradesman, or
labourer live, at lower expense for food and clothing, than he did
before.
I have been the larger upon this first head, because the same
observations will clear up and strengthen a good deal of what I shall
affirm upon the rest.
The second maxim of those who reason upon trade and government, is,
to assert that “Low interest is a certain sign of great plenty of money
in a nation,” for which, as in many other articles, they produce the
examples of Holland and England. But, with relation to Ireland, this
maxim is likewise entirely false.
There are two reasons for the lowness of interest in any country.
First, that which is usually alleged, the great plenty of species; and
this is obvious. The second is, the want of trade, which seldom falls
under common observation, although it be equally true: for, where trade
is altogether discouraged, there are few borrowers. In those countries
where men can employ a large stock, the young merchant, whose fortune
may be four or five hundred pounds, will venture to borrow as much
more, and can afford a reasonable interest. Neither is it easy, at this
day, to find many of those, whose business reaches to employ even so
inconsiderable a sum, except among the importers of wine, who, as they
have most part of the present trade in these parts of Ireland in their
hands, so they are the most exorbitant, exacting, fraudulent dealers,
that ever trafficked in any nation, and are making all possible speed
to ruin both themselves and the nation.
From this defect of gentlemen's not knowing how to dispose of their
ready money, ariseth the high purchase of lands, which in all other
countries is reckoned a sign of wealth. For, the frugal squires, who
live below their incomes, have no other way to dispose of their savings
but by mortgage or purchase, by which the rates of land must naturally
increase; and if this trade continues long, under the uncertainty of
rents, the landed men of ready money will find it more for their
advantage to send their cash to England, and place it in the funds;
which I myself am determined to do, the first considerable sum I shall
be master of.
It hath likewise been a maxim among politicians, “That the great
increase of buildings in the metropolis, argues a flourishing state.”
But this, I confess, hath been controlled from the example of London;
where, by the long and annual parliamentary session, such a number of
senators, with their families, friends, adherents, and expectants, draw
such prodigious numbers to that city, that the old hospitable custom of
lords and gentlemen living in their ancient seats among their tenants,
is almost lost in England; is laughed out of doors; insomuch that, in
the middle of summer, a legal House of Lords and Commons might be
brought in a few hours to London, from their country villas within
twelve miles round.
The case in Ireland is yet somewhat worse: For the absentees of
great estates, who, if they lived at home, would have many rich
retainers in their neighbourhoods, have learned to rack their lands,
and shorten their leases, as much as any residing squire; and the few
remaining of these latter, having some vain hope of employments for
themselves, or their children, and discouraged by the beggarliness and
thievery of their own miserable farmers and cottagers, or seduced by
the vanity of their wives, on pretence of their children's education
(whereof the fruits are so apparent,) together with that most
wonderful, and yet more unaccountable zeal, for a seat in their
assembly, though at some years' purchase of their whole estates: these,
and some other motives better let pass, have drawn such a concourse to
this beggarly city, that the dealers of the several branches of
building have found out all the commodious and inviting places for
erecting new houses; while fifteen hundred of the old ones, which is a
seventh part of the whole city, are said to be left uninhabited, and
falling to ruin. Their method is the same with that which was first
introduced by Dr. Barebone at London, who died a bankrupt.[42] The
mason, the bricklayer, the carpenter, the slater, and the glazier, take
a lot of ground, club to build one or more houses, unite their credit,
their stock, and their money; and when their work is finished, sell it
to the best advantage they can. But, as it often happens, and more
every day, that their fund will not answer half their design, they are
forced to undersell it at the first story, and are all reduced to
beggary. Insomuch, that I know a certain fanatic brewer, who is
reported to have some hundreds of houses in this town, is said to have
purchased the greater part of them at half value from ruined
undertakers; hath intelligence of all new houses where the finishing is
at a stand, takes advantage of the builder's distress, and, by the
advantage of ready money, gets fifty per cent. at least for his
bargain.
It is another undisputed maxim in government, “That people are the
riches of a nation;” which is so universally granted, that it will be
hardly pardonable to bring it in doubt. And I will grant it to be so
far true, even in this island, that if we had the African custom, or
privilege, of selling our useless bodies for slaves to foreigners, it
would be the most useful branch of our trade, by ridding us of a most
unsupportable burthen, and bringing us money in the stead. But, in our
present situation, at least five children in six who are born, lie a
dead weight upon us, for want of employment. And a very skilful
computer assured me, that above one half of the souls in this kingdom
supported themselves by begging and thievery; whereof two thirds would
be able to get their bread in any other country upon earth.[43] Trade
is the only incitement to labour; where that fails, the poorer native
must either beg, steal, or starve, or be forced to quit his country.
This hath made me often wish, for some years past, that instead of
discouraging our people from seeking foreign soil, the public would
rather pay for transporting all our unnecessary mortals, whether
Papists or Protestants, to America; as drawbacks are sometimes allowed
for exporting commodities, where a nation is overstocked. I confess
myself to be touched with a very sensible pleasure, when I hear of a
mortality in any country parish or village, where the wretches are
forced to pay for a filthy cabin, and two ridges of potatoes, treble
the worth; brought up to steal or beg, for want of work; to whom death
would be the best thing to be wished for on account both of themselves
and the public.[44]
Among all taxes imposed by the legislature, those upon luxury are
universally allowed to be the most equitable, and beneficial to the
subject; and the commonest reasoner on government might fill a volume
with arguments on the subject. Yet here again, by the singular fate of
Ireland, this maxim is utterly false; and the putting it in practice
may have such pernicious a consequence, as, I certainly believe, the
thoughts of the proposers were not able to reach.
The miseries we suffer by our absentees, are of a far more extensive
nature than seems to be commonly understood. I must vindicate myself to
the reader so far, as to declare solemnly, that what I shall say of
those lords and squires, doth not arise from the least regard I have
for their understandings, their virtues, or their persons: for,
although I have not the honour of the least acquaintance with any one
among them, (my ambition not soaring so high) yet I am too good a
witness of the situation they have been in for thirty years past; the
veneration paid them by the people, the high esteem they are in among
the prime nobility and gentry, the particular marks of favour and
distinction they receive from the Court; the weight and consequence of
their interest, added to their great zeal and application for
preventing any hardships their country might suffer from England,
wisely considering that their own fortunes and honours were embarked in
the same bottom.
THE
BLUNDERS, DEFICIENCIES, DISTRESSES,
AND MISFORTUNES OF QUILCA.
PROPOSED TO CONTAIN ONE AND TWENTY VOLUMES IN QUARTO
Begun April 20, 1724. To be continued Weekly, if due
Encouragement be given.
NOTE.
Swift's friends in Ireland were not many. He had no high
opinion of
the people with whom he was compelled to live. But among those
who
displeased him least, to use the phrase he employed in writing
to
Pope, was a kindly and warm-hearted scholar named Sheridan.
Sheridan must have taken Swift's fancy, since they spent much
time
together and wrote each other verses and nonsense rhymes. He
had
failed in his attempt to keep up a school in Dublin, and
refused
the headmastership of the school of Armagh which Lord Primate
Lindsay had offered him, through Swift's efforts. Swift
however
obtained for him, from Carteret, one of the chaplaincies of
the
Lord-Lieutenant and a small living near Cork. Unfortunately
Sheridan was struck off from the list of chaplains on the
information of one Richard Tighe who reported that Sheridan,
on the
anniversary of the accession of the House of Hanover, had
preached
from the text “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.”
Poor
Sheridan had been totally unconscious of committing any
indiscretion, but he could not deny the fact.
It was at Quilca, a small county village, near Kells, that
Sheridan
was accustomed to spend his vacations with his family at a
small
house he owned there. Swift used often to use this house, at
Sheridan's desire, and spent many days there in quiet
enjoyment
with Mrs. Dingley and Esther Johnson. The place and his life
there
he has attempted to describe in the following piece; but the
description may also stand, as Scott observes, as “no bad
supplement to Swift's account of Ireland.”
* * * * *
The text here given is based on that printed in the eighth
volume
of the Edinburgh edition of 1761.
[T. S.]