APPENDIX.

     
     
      A LETTER TO THE WRITER OF THE OCCASIONAL PAPER.
           NOTE.
     
           In April, 1727, Swift paid his last visit to England. The visit
     paid by him to Walpole, already referred to, resulted in nothing,
     though it cannot, on that account, be argued that Swift's open
     friendship for, and even support of, Pulteney and Bolingbroke was
     owing to his failure with Walpole. Swift pleaded with Walpole for
     Ireland and Ireland only, as his letter to Peterborough amply
     testifies. It had nothing to do with the political situation in
     England. The explanation for this sympathy is most likely found in
     Sir Henry Craik's suggestion that Swift humoured the pretences of
     his friends that they were of the party that maintained the
     national virtues, resisted corruption, and defended liberty against
     arbitrary power. To Pulteney Swift always wrote reminding him that
     the country looked to him as its saviour, and he wrote in a similar
     vein to Bolingbroke and Pope. The “Craftsman” had been founded by
     Pulteney and Bolingbroke (a curious companionship when one
     remembers the past lives of these two men) for the express purpose
     of bringing low Walpole's political power. It began by exposing the
     tricks of “Robin” and continued to lay bare the cunning and wiles
     of the “Craftsman” at the head of the government of the country.
     Both Pulteney and Bolingbroke wrote regularly, and the former
     displayed a journalistic power quite extraordinary.
           The letter which follows was written by Swift when in London on the
     occasion of his last visit; but a note in Craik's “Life of Swift"
     (vol. ii., pp. 166-167) is very interesting as showing that Swift
     did certainly give hints for some of the subjects for discussion. I
     take the liberty to transcribe this note in full. Sir Henry Craik
     thinks it more than likely that Swift may have suggested, during
     his last visit to London, some of the lines on which Bolingbroke
     and Pulteney worked. In the note he adds:
           “This finds some confirmation, from the following heads of a Tract,
     which I have found in a memorandum in Swift's handwriting. The
     memorandum belongs to Mr. Frederick Locker [now dead], who kindly
     permitted me to use his papers, the same which came from Theophilus
     Swift into Scott's possession. But the interest of this memorandum
     escaped Scott's notice.”
     
           “PROPOSAL FOR VIRTUE.”
           “Every little fellow who has a vote now corrupted.
           “An arithmetical computation, how much spent in election of
     Commons, and pensions and foreign courts: how then can our debts be
     paid?
           “No fear that gentlemen will not stand and serve without Pensions,
     and that they will let the Kingdom be invaded for want of fleets
     and armies, or bring in Pretender, etc.
           “How K(ing) will ensure his own interest as well as the Publick: he
     is now forced to keep himself bare, etc., at least, late King was.
           “Perpetual expedients, stop-gaps, etc., at long run must terminate
     in something fatal, as it does in private estates.
           “There may be probably 10,000 landed men in England fit for
     Parliament. This would reduce Parliament to consist of real landed
     men, which is full as necessary for Senates as for Juries. What do
     the other 9,000 do for want of pensions?
           “ ... In private life, virtue may be difficult, by passions,
     infirmities, temptations, want of pence, strong opposition, etc.
     But not in public administration: there it makes all things easy.
           “Form the Scheme. Suppose a King of England would resolve to give
     no pension for party, etc., and call a Parliament, perfectly free,
     as he could.
           “What can a K. reasonably ask that a Parliament will refuse? When
     they are resty, it is by corrupt ministers, who have designs
     dangerous to the State, and must therefore support themselves by
     bribing, etc.
           “Open, fair dealing the best.
           “A contemptuous character of Court art. How different from true
     politics. For, comparing the talents of two professions that are
     very different, I cannot but think, that in the present sense of
     the word Politician, a common sharper or pickpocket, has every
     quality that can be required in the other, and accordingly I have
     personally known more than half a dozen in their hour esteemed
     equally to excell in both.”
             * * * * *
           The present text is based on that given in the eighth volume of the
     quarto issue of Swift's Works published in 1765.
           [T. S.]
     
     
        A LETTER TO THE WRITER OF
  THE OCCASIONAL PAPER.[200]
        [VIDE THE CRAFTSMAN, 1727.]
     
       SIR,
      Although, in one of your papers, you declare an intention of turning them, during the dead season of the year, into accounts of domestic and foreign intelligence; yet I think we, your correspondents, should not understand your meaning so literally, as if you intended to reject inserting any other paper, which might probably be useful for the public. Neither, indeed, am I fully convinced that this new course you resolve to take will render you more secure than your former laudable practice, of inserting such speculations as were sent you by several well-wishers to the good of the kingdom; however grating such notices might be to some, who wanted neither power nor inclination to resent them at your cost. For, since there is a direct law against spreading false news, if you should venture to tell us in one of the Craftsmen that the Dey of Algiers had got the toothache, or the King of Bantam had taken a purge, and the facts should be contradicted in succeeding packets; I do not see what plea you could offer to avoid the utmost penalty of the law, because you are not supposed to be very gracious among those who are most able to hurt you.
      Besides, as I take your intentions to be sincerely meant for the public service, so your original method of entertaining and instructing us will be more general and more useful in this season of the year, when people are retired to amusements more cool, more innocent, and much more reasonable than those they have left; when their passions are subsided or suspended; when they have no occasions of inflaming themselves, or each other; where they will have opportunities of hearing common sense, every day in the week, from their tenants or neighbouring farmers, and thereby be qualified, in hours of rain or leisure, to read and consider the advice or information you shall send them.
      Another weighty reason why you should not alter your manner of writing, by dwindling to a newsmonger, is because there is no suspension of arms agreed on between you and your adversaries, who fight with a sort of weapons which have two wonderful qualities, that they are never to be worn out, and are best wielded by the weakest hands, and which the poverty of our language forceth me to call by the trite appellations of scurrility, slander, and Billingsgate. I am far from thinking that these gentlemen, or rather their employers, (for the operators themselves are too obscure to be guessed at) should be answered after their own way, although it were possible to drag them out of their obscurity; but I wish you would enquire what real use such a conduct is to the cause they have been so largely paid to defend. The author of the three first Occasional Letters, a person altogether unknown, hath been thought to glance (for what reasons he best knows) at some public proceedings, as if they were not agreeable to his private opinions. In answer to this, the pamphleteers retained on the other side are instructed by their superiors, to single out an adversary whose abilities they have most reason to apprehend, and to load himself, his family, and friends, with all the infamy that a perpetual conversation in Bridewell, Newgate, and the stews could furnish them; but, at the same time, so very unluckily, that the most distinguishing parts of their characters strike directly in the face of their benefactor, whose idea presenting itself along with his guineas perpetually to their imagination, occasioned this desperate blunder.
      But, allowing this heap of slander to be truth, and applied to the proper person; what is to be the consequence? Are our public debts to be the sooner paid; the corruptions that author complains of to be the sooner cured; an honourable peace, or a glorious war the more likely to ensue; trade to flourish; the Ostend Company to be demolished; Gibraltar and Port Mahon left entire in our possession; the balance of Europe to be preserved; the malignity of parties to be for ever at an end; none but persons of merit, virtue, genius, and learning to be encouraged? I ask whether any of these effects will follow upon the publication of this author's libel, even supposing he could prove every syllable of it to be true?
      At the same time, I am well assured, that the only reason of ascribing those papers to a particular person, is built upon the information of a certain pragmatical spy of quality, well known to act in that capacity by those into whose company he insinuates himself; a sort of persons who, although without much love, esteem, or dread of people in present power, yet have too much common prudence to speak their thoughts with freedom before such an intruder; who, therefore, imposes grossly upon his masters, if he makes them pay for anything but his own conjectures.
      It is a grievous mistake in a great minister to neglect or despise, much more to irritate men of genius and learning. I have heard one of the wisest persons in my time observe, that an administration was to be known and judged by the talents of those who appeared their advocates in print. This I must never allow to be a general rule; yet I cannot but think it prodigiously unfortunate, that, among the answerers, defenders, repliers, and panegyrists, started up in defence of present persons and proceedings, there hath not yet arisen one whose labours we can read with patience, however we may applaud their loyalty and good will. And all this with the advantages of constant ready pay, of natural and acquired venom, and a grant of the whole fund of slander, to range over and riot in as they please.[201]
      On the other side, a turbulent writer of Occasional Letters, and other vexatious papers, in conjunction perhaps with one or two friends as bad as himself, is able to disconcert, tease, and sour us whenever he thinks fit, merely by the strength of genius and truth; and after so dexterous a manner, that, when we are vexed to the soul, and well know the reasons why we are so, we are ashamed to own the first, and cannot tell how to express the other. In a word, it seems to me that all the writers are on one side, and all the railers on the other.
      However, I do not pretend to assert, that it is impossible for an ill minister to find men of wit who may be drawn, by a very valuable consideration, to undertake his defence; but the misfortune is, that the heads of such writers rebel against their hearts; their genius forsakes them, when they would offer to prostitute it to the service of injustice, corruption, party rage, and false representations of things and persons.
      And this is the best argument I can offer in defence of great men, who have been of late so very unhappy in the choice of their paper-champions; although I cannot much commend their good husbandry, in those exorbitant payments of twenty and sixty guineas at a time for a scurvy pamphlet; since the sort of work they require is what will all come within the talents of any one who hath enjoyed the happiness of a very bad education, hath kept the vilest company, is endowed with a servile spirit, is master of an empty purse, and a heart full of malice.
      But, to speak the truth in soberness; it should seem a little hard, since the old Whiggish principle hath been recalled of standing up for the liberty of the press, to a degree that no man, for several years past, durst venture out a thought which did not square to a point with the maxims and practices that then prevailed: I say, it is a little hard that the vilest mercenaries should be countenanced, preferred, rewarded, for discharging their brutalities against men of honour, only upon a bare conjecture.
      If it should happen that these profligates have attacked an innocent person, I ask what satisfaction can their hirers give in return? Not all the wealth raked together by the most corrupt rapacious ministers, in the longest course of unlimited power, would be sufficient to atone for the hundredth part of such an injury.
      In the common way of thinking, it is a situation sufficient in all conscience to satisfy a reasonable ambition, for a private person to command the forces, the laws, the revenues of a great kingdom, to reward and advance his followers and flatterers as he pleases, and to keep his enemies (real or imaginary) in the dust. In such an exaltation, why should he be at the trouble to make use of fools to sound his praises, (because I always thought the lion was hard set, when he chose the ass for his trumpeter) or knaves to revenge his quarrels, at the expense of innocent men's reputations?
      With all those advantages, I cannot see why persons, in the height of power, should be under the least concern on account of their reputation, for which they have no manner of use; or to ruin that of others, which may perhaps be the only possession their enemies have left them. Supposing times of corruption, which I am very far from doing, if a writer displays them in their proper colours, does he do anything worse than sending customers to the shop? “Here only, at the sign of the Brazen Head, are to be sold places and pensions: beware of counterfeits, and take care of mistaking the door.”
      For my own part, I think it very unnecessary to give the character of a great minister in the fulness of his power, because it is a thing that naturally does itself, and is obvious to the eyes of all mankind; for his personal qualities are all derived into the most minute parts of his administration. If this be just, prudent, regular, impartial, intent upon the public good, prepared for present exigencies, and provident of the future; such is the director himself in his private capacity: If it be rapacious, insolent, partial, palliating long and deep diseases of the public with empirical remedies, false, disguised, impudent, malicious, revengeful; you shall infallibly find the private life of the conductor to answer in every point; nay, what is more, every twinge of the gout or gravel will be felt in their consequences by the community. As the thief-catcher, upon viewing a house broke open, could immediately distinguish, from the manner of the workmanship, by what hand it was done.
      It is hard to form a maxim against which an exception is not ready to start up: So, in the present case, where the minister grows enormously rich, the public is proportionably poor; as, in a private family, the steward always thrives the fastest when his lord is running out.
             * * * * *
       * * * * *
     
      AN ACCOUNT OF THE COURT AND EMPIRE OF JAPAN.[202]
      Regoge[203] was the thirty-fourth emperor of Japan, and began his reign in the year 341 of the Christian era, succeeding to Nena,[204] a princess who governed with great felicity.
      There had been a revolution in that empire about twenty-six years before, which made some breaches in the hereditary line; and Regoge, successor to Nena, although of the royal family, was a distant relation. There were two violent parties in the empire, which began in the time of the revolution above mentioned; and, at the death of the Empress Nena, were in the highest degree of animosity, each charging the other with a design of introducing new gods, and changing the civil constitution. The names of these two parties were Husiges and Yortes.[205] The latter were those whom Nena, the late empress, most favoured towards the end of her reign, and by whose advice she governed.
      The Husige faction, enraged at their loss of power, made private applications to Regoge during the life of the empress; which prevailed so far, that, upon her death, the new emperor wholly disgraced the Yortes, and employed only the Husiges in all his affairs. The Japanese author highly blames his Imperial Majesty's proceeding in this affair; because, it was allowed on all hands, that he had then a happy opportunity of reconciling parties for ever by a moderating scheme. But he, on the contrary, began his reign by openly disgracing the principal and most popular Yortes, some of which had been chiefly instrumental in raising him to the throne. By this mistaken step he occasioned a rebellion; which, although it were soon quelled by some very surprising turns of fortune, yet the fear, whether real or pretended, of new attempts, engaged him in such immense charges, that, instead of clearing any part of that prodigious debt left on his kingdom by the former war, which might have been done by any tolerable management, in twelve years of the most profound peace; he left his empire loaden with a vast addition to the old encumbrance.
      This prince, before he succeeded to the empire of Japan, was king of Tedsu,[206] a dominion seated on the continent, to the west side of Japan. Tedsu was the place of his birth, and more beloved by him than his new empire; for there he spent some months almost every year, and thither was supposed to have conveyed great sums of money, saved out of his Imperial revenues.
      There were two maritime towns of great importance bordering upon Tedsu:[207] Of these he purchased a litigated title; and, to support it, was forced not only to entrench deeply on his Japanese revenues, but to engage in alliances very dangerous to the Japanese empire.[208]
      Japan was at that time a limited monarchy, which some authors are of opinion was introduced there by a detachment from the numerous army of Brennus, who ravaged a great part of Asia; and, those of them who fixed in Japan, left behind them that kind of military institution, which the northern people, in ensuing ages, carried through most parts of Europe; the generals becoming kings, the great officers a senate of nobles, with a representative from every centenary of private soldiers; and, in the assent of the majority in these two bodies, confirmed by the general, the legislature consisted.
      I need not farther explain a matter so universally known; but return to my subject.
      The Husige faction, by a gross piece of negligence in the Yortes, had so far insinuated themselves and their opinions into the favour of Regoge before he came to the empire, that this prince firmly believed them to be his only true friends, and the others his mortal enemies.[209] By this opinion he governed all the actions of his reign.
      The emperor died suddenly, in his journey to Tedsu; where, according to his usual custom, he was going to pass the summer.
      This prince, during his whole reign, continued an absolute stranger to the language, the manners, the laws, and the religion of Japan; and passing his whole time among old mistresses, or a few privadoes, left the whole management of the empire in the hands of a minister, upon the condition of being made easy in his personal revenues, and the management of parties in the senate. His last minister,[210] who governed in the most arbitrary manner for several years, he was thought to hate more than he did any other person in Japan, except his only son, the heir to the empire. The dislike he bore to the former was, because the minister, under pretence that he could not govern the senate without disposing of employments among them, would not suffer his master to oblige one single person, but disposed of all to his own relations and dependants. But, as to that continued and virulent hatred he bore to the prince his son, from the beginning of his reign to his death, the historian hath not accounted for it, further than by various conjectures, which do not deserve to be related.
      The minister above mentioned was of a family not contemptible, had been early a senator, and from his youth a mortal enemy to the Yortes. He had been formerly disgraced in the senate, for some frauds in the management of a public trust.[211] He was perfectly skilled, by long practice, in the senatorial forms; and dexterous in the purchasing of votes, from those who could find their accounts better in complying with his measures, than they could probably lose by any tax that might be charged on the kingdom. He seemed to fail, in point of policy, by not concealing his gettings, never scrupling openly to lay out vast sums of money in paintings, buildings, and purchasing estates; when it was known, that, upon his first coming into business, upon the death of the Empress Nena, his fortune was but inconsiderable. He had the most boldness, and the least magnanimity that ever any mortal was endowed with. By enriching his relations, friends, and dependants, in a most exorbitant manner, he was weak enough to imagine that he had provided a support against an evil day. He had the best among all false appearances of courage, which was a most unlimited assurance, whereby he would swagger the boldest men into a dread of his power, but had not the smallest portion of magnanimity, growing jealous, and disgracing every man, who was known to bear the least civility to those he disliked. He had some small smattering in books, but no manner of politeness; nor, in his whole life, was ever known to advance any one person, upon the score of wit, learning, or abilities for business. The whole system of his ministry was corruption; and he never gave bribe or pension, without frankly telling the receivers what he expected from them, and threatening them to put an end to his bounty, if they failed to comply in every circumstance.
      A few months before the emperor's death, there was a design concerted between some eminent persons of both parties, whom the desperate state of the empire had united, to accuse the minister at the first meeting of a new chosen senate, which was then to assemble according to the laws of that empire. And it was believed, that the vast expense he must be at in choosing an assembly proper for his purpose, added to the low state of the treasury, the increasing number of pensioners, the great discontent of the people, and the personal hatred of the emperor; would, if well laid open in the senate, be of weight enough to sink the minister, when it should appear to his very pensioners and creatures that he could not supply them much longer.
      While this scheme was in agitation, an account came of the emperor's death, and the prince his son,[212] with universal joy, mounted the throne of Japan.
      The new emperor had always lived a private life, during the reign of his father; who, in his annual absence, never trusted him more than once with the reins of government, which he held so evenly that he became too popular to be confided in any more. He was thought not unfavourable to the Yortes, at least not altogether to approve the virulence wherewith his father proceeded against them; and therefore, immediately upon his succession, the principal persons of that denomination came, in several bodies, to kiss the hem of his garment, whom he received with great courtesy, and some of them with particular marks of distinction.
      The prince, during the reign of his father, having not been trusted with any public charge, employed his leisure in learning the language, the religion, the customs, and disposition of the Japanese; wherein he received great information, among others, from Nomptoc[213], master of his finances, and president of the senate, who secretly hated Lelop-Aw, the minister; and likewise from Ramneh[214], a most eminent senator; who, despairing to do any good with the father, had, with great industry, skill, and decency, used his endeavour to instil good principles into the young prince.
      Upon the news of the former emperor's death, a grand council was summoned of course, where little passed besides directing the ceremony of proclaiming the successor. But, in some days after, the new emperor having consulted with those persons in whom he could chiefly confide, and maturely considered in his own mind the present state of his affairs, as well as the disposition of his people, convoked another assembly of his council; wherein, after some time spent in general business, suitable to the present emergency, he directed Lelop-Aw to give him, in as short terms as he conveniently could, an account of the nation's debts, of his management in the senate, and his negotiations with foreign courts: Which that minister having delivered, according to his usual manner, with much assurance and little satisfaction, the emperor desired to be fully satisfied in the following particulars.
      Whether the vast expense of choosing such members into the senate, as would be content to do the public business, were absolutely necessary?
      Whether those members, thus chosen in, would cross and impede the necessary course of affairs, unless they were supplied with great sums of money, and continued pensions?
      Whether the same corruption and perverseness were to be expected from the nobles?
      Whether the empire of Japan were in so low a condition, that the imperial envoys, at foreign courts, must be forced to purchase alliances, or prevent a war, by immense bribes, given to the ministers of all the neighbouring princes?
      Why the debts of the empire were so prodigiously advanced, in a peace of twelve years at home and abroad?
      Whether the Yortes were universally enemies to the religion and laws of the empire, and to the imperial family now reigning?
      Whether those persons, whose revenues consist in lands, do not give surer pledges of fidelity to the public, and are more interested in the welfare of the empire, than others whose fortunes consist only in money?
      And because Lelop-Aw, for several years past, had engrossed the whole administration, the emperor signified, that from him alone he expected an answer.
      This minister, who had sagacity enough to cultivate an interest in the young prince's family, during the late emperor's life, received early intelligence from one of his emissaries of what was intended at the council, and had sufficient time to frame as plausible an answer as his cause and conduct would allow. However, having desired a few minutes to put his thoughts in order, he delivered them in the following manner.
             * * * * *
       “SIR,
      “Upon this short unexpected warning, to answer your Imperial Majesty's queries I should be wholly at a loss, in your Majesty's august presence, and that of this most noble assembly, if I were armed with a weaker defence than my own loyalty and integrity, and the prosperous success of my endeavours.
      “It is well known that the death of the Empress Nena happened in a most miraculous juncture; and that, if she had lived two months longer, your illustrious family would have been deprived of your right, and we should have seen an usurper upon your throne, who would have wholly changed the constitution of this empire, both civil and sacred; and although that empress died in a most opportune season, yet the peaceable entrance of your Majesty's father was effected by a continual series of miracles. The truth of this appears by that unnatural rebellion which the Yortes raised, without the least provocation, in the first year of the late emperor's reign, which may be sufficient to convince your Majesty, that every soul of that denomination was, is, and will be for ever, a favourer of the Pretender, a mortal enemy to your illustrious family, and an introducer of new gods into the empire. Upon this foundation was built the whole conduct of our affairs; and, since a great majority of the kingdom was at that time reckoned to favour the Yortes faction, who, in the regular course of elections, must certainly be chosen members of the senate then to be convoked; it was necessary, by the force of money, to influence elections in such a manner, that your Majesty's father might have a sufficient number to weigh down the scale on his side, and thereby carry on those measures which could only secure him and his family in the possession of the empire. To support this original plan I came into the service: But the members of the senate, knowing themselves every day more necessary, upon the choosing of a new senate, I found the charges to increase; and that, after they were chosen, they insisted upon an increase of their pensions; because they well knew that the work could not be carried on without them: And I was more general in my donatives, because I thought it was more for the honour of the crown, that every vote should pass without a division; and that, when a debate was proposed, it should immediately be quashed, by putting the question.
      “Sir, The date of the present senate is expired, and your Imperial Majesty is now to convoke a new one; which, I confess, will be somewhat more expensive than the last, because the Yortes, from your favourable reception, have begun to reassume a spirit whereof the country had some intelligence; and we know the majority of the people, without proper management, would be still in that fatal interest. However, I dare undertake, with the charge only of four hundred thousand sprangs,[215] to return as great a majority of senators of the true stamp, as your Majesty can desire. As to the sums of money paid in foreign courts, I hope, in some years, to ease the nation of them, when we and our neighbours come to a good understanding. However, I will be bold to say, they are cheaper than a war, where your Majesty is to be a principal.
      “The pensions, indeed, to senators and other persons, must needs increase, from the restiveness of some, and scrupulous nature of others; and the new members, who are unpractised, must have better encouragement. However, I dare undertake to bring the eventual charge within eight hundred thousand sprangs. But, to make this easy, there shall be new funds raised, of which I have several schemes ready, without taxing bread or flesh, which shall be referred to more pressing occasions.
      “Your Majesty knows it is the laudable custom of all Eastern princes, to leave the whole management of affairs, both civil and military, to their viziers. The appointments for your family, and private purse, shall exceed those of your predecessors: You shall be at no trouble, further than to appear sometimes in council, and leave the rest to me: You shall hear no clamour or complaints: Your senate shall, upon occasions, declare you the best of princes, the father of your country, the arbiter of Asia, the defender of the oppressed, and the delight of mankind.
      “Sir, Hear not those who would most falsely, impiously, and maliciously insinuate, that your government can be carried on without that wholesome, necessary expedient, of sharing the public revenue with your faithful deserving senators. This, I know, my enemies are pleased to call bribery and corruption. Be it so: But I insist, that without this bribery and corruption, the wheels of government will not turn, or at least will be apt to take fire, like other wheels, unless they be greased at proper times. If an angel from heaven should descend, to govern this empire upon any other scheme than what our enemies call corruption, he must return from whence he came, and leave the work undone.
      “Sir, It is well known we are a trading nation, and consequently cannot thrive in a bargain where nothing is to be gained. The poor electors, who run from their shops, or the plough, for the service of their country, are they not to be considered for their labour and their loyalty? The candidates, who, with the hazard of their persons, the loss of their characters, and the ruin of their fortunes, are preferred to the senate, in a country where they are strangers, before the very lords of the soil; are they not to be rewarded for their zeal to your Majesty's service, and qualified to live in your metropolis as becomes the lustre of their stations?
      “Sir, If I have given great numbers of the most profitable employments among my own relations and nearest allies, it was not out of any partiality, but because I know them best, and can best depend upon them. I have been at the pains to mould and cultivate their opinions. Abler heads might probably have been found, but they would not be equally under my direction. A huntsman, who hath the absolute command of his dogs, will hunt more effectually than with a better pack, to whose manner and cry he is a stranger.
      “Sir, Upon the whole, I will appeal to all those who best knew your royal father, whether that blessed monarch had ever one anxious thought for the public, or disappointment, or uneasiness, or want of money for all his occasions, during the time of my administration? And, how happy the people confessed themselves to be under such a king, I leave to their own numerous addresses; which all politicians will allow to be the most infallible proof how any nation stands affected to their sovereign.”
             * * * * *
      Lelop-Aw, having ended his speech and struck his forehead thrice against the table, as the custom is in Japan, sat down with great complacency of mind, and much applause of his adherents, as might be observed by their countenances and their whispers. But the Emperor's behaviour was remarkable; for, during the whole harangue, he appeared equally attentive and uneasy. After a short pause, His Majesty commanded that some other counsellor should deliver his thoughts, either to confirm or object against what had been spoken by Lelop-Aw.
     
      THE ANSWER OF THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM PULTENEY, ESQ., TO THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.[216]
     
                           Oct. 15, 1730.
 SIR,
      A pamphlet was lately sent me, entitled, “A Letter from the Right Honourable Sir R. W. to the Right Honourable W. P. Esq; occasioned by the late Invectives on the King, her Majesty, and all the Royal Family.” By these initial letters of our names, the world is to understand that you and I must be meant. Although the letter seems to require an answer, yet because it appears to be written rather in the style and manner used by some of your pensioners, than your own, I shall allow you the liberty to think the same of this answer, and leave the public to determine which of the two actors can better personate their principals. That frigid and fustian way of haranguing wherewith your representer begins, continues, and ends his declamation, I shall leave to the critics in eloquence and propriety to descant on; because it adds nothing to the weight of your accusations, nor will my defence be one grain the better by exposing its puerilities.
      I shall therefore only remark upon this particular, that the frauds and corruptions in most other arts and sciences, as law, physic (I shall proceed no further) are usually much more plausibly defended than in that of politics; whether it be, that by a kind of fatality the vindication of a corrupt minister is always left to the management of the meanest and most prostitute writers; or whether it be, that the effects of a wicked or unskilful administration, are more public, visible, pernicious and universal. Whereas the mistakes in other sciences are often matters that affect only speculation; or at worst, the bad consequences fall upon few and private persons. A nation is quickly sensible of the miseries it feels, and little comforted by knowing what account it turns to by the wealth, the power, the honours conferred on those who sit at the helm, or the salaries paid to their penmen; while the body of the people is sunk into poverty and despair. A Frenchman in his wooden shoes may, from the vanity of his nation, and the constitution of that government, conceive some imaginary pleasure in boasting the grandeur of his monarch, in the midst of his own slavery; but a free-born Englishman, with all his loyalty, can find little satisfaction at a minister overgrown in wealth and power from the lowest degree of want and contempt; when that power or wealth are drawn from the bowels and blood of the nation, for which every fellow-subject is a sufferer, except the great man himself, his family, and his pensioners. I mean such a minister (if there hath ever been such a one) whose whole management hath been a continued link of ignorance, blunders, and mistakes in every article besides that of enriching and aggrandizing himself.
      For these reasons the faults of men, who are most trusted in public business, are, of all others, the most difficult to be defended. A man may be persuaded into a wrong opinion, wherein he hath small concern: but no oratory can have the power over a sober man against the conviction of his own senses: and therefore, as I take it, the money thrown away on such advocates might be more prudently spared, and kept in such a minister's own pocket, than lavished in hiring a corporation of pamphleteers to defend his conduct, and prove a kingdom to be flourishing in trade and wealth, which every particular subject (except those few already excepted) can lawfully swear, and, by dear experience knows, to be a falsehood.
      Give me leave, noble sir, in the way of argument, to suppose this to be your case; could you in good conscience, or moral justice, chide your paper-advocates for their ill success in persuading the world against manifest demonstration? Their miscarriage is owing, alas! to want of matter. Should we allow them to be masters of wit, raillery, or learning, yet the subject would not admit them to exercise their talents; and, consequently, they can have no recourse but to impudence, lying, and scurrility.
      I must confess, that the author of your letter to me hath carried this last qualification to a greater height than any of his fellows: but he hath, in my opinion, failed a little in point of politeness from the original which he affects to imitate. If I should say to a prime minister, “Sir, you have sufficiently provided that Dunkirk should be absolutely demolished and never repaired; you took the best advantages of a long and general peace to discharge the immense debts of the nation; you did wonders with the fleet; you made the Spaniards submit to our quiet possession of Gibraltar and Portmahon; you never enriched yourself and family at the expense of the public.”—Such is the style of your supposed letter, which however, if I am well informed, by no means comes up to the refinements of a fishwife in Billingsgate. “You never had a bastard by Tom the waterman; you never stole a silver tankard; you were never whipped at the cart's tail.”
      In the title of your letter, it is said to be “occasioned by the late invectives on the King, her Majesty, and all the Royal Family:" and the whole contents of the paper (stripped from your eloquence) goes on upon a supposition affectedly serious, that their Majesties, and the whole Royal Family, have been lately bitterly and publicly inveighed against in the most enormous and treasonable manner. Now, being a man, as you well know, altogether out of business, I do sometimes lose an hour in reading a few of those controversial papers upon politics, which have succeeded for some years past to the polemical tracts between Whig and Tory: and in this kind of reading (if it may deserve to be so called) although I have been often but little edified, or entertained, yet hath it given me occasion to make some observations. First, I have observed, that however men may sincerely agree in all the branches of the Low Church principle, in a tenderness for dissenters of every kind, in a perfect abhorrence of Popery and the Pretender, and in the most firm adherence to the Protestant succession in the royal house of Hanover; yet plenty of matter may arise to kindle their animosities against each other from the various infirmities, follies, and vices inherent in mankind.
      Secondly, I observed, that although the vulgar reproach which charges the quarrels between ministers, and their opposers, to be only a contention for power between those who are in, and those who would be in if they could; yet as long as this proceeds no further than a scuffle of ambition among a few persons, it is only a matter of course, whereby the public is little affected. But when corruptions are plain, open, and undisguised, both in their causes and effects, to the hazard of a nation's ruin, and so declared by all the principal persons and the bulk of the people, those only excepted who are gainers by those corruptions: and when such ministers are forced to fly for shelter to the throne, with a complaint of disaffection to majesty against all who durst dislike their administration: such a general disposition in the minds of men, cannot, I think, by any rules of reason, be called the “clamour of a few disaffected incendiaries,” gasping[217] after power. It is the true voice of the people; which must and will at last be heard, or produce consequences that I dare not mention.
      I have observed thirdly, that among all the offensive printed papers which have come to my hand, whether good or bad, the writers have taken particular pains to celebrate the virtues of our excellent King and Queen, even where these were, strictly speaking, no part of the subject: nor can it be properly objected that such a proceeding was only a blind to cover their malice towards you and your assistants; because to affront the King, Queen, or the Royal Family, as it would be directly opposite to the principles that those kind of writers have always professed, so it would destroy the very end they have in pursuit. And it is somewhat remarkable, that those very writers against you, and the regiment you command, are such as most distinguish themselves upon all, or upon no occasions, by their panegyrics on their prince; and, as all of them do this without favour or hire, so some of them continue the same practice under the severest prosecution by you and your janizaries.
      You seem to know, or at least very strongly to conjecture, who those persons are that give you so much weekly disquiet. Will you dare to assert that any of these are Jacobites, endeavour to alienate the hearts of the people, to defame the prince, and then dethrone him (for these are your expressions) and that I am their patron, their bulwark, their hope, and their refuge? Can you think I will descend to vindicate myself against an aspersion so absurd? God be thanked, we have had many a change of ministry without changing our prince: for if it had been otherwise, perhaps revolutions might have been more frequent. Heaven forbid that the welfare of a great kingdom, and of a brave people, should be trusted with the thread of a single subject's life; for I suppose it is not yet in your view to entail the ministryship in your family. Thus I hope we may live to see different ministers and different measures, without any danger to the succession in the royal Protestant line of Hanover.
      You are pleased to advance a topic, which I could never heartily approve of in any party, although they have each in their turn advanced it while they had the superiority. You tell us, “It is hard that while every private man shall have the liberty to choose what servants he pleaseth, the same privilege should be refused to a king.” This assertion, crudely understood, can hardly be supported. If by servants be only meant those who are purely menial, who provide for their master's food and clothing, or for the convenience and splendour of his family, the point is not worth debating. But the bad or good choice of a chancellor, a secretary, an ambassador, a treasurer, and many other officers, is of very high consequence to the whole kingdom; so is likewise that amphibious race of courtiers between servants and ministers; such as the steward, chamberlain, treasurer of the household and the like, being all of the privy council, and some of the cabinet, who according to their talents, their principles, and their degree of favour, may be great instruments of good or evil, both to the subject and the prince; so that the parallel is by no means adequate between a prince's court and a private family. And yet if an insolent footman be troublesome in the neighbourhood; if he breaks the people's windows, insults their servants, breaks into other folk's houses to pilfer what he can find, although he belong to a duke, and be a favourite in his station, yet those who are injured may, without just offence, complain to his lord, and for want of redress get a warrant to send him to the stocks, to Bridewell, or to Newgate, according to the nature and degree of his delinquencies. Thus the servants of the prince, whether menial or otherwise, if they be of his council, are subject to the enquiries and prosecutions of the great council of the nation, even as far as to capital punishment; and so must ever be in our constitution, till a minister can procure a majority even of that council to shelter him; which I am sure you will allow to be a desperate crisis under any party of the most plausible denomination.
      The only instance you produce, or rather insinuate, to prove the late invectives against the King, Queen, and Royal Family, is drawn from that deduction of the English history, published in several papers by the Craftsman; wherein are shewn the bad consequences to the public, as well as to the prince, from the practices of evil ministers in most reigns, and at several periods, when the throne was filled by wise monarchs as well as by weak. This deduction, therefore, cannot reasonably give the least offence to a British king, when he shall observe that the greatest and ablest of his predecessors, by their own candour, by a particular juncture of affairs, or by the general infirmity of human nature, have sometimes put too much trust in confident, insinuating, and avaricious ministers.
      Wisdom, attended by virtue and a generous nature, is not unapt to be imposed on. Thus Milton describes Uriel, “the sharpest-sighted spirit in heaven,” and “regent of the sun,” deceived by the dissimulation and flattery of the devil, for which the poet gives a philosophical reason, but needless here to quote.[218] Is anything more common, or more useful, than to caution wise men in high stations against putting too much trust in undertaking servants, cringing flatterers, or designing friends? Since the Asiatic custom of governing by prime ministers hath prevailed in so many courts of Europe, how careful should every prince be in the choice of the person on whom so great a trust is devolved, whereon depend the safety and welfare of himself and all his subjects. Queen Elizabeth, whose administration is frequently quoted as the best pattern for English princes to follow, could not resist the artifices of the Earl of Leicester, who, although universally allowed to be the most ambitious, insolent, and corrupt person of his age, was yet her greatest, and almost her only favourite: (his religion indeed being partly puritan and partly infidel, might have better tallied with present times) yet this wise queen would never suffer the openest enemies of that overgrown lord to be sacrificed to his vengeance; nor durst he charge them with a design of introducing Popery or the Spanish pretender.
      How many great families do we all know, whose masters have passed for persons of good abilities, during the whole course of their lives, and yet the greatest part of whose estates have sunk in the hands of their stewards and receivers; their revenues paid them in scanty portions, at large discount, and treble interest, though they did not know it; while the tenants were daily racked, and at the same time accused to their landlords of insolvency. Of this species are such managers, who, like honest Peter Waters, pretend to clear an estate, keep the owner penniless, and, after seven years, leave him five times more in debt, while they sink half a plum into their own pockets.
      Those who think themselves concerned, may give you thanks for that gracious liberty you are pleased to allow them of “taking vengeance on the ministers, and there shooting their envenomed arrows.” As to myself; I neither owe you vengeance, nor make use of such weapons: but it is your weakness, or ill fortune, or perhaps the fault of your constitution, to convert wholesome remedies into poison; for you have received better and more frequent instructions than any minister of your age and country, if God had given you the grace to apply them.
      I dare promise you the thanks of half the kingdom, if you will please to perform the promise you have made of suffering the Craftsman and company, or whatever other “infamous wretches and execrable villains” you mean, to take their vengeance only on your own sacred ministerial person, without bringing any of your brethren, much less the most remote branch of the Royal Family, into the debate. This generous offer I suspected from the first; because there were never heard of so many, so unnecessary, and so severe prosecutions as you have promoted during your ministry, in a kingdom where the liberty of the press is so much pretended to be allowed. But in reading a page or two, I found you thought it proper to explain away your grant; for there you tell us, that “these miscreants” (meaning the writers against you) “are to remember that the laws have ABUNDANTLY LESS generous, less mild and merciful sentiments” than yourself, and into their secular hands the poor authors must be delivered to fines, prisons, pillories, whippings, and the gallows. Thus your promise of impunity, which began somewhat jesuitically, concludes with the mercy of a Spanish inquisitor.
      If it should so happen that I am neither “abettor, patron, protector,” nor “supporter” of these imaginary invectives “against the King, her Majesty, or any of the Royal Family,” I desire to know what satisfaction I am to get from you, or the creature you employed in writing the libel which I am now answering? It will be no excuse to say, that I differ from you in every particular of your political reason and practise; because that will be to load the best, the soundest, and most numerous part of the kingdom with the denominations you are pleased to bestow upon me, that they are “Jacobites, wicked miscreants, infamous wretches, execrable villains, and defamers of the King, Queen, and all the Royal Family,” and “guilty of high treason.” You cannot know my style; but I can easily know your works, which are performed in the sight of the sun. Your good inclinations are visible; but I begin to doubt the strength of your credit, even at court, that you have not power to make his Majesty believe me the person which you represent in your libel: as most infallibly you have often attempted, and in vain, because I must otherwise have found it by the marks of his royal displeasure. However, to be angry with you to whom I am indebted for the greatest obligation I could possibly receive, would be the highest ingratitude. It is to YOU I owe that reputation I have acquired for some years past of being a lover of my country and its constitution: to YOU I owe the libels and scurrilities conferred upon me by the worst of men, and consequently some degree of esteem and friendship from the best. From YOU I learned the skill of distinguishing between a patriot and a plunderer of his country: and from YOU I hope in time to acquire the knowledge of being a loyal, faithful, and useful servant to the best of princes, King George the Second; and therefore I can conclude, by your example, but with greater truth, that I am not only with humble submission and respect, but with infinite gratitude, Sir, your most obedient and most obliged servant,
                           W. P.
     
     
        INDEX
     
        Acheson, Sir Arthur, 246.
        Alberoni's expedition, 207.
        Allen, Joshua, Lord, his attack on Swift, 168, 169, 175, 176, 236, 237;
    account of, 175.
        America, emigration from Ireland to, 120.
        Arachne, fable of, 21.
     
        Ballaquer, Carteret's secretary, 242.
        Bank, proposal for a national, in Ireland, 27, 31, 38, 42, 43;
    subscribers to the, 49-51.
        Barbou, Dr Nicholas, 69.
        Barnstaple, the chief market for Irish wool, 18.
        Beggars in Ireland, 70;
    Proposal for giving Badges to, 323-335;
    reason for the number of, 341.
        Birch, Colonel John, 6.
        Bishops, Swift's proposal to sell the lands of the, 252 et seq.
        Bladon, Colonel, 23.
        Bolingbroke, Lord, his contributions to the “Craftsman,” 219, 375, 377.
        Boulter, Archbishop, his scheme for lowering the gold coinage, 353;
    opposed by Swift, 353, 354.
        Browne, Sir John, his “Scheme of the money matters of Ireland,” 66;
    Swift's answer to his “Memorial,” 109-116.
        Burnet, William, 121.
     
        Carteret, John, Lord, 227;
    Swift's Vindication of, 229-249.
        Coinage, McCulla's proposal about, 179-190;
    Swift's counter-proposal, 183.
        Coining, forbidden in Ireland, 88, 134.
        Compton, Sir Spencer, 387.
        Corn, imported into Ireland from England, 17.
        “Cossing,” explained, 271.
        Cotter, ballad upon, 23.
        “Craftsman,” the, 219, 375, 397, 399.
     
        Davenport, Colonel, 280.
        Delany, Dr. Patrick, 244.
        Dublin, thieves and roughs in, 56;
    Examination of certain Abuses, etc, in, 263-282;
    Advice to the Freemen of, in the Choice of
    a Member of Parliament, 311-316;
    Considerations in the Choice of a Recorder of, 319, 320.
        Dunkin, Rev. William, Swift's efforts in behalf of, 364, 368.
        Dutton-Colt, Sir Harry, 280.
     
        Elliston, Ebenezer, Last Speech of, 56 et seq.
        Esquire, the title of, 49.
     
        Footmen, Petition of the, 307.
        French, Humphry, Lord Mayor of Dublin, 310, 311.
        French army, recruited in Ireland, 218, 220.
        Frogs, propagation of, in Ireland, 340.
     
        Galway, Earl of, 235.
        Grafton, Duke of, 194.
        Grimston, Lord, his “Lawyer's Fortune, or Love in a Hollow Tree,” 24.
        Gwythers, Dr., introduces frogs into Ireland, 340.
     
        Hanmer, Sir Thomas, 387.
        Hospital for Incurables, Scheme for a, 283-303.
        Hutcheson, Hartley, 234.
     
        Injured Lady, Story of the, 97-103;
    Answer to the, 107-109.
        Ireland, the Test Act in, 2, 5 et seq.;
    exportation of wool from, forbidden, 17, 18, 110, 111, 157, 158;
    absentee landlords, 25, 69, 71, 101, 162;
    Sheridan's account of the state of, 26-30;
    proposal for establishing a National Bank in, 31, 38, 42, 43;
    maxims controlled in, 65;
    poverty of, 25, 66, 87, 89, 90, 122;
    increase of rents in, 67, 163;
    begging and thieving in, 70;
    Short view of the State of, 83-91;
    importation of cattle into England prohibited, 86, 100, 110, 221;
    encouragement of the linen manufactures in, 102, 158;
    luxury and extravagance among the women in, 124, 139, 198, 199, 219;
    condition of the roads in, 130;
    bad management of the bogs in, 131;
    dishonesty of tradesmen in, 142, 147;
    the National Debt of, 196;
    famine in, 203;
    population of, 208;
    persecution of Roman Catholics in, 263.
        Irish brogue, the, 346.
        Irish eloquence, 361.
        Irish language, proposal to abolish the, 133.
        Irish peers, titles of, 349.
     
        Japan, Account of the Court and Empire of, 382-391.
     
        King, Archbishop, 21, 119, 136, 244, 326.
     
        Lindsay, Robert, 259.
        Linen trade in Ireland, the, 88, 102, 158.
        Littleton, Sir Thomas, 7.
        Lorrain, Paul, ordinary of Newgate, 34.
     
        Macarrell, John, 310, 311.
        McCulla's Project about halfpence, 179-190.
        Manufactures, Irish, Proposal for the Universal use of, 17-30;
    Proposal that all Ladies should appear constantly in, 193-199.
    See also “Woollen Manufactures.”
        Mar, Earl of, 164.
        Maxwell, Henry, his pamphlets in favour of a bank in Ireland, 38.
        Mist, Nathaniel, 194.
     
        National Debt, Proposal to pay off the, 251-258.
        Navigation Act, the effect of, in Ireland, 66, 86.
        Norton, Richard, 301.
     
        “Orange, the squeezing of the,” 275.
     
        Penn, William, 120.
        Perron, Cardinal, anecdote of, 238.
        Peterborough, Lord, letter of Swift to, April 28, 1726, 154-156.
        Phipps, Sir Constantine, 244.
        “Pistorides” (Richard Tighe), 233, 235.
        Poor, Considerations about maintaining the, 339-342.
        Poyning's Law, 103, 105.
        Psalmanazar, George, his Description of the Island of Formosa, 211.
        Pulteney, William, the “Craftsman” founded by, 219, 375;
    “Answer of, to Robert Walpole,” 392-400.
     
        Quilca, life at, 74, 75-77.
     
        Rents, raising of, in Ireland, 163.
        Roads, in Ireland, condition of the, 130.
        Roman Catholics, legislation against, 5;
    petty persecution of, in Ireland, 263.
        Rowley, Hercules, his pamphlets against
    the establishment of a bank in Ireland, 38.
     
        Savoy, Duke of, 277.
        Scotland, description of, 97, 98.
        Scots in Sweden, 9.
        Scottish colonists in Ulster, 104.
        Sheridan, Dr. Thomas, 74;
    his account of the state of Ireland, 26-30;
    given a chaplaincy by Carteret, 232, 241;
    anecdote of Carteret, related by, 232;
    informed against by Tighe, 233, 242.
        Stanley, Sir John, Commissioner of Customs, 197.
        Stannard, Eaton, elected Recorder of Dublin, 319, 366.
        Stopford, Dr. James, Bishop of Cloyne, 243.
        Street cries explained, 268-270, 275-281.
        Swan, Mr., 280.
        Swandlingbar, origin of the name of, 347.
        Swearer's Bank, the, 41.
        Swift, Godwin, 347.
        Swift, Jonathan, the freedom of the City of Dublin conferred on, 168;
    his speech on the occasion, 169-172;
    confesses the authorship of the “Drapier's Letters,” 171;
    born in Dublin, 267;
    his opposition to Archbishop Boulter, 353, 354;
    his speech on the lowering of the coin, 357;
    his efforts in behalf of Mr. Dunkin, 364-368;
    receives the freedom of the City of Cork, 367;
    appoints Dr. Wynne Sub-dean of St. Patrick's, 370.
     
        Temple, Sir William, his comparison of Holland and Ireland, 164.
        Test Act, in Ireland, 2, 5 et seq.
        Thompson, Edward, Commissioner of the Revenue in Ireland, 315.
        Tickell, T., 242.
        Tighe, Richard, informs against Sheridan, 74, 233, 242;
    attacks Carteret, 228;
    ridiculed as “Pistorides,” 233, 235.
        “Traulus” (Lord Allen), 176, 236.
        Trees, planting of, in Ireland, 132.
     
        Violante, Madam, 234.
     
        Wallis, Dr., 280.
        Walpole, Sir Robert, interview of Swift with, in 1726, 153;
    his views on Ireland, 154;
    satire on, 276;
    his literary assistants, 379, 393 et seq.;
    character of, 384 et seq.
        Waters, Edward, Swift's printer, 171, 193.
        Whitshed, Lord Chief Justice, 14, 86, 115, 129, 171, 193, 194.
        Wine, proposed tax on, 196, 197.
        Wool, Irish, exportation of,
    forbidden by law, 17, 18, 110, 111, 157, 158;
    effect of the prohibition on England, 160.
        Woollen manufactures, Irish people should use their own, 137 et seq.;
    Observations on the case of the, 147-150.
        Wynne, Rev. Dr. John, Sub-dean of St. Patrick's, 370.
     
      ~FOOTNOTES:~
      [1] “Unpublished Letters of Swift,” edited by Dr. Birkbeck Hill, 1899.
      [2] Mr. Murray's MSS., quoted by Craik.
      [3] It appeared almost impossible for Swift to see the injustice of this test clause. In reality, it had been the outcome of the legislation against the Irish Roman Catholics. In 1703 the Irish parliament had passed a bill by which it was enacted, “that all estates should be equally divided among the children of Roman Catholics, notwithstanding any settlements to the contrary, unless the persons to whom they were to descend, would qualify, by taking the oaths prescribed by government, and conform to the established church" (Crawford's “History of Ireland,” 1783, vol. ii., p. 256). The bill was transmitted to England, for approval there, at a time when Anne was asking the Emperor for his indulgence towards the Protestants of his realms. This placed the Queen in an awkward position, since she could hardly expect indulgence from a Roman Catholic monarch towards Protestants when she, a Protestant monarch, was persecuting Roman Catholics. To obviate this dilemma, the Queen's ministers added a clause to the bill, “by which all persons in Ireland were rendered incapable of any employment under the crown, or, of being magistrates in any city, who, agreeably to the English test act, did not receive the sacrament as prescribed by the Church of England” (ibid.). Under this clause, of course, came all the Protestant Dissenters, including the Presbyterians “from the north.” The bill so amended passed into law; but its iniquitous influence was a disgrace to the legislators of the day, and his advocacy of it, however much he was convinced of its expediency, proves Swift a short-sighted statesman wherever the enemies of the Church of England were concerned. [T. S.]
      [4] Colonel John Birch (1616-1691) was of Lancashire. Swift calls him “of Herefordshire,” because he had been appointed governor of the city of Hereford, after he had captured it by a stratagem, in 1654. Devotedly attached to Presbyterian principles, Birch was a man of shrewd business abilities and remarkable oratorical gifts. On the restoration of Charles II., in which he took a prominent part on account of Charles's championship of Presbyterianism, Birch held important business posts. He sat in parliament for Leominster and Penrhyn, and his plans for the rebuilding of London after the Great Fire, though they were not adopted, were yet such as would have been extremely salutary had they been accepted. Of his eloquence, Burnet says: “He was the roughest and boldest speaker in the house, and talked in the language and phrases of a carrier, but with a beauty and eloquence, that was always acceptable.” The reference to the carrier is purposely made, since Birch did not hide the fact that he had once pursued that occupation. Swift was twenty-four years of age when Birch died, so that he must have been a very young man when he heard Birch make the remark he quotes. [T. S.]
      [5] Sir Thomas Littleton (1647?-1710) was chosen Speaker of the English House of Commons by the junto in 1698. Onslow, in a note to Burnet's “History,” speaks of the good work he did as treasurer of the navy. Macky describes him as “a stern-looked man, with a brown complexion, well shaped” (see “Characters"). At the time of Swift's writing the above letter, Littleton was member for Portsmouth. [T. S.]
      [6] Viscount Molesworth, in his “Considerations for promoting the Agriculture of Ireland” (1723), pointed out, that even with the added expense of freight, it was cheaper to import corn from England, than to grow it in Ireland itself. [T. S.]
      [7] Mr. Lecky points out that in England, after the Revolution, the councils were directed by commercial influence. At that time there was an important woollen industry in England which, it was feared, the growing Irish woollen manufactures would injure. The English manufacturers petitioned for their total destruction, and the House of Lords, in response to the petition, represented to the King that “the growing manufacture of cloth in Ireland, both by the cheapness of all sorts of necessaries of life, and goodness of materials for making all manner of cloth, doth invite your subjects of England, with their families and servants, to leave their habitations to settle there, to the increase of the woollen manufacture in Ireland, which makes your loyal subjects in this kingdom very apprehensive that the further growth of it may greatly prejudice the said manufacture here.” The Commons went further, and suggested the advisability of discouraging the industry by hindering the exportation of wool from Ireland to other countries and limiting it to England alone. The Act of 10 and 11 Will. III. c. 10, made the suggestion law and even prohibited entirely the exportation of Irish wool anywhere. Thus, as Swift puts it, “the politic gentlemen of Ireland have depopulated vast tracts of the best land, for the feeding of sheep.” See notes to later tracts in this volume on “Observations on the Woollen Manufactures” and “Letter on the Weavers.” [T. S.]
      [8] That Swift did not exaggerate may be gathered from the statute books, and, more immediately, from Hely Hutchinson's “Commercial Restraints of Ireland” (1779), Arthur Dobbs's “Trade and Improvement of Ireland,” Lecky's “History of Ireland,” vols. i. and ii., and Monck Mason's notes in his “History of St. Patrick's Cathedral,” p. 320 et seq. [T. S.]
      [9] Barnstaple was, at that time, the chief market in England for Irish wool. [T. S.]
      [10] In 1726, Swift presented some pieces of Irish manufactured silk to the Princess of Wales and to Mrs. Howard. In sending the silk to Mrs. Howard he wrote also a letter in which he remarked: “I beg you will not tell any parliament man from whence you had that plaid; otherwise, out of malice, they will make a law to cut off all our weavers' fingers.” [T. S.]
      [11] This last sentence is as the original edition has it. In Faulkner's first collected edition and in the fifth volume of the “Miscellanies” (London, 1735), the following occurs in its place: “I must confess, that as to the former, I should not be sorry if they would stay at home; and for the latter, I hope, in a little time we shall have no occasion for them.”
      Swift knew what he was advising when he suggested that the people of Ireland should not import their goods from England. He was well aware that English manufactures were not really necessary. Sir William Petty had, a half century before, pointed out that a third of the manufactures then imported into Ireland could be produced by its own factories, another third could as easily and as cheaply be obtained from countries other than England, and “consequently, that it was scarce necessary at all for Ireland to receive any goods of England, and not convenient to receive above one-fourth part, from thence, of the whole which it needeth to import” (“Polit. Anatomy of Ireland,” 1672). [T. S.]
      [12] Faulkner and the “Miscellanies” (London, 1735) print, instead of, “as any prelate in Christendom,” the words, “as if he had not been born among us.” The Archbishop was Dr. William King, with whom Swift had had much correspondence. See “Letters” in Scott's edition (1824).
      Dr. William King, who succeeded Narcissus Marsh as Archbishop of Dublin in March, 1702-3. Swift had not always been on friendly terms with King, but, at this time, they were in sympathy as to the wrongs and grievances of Ireland. King strongly supported the agitation against Wood's halfpence, but later, when he attempted to interfere with the affairs of the Deanery of St. Patrick's, Swift and he came to an open rupture. See also volume on the Drapier's Letters, in this edition. [T. S.]
      [13] Faulkner and the “Miscellanies” of 1735 print this amount as “three thousand six hundred.” This was the sum paid by the lord-lieutenant to the lords-justices, who represented him in the government of Ireland. The lord-lieutenant himself did not then, as the viceroy of Ireland does now, take up his residence in the country. Although in receipt of a large salary, he only came to Dublin to deliver the speeches at the openings of parliament, or on some other special occasion. [T. S.]
      [14] The Dublin edition of this pamphlet has a note stating that Cotter was a gentleman of Cork who was executed for committing a rape on a Quaker. [T. S.]
      [15] Said to be Colonel Bladon (1680-1746), who translated the Commentaries of Cæsar. He was a dependant of the Duke of Marlborough, to whom he dedicated this translation. [T. S.]
      [16] Lord Grimston. William Luckyn, first Viscount Grimston (1683-1756), was created an Irish peer with the title Baron Dunboyne in 1719. The full title of the play to which Swift refers, is “The Lawyer's Fortune, or, Love in a Hollow Tree.” It was published in 1705. Swift refers to Grimston in his verses “On Poetry, a Rhapsody.” Pope, in one of his satires, calls him “booby lord.” Grimston withdrew his play from circulation after the second edition, but it was reprinted in Rotterdam in 1728 and in London in 1736. Dr. Johnson told Chesterfield a story which made the Duchess of Marlborough responsible for this London reprint, which had for frontispiece the picture of an ass wearing a coronet. [T. S.]
      [17] The original edition prints “ministers” instead of “chief governors.” [T. S.]
      [18] In 1720 Bishop Nicholson of Derry, writing to the Archbishop of Canterbury, describes the wretched condition of the towns and the country districts, and the misery of their population:
      “Our trade of all kind is at a stand, insomuch as that our most eminent merchants, who used to pay bills of 1,000l. at sight, are hardly able to raise 100l. in so many days. Spindles of yarn (our daily bread) are fallen from 2s. 6d. to 15d., and everything also in proportion. Our best beef (as good as I ever ate in England) is sold under 3/4d. a pound, and all this not from any extraordinary plenty of commodities, but from a perfect dearth of money. Never did I behold even in Picardy, Westphalia, or Scotland, such dismal marks of hunger and want as appeared in the countenances of most of the poor creatures I met with on the road.” (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 6116, quoted by Lecky.) [T. S.]
      [19] The “absentee” landlord was an evil to Ireland on which much has been written. It was difficult to keep the country in order when the landed proprietors took so little interest in their possessions as to do nothing but exact rents from their tenants and spend the money so obtained in England. Two, and even three, hundred years before Swift's day “absenteeism” had been the cause of much of the rebellion in Ireland which harassed the English monarchs, who endeavoured to put a stop to the evil by confiscating the estates of such landlords. Acts were passed by Richard II. and Henry VIII. to this effect; but in later times, the statutes were ignored and not enforced, and the Irish landlord, in endeavours to obtain for himself social recognition and standing in England which, because of his Irish origin, were denied him, remained in England indulging himself in lavish expenditure and display. The consequences of this were the impoverishment of his estates and their eventual management by rack-renters. These rack-renters, whose only interest lay in squeezing money out of the impoverished tenants, became the bane of the agricultural holder.
      Unfortunately, the spirit of “absenteeism” extended itself to the holders of offices in Ireland, and even the lord-lieutenant rarely took up his residence in Dublin for any time longer than necessitated by the immediate demands of his installation and speech-making, although he drew his emoluments from the Irish revenues. In the “List of Absentees" instances are given where men appointed to Irish offices would land on Saturday night, receive the sacrament on Sunday, take the oath in court on Monday morning, and be on their way back to England by Monday afternoon.
      It has been calculated that out of a total rental of £1,800,000, as much as 33-1/3 per cent. was sent out of the country. [T. S.]
      [20] Sheridan, in the sixth number of “The Intelligencer,” contributes an account of the state of Ireland, written to the text, “O patria! O divûm domus!”
      “When I travel through any part of this unhappy kingdom, and I have now by several excursions made from Dublin, gone through most counties of it, it raises two passions in my breast of a different kind; an indignation against those vile betrayers and insulters of it, who insinuate themselves into favour, by saying, it is a rich nation; and a sincere passion for the natives, who are sunk to the lowest degree of misery and poverty, whose houses are dunghills, whose victuals are the blood of their cattle, or the herbs in the field; and whose clothing, to the dishonour of God and man, is nakedness. Yet notwithstanding all the dismal appearances, it is the common phrase of our upstart race of people, who have suddenly sprang up like the dragon's teeth among us, That Ireland was never known to be so rich as it is now; by which, as I apprehend, they can only mean themselves, for they have skipped over the channel from the vantage ground of a dunghill upon no other merit, either visible or divineable, than that of not having been born among us.
      “This is the modern way of planting Colonies—Et ubi solitudinem faciunt, id Imperium vocant. When those who are so unfortunate to be born here, are excluded from the meanest preferments, and deemed incapable of being entertained even as common soldiers, whose poor stipend is but four pence a day. No trade, no emoluments, no encouragement for learning among the natives, who yet by a perverse consequence are divided into factions, with as much violence and rancour, as if they had the wealth of the Indies to contend for. It puts me in mind of a fable which I read in a monkish author. He quotes for it one of the Greek mythologists that once upon a time a colony of large dogs (called the Molossi) transplanted themselves from Epirus to Ætolia, where they seized those parts of the countries, most fertile in flesh of all kinds, obliging the native dogs to retire from their best kennels, to live under ditches and bushes, but to preserve good neighbourhood and peace; and finding likewise, that the Ætolian dogs might be of some use in the low offices of life, they passed a decree, that the natives should be entitled to the short ribs, tops of back, knuckle-bones, and guts of all the game, which they were obliged by their masters to run down. This condition was accepted, and what was a little singular, while the Molossian dogs kept a good understanding among themselves, living in peace and luxury, these Ætolian curs were perpetually snarling, growling, barking and tearing at each other's throats: Nay, sometimes those of the best quality among them, were seen to quarrel with as much rancour for a rotten gut, as if it had been a fat haunch of venison. But what need we wonder at this in dogs, when the same is every day practised among men?
      “Last year I travelled from Dublin to Dundalk, through a country esteemed the most fruitful part of the kingdom, and so nature intended it. But no ornaments or improvements of such a scene were visible. No habitation fit for gentlemen, no farmers' houses, few fields of corn, and almost a bare face of nature, without new plantations of any kind, only a few miserable cottages, at three or four miles' distance, and one Church in the centre between this city and Drogheda. When I arrived at this last town, the first mortifying sight was the ruins of several churches, battered down by that usurper, Cromwell, whose fanatic zeal made more desolation in a few days, than the piety of succeeding prelates or the wealth of the town have, in more than sixty years, attempted to repair.
      “Perhaps the inhabitants, through a high strain of virtue, have, in imitation of the Athenians, made a solemn resolution, never to rebuild those sacred edifices, but rather leave them in ruins, as monuments, to perpetuate the detestable memory of that hellish instrument of rebellion, desolation, and murder. For the Athenians, when Mardonius had ravaged a great part of Greece, took a formal oath at the Isthmus, to lose their lives rather than their liberty, to stand by their leaders to the last, to spare the cities of such barbarians as they conquered. And what crowned all, the conclusion of their oath was, We will never repair any of the Temples, which they have burned and destroyed, lest they may appear to posterity as so many monuments of these wicked barbarians. This was a glorious resolution; and I am sorry to think, that the poverty of my countrymen will not let the world suppose, they have acted upon such a generous principle; yet upon this occasion I cannot but observe, that there is a fatality in some nations, to be fond of those who have treated them with the least humanity. Thus I have often heard the memory of Cromwell, who has depopulated, and almost wholly destroyed this miserable country, celebrated like that of a saint, and at the same time the sufferings of the royal martyr turned into ridicule, and his murder justified even from the pulpit, and all this done with an intent to gain favour, under a monarchy; which is a new strain of politics that I shall not pretend to account for.
      “Examine all the eastern towns of Ireland, and you will trace this horrid instrument of destruction, in defacing of Churches, and particularly in destroying whatever was ornamental, either within or without them. We see in the several towns a very few houses scattered among the ruins of thousands, which he laid level with their streets; great numbers of castles, the country seats of gentlemen then in being, still standing in ruin, habitations for bats, daws, and owls, without the least repairs or succession of other buildings. Nor have the country churches, as far as my eye could reach, met with any better treatment from him, nine in ten of them lying among their graves and God only knows when they are to have a resurrection. When I passed from Dundalk where this cursed usurper's handy work is yet visible, I cast mine eyes around from the top of a mountain, from whence I had a wide and a waste prospect of several venerable ruins. It struck me with a melancholy, not unlike that expressed by Cicero in one of his letters which being much upon the like prospect, and concluding with a very necessary reflection on the uncertainty of things in this world, I shall here insert a translation of what he says: 'In my return from Asia, as I sailed from Ægina, towards Megara, I began to take a prospect of the several countries round me. Behind me was Ægina; before me Megara; on the right hand the Piræus; and on the left was Corinth; which towns were formerly in a most flourishing condition; now they lie prostrate and in ruin.
      “'Thus I began to think with myself: Shall we who have but a trifling existence, express any resentment, when one of us either dies a natural death, or is slain, whose lives are necessarily of a short duration, when at one view I beheld the carcases of so many great cities?' What if he had seen the natives of those free republics, reduced to all the miserable consequences of a conquered people, living without the common defences against hunger and cold, rather appearing like spectres than men? I am apt to think, that seeing his fellow creatures in ruin like this, it would have put him past all patience for philosophic reflection.
      “As for my own part, I confess, that the sights and occurrences which I had in this my last journey, so far transported me to a mixture of rage and compassion, that I am not able to decide, which had the greater influence upon my spirits; for this new cant, of a rich and flourishing nation, was still uppermost in my thoughts; every mile I travelled, giving me such ample demonstrations to the contrary. For this reason, I have been at the pains to render a most exact and faithful account of all the visible signs of riches, which I met with in sixty miles' riding through the most public roads, and the best part of the kingdom. First, as to trade, I met nine cars loaden with old musty, shrivelled hides; one car-load of butter; four jockeys driving eight horses, all out of case; one cow and calf driven by a man and his wife; six tattered families flitting to be shipped off to the West Indies; a colony of a hundred and fifty beggars, all repairing to people our metropolis, and by encreasing the number of hands, to encrease its wealth, upon the old maxim, that people are the riches of a nation, and therefore ten thousand mouths, with hardly ten pair of hands, or hardly any work to employ them, will infallibly make us a rich and flourishing people. Secondly, Travellers enough, but seven in ten wanting shirts and cravats; nine in ten going bare foot, and carrying their brogues and stockings in their hands; one woman in twenty having a pillion, the rest riding bare backed: Above two hundred horsemen, with four pair of boots amongst them all; seventeen saddles of leather (the rest being made of straw) and most of their garrons only shod before. I went into one of the principal farmer's houses, out of curiosity, and his whole furniture consisted of two blocks for stools, a bench on each side the fire-place made of turf, six trenchers, one bowl, a pot, six horn spoons, three noggins, three blankets, one of which served the man and maid servant; the other the master of the family, his wife and five children; a small churn, a wooden candlestick, a broken stick for a pair of tongs. In the public towns, one third of the inhabitants walking the streets bare foot; windows half built up with stone, to save the expense of glass, the broken panes up and down supplied by brown paper, few being able to afford white; in some places they were stopped with straw or hay. Another mark of our riches, are the signs at the several inns upon the road, viz. In some, a staff stuck in the thatch, with a turf at the end of it; a staff in a dunghill with a white rag wrapped about the head; a pole, where they can afford it, with a besom at the top; an oatmeal cake on a board at the window; and, at the principal inns of the road, I have observed the signs taken down and laid against the wall near the door, being taken from their post to prevent the shaking of the house down by the wind. In short, I saw not one single house, in the best town I travelled through, which had not manifest appearances of beggary and want. I could give many more instances of our wealth, but I hope these will suffice for the end I propose.
      “It may be objected, what use it is of to display the poverty of the nation, in the manner I have done. I answer, I desire to know for what ends, and by what persons, this new opinion of our flourishing state has of late been so industriously advanced: One thing is certain, that the advancers have either already found their own account, or have been heartily promised, or at least have been entertained with hopes, by seeing such an opinion pleasing to those who have it in their power to reward.
      “It is no doubt a very generous principle in any person to rejoice in the felicities of a nation, where themselves are strangers or sojourners: But if it be found that the same persons on all other occasions express a hatred and contempt of the nation and people in general, and hold it for a maxim—'That the more such a country is humbled, the more their own will rise'; it need be no longer a secret, why such an opinion, and the advantages of it are encouraged. And besides, if the bayliff reports to his master, that the ox is fat and strong, when in reality it can hardly carry its own legs, is it not natural to think, that command will be given, for a greater load to be put upon it?” [T. S.]
      [21] This was a project for the establishment of a national bank for Ireland. Swift ridiculed the proposal (see p. 31), no doubt, out of suspicion of the acts of stock-jobbers and the monied interests which were enlisted on the side of the Whigs. His experience, also, of the abortive South Sea Schemes would tend to make his opposition all the stronger. But the plans for the bank were not ill-conceived, and had Swift been in calmer temper he might have seen the advantages which attached to the proposals. [T. S.]
      [22] Thus in original edition. In Faulkner and the “Miscellanies” of 1735 the words are, “altogether imaginary.” [T. S.]
      [23] The motto round a crown piece, which was the usual price of permits. [Orig. edit.]
      [24] The Dean of St. Patrick's. [F.]
      [25] Paul Lorrain, who was appointed ordinary of Newgate in 1698, compiled numerous confessions and dying speeches of prisoners condemned to be hanged. A letter to Swift, from Pope and Bolingbroke, dated December, 1725, mentions him as “the great historiographer,” and Steele, in the “Tatler” and “Spectator,” refers to “Lorrain's Saints.” Lorrain attended some famous criminals to the scaffold, including Captain Kidd and Jack Sheppard. [T. S.]
      [26] The following is an account of the proceedings of both the houses of the Irish parliament upon the subject of this proposed bank.
      In the year 1720, James, Earl of Abercorn, Gustavus, Viscount Boyne, Sir Ralph Gore, Bart., Oliver St. George, and Michael Ward, Esqs., in behalf of themselves and others, presented a petition to his Majesty for a charter of incorporation, whereby they might be established as a bank, under the name and title of the Bank of Ireland. They proposed to raise a fund of £500,000 to supply merchants, etc., with money at five per cent., and agreed to contribute £50,000 to the service of government in consideration of their obtaining a charter. In their petition they state, that “the raising of a million for that purpose is creating a greater fund than the nation can employ.” Soon after the above-mentioned petition was lodged, a second application was made by Lord Forbes and others, who proposed raising a million for that purpose, and offered to discharge “the £50,000 national debt of that kingdom, in five years from the time they should obtain a charter.” The latter application, being subsequent in point of date, was withdrawn, Lord Forbes and his friends having acquainted the Lord-lieutenant that, “rather than, by a competition, obstruct a proposal of so general advantage, they were willing to desist from their application.” The former was accordingly approved of, and the King, on the 29th of July, 1721, issued letters of Privy Seal, directing that a charter of incorporation should pass the Great Seal of Ireland. (“Comm. Journ.,” vol. iii, Appendix ix, page cc, etc.)
      When the parliament of Ireland met, on the 12th of September following, the Duke of Grafton, lord lieutenant, in his speech from the throne, communicated the intention of his Majesty to both houses, and concluded by saying, “As this is a matter of general and national concern, his Majesty leaves it to the wisdom of Parliament to consider what advantages the public may receive by erecting a bank, and in what manner it may be settled upon a safe foundation, so as to be beneficial to the kingdom.” The commons, in their address, which was voted unanimously on the 14th, expressed their gratitude for his Majesty's goodness and royal favour in directing a commission to establish a bank, and on the 21st moved for the papers to be laid before them; they even, on the 29th, agreed to the following resolution of the committee they had appointed, “that the establishment of a bank upon a solid and good foundation, under proper regulations and restrictions, will contribute to restoring of credit, and support of the trade and manufacture of the kingdom;” but, when the heads of a bill for establishing the bank came to be discussed, a strenuous opposition was raised to it. On the 9th of December Sir Thomas Taylor, chairman of the committee to whom the matter had been referred, reported “that they had gone through the first enacting paragraph, and disagreed to the same.” Accordingly, the question being proposed and put, the house (after a division, wherein there appeared 150 for the question and 80 against it) voted that “they could not find any safe foundation for establishing a public bank,” and resolved that an address, conformable to this resolution, should be presented to the lord-lieutenant. (Comm. Journ., vol. iii, pp. 247-289.)
      The proceedings of the House of Lords resembled that of the Commons; on the 8th of November they concurred with the resolution of their committee, which was unfavourable to the establishment of a bank. A protest was, however, entered, signed by four temporal and two spiritual peers, and when an address to his Majesty, grounded on that resolution, was proposed, a long debate ensued, which occupied two days. On the 9th December a list of the subscriptions was called for, and on the 16th they resolved, that if any lord, spiritual or temporal, should attempt to obtain a charter to erect a bank, “he should be deemed a contemnor of the authority of that house, and a betrayer of the liberty of his country.” They ordered, likewise, that this resolution should be presented by the chancellor to the lord lieutenant. (“Lord's Journal,” vol. ii, pp. 687-720.) Monck Mason's “Hist. St. Patrick's Cathedral,” p. 325, note 3. [T. S.]
      [27] The title, Esquire, according to a high authority, was anciently applied “to the younger sons of nobility and their heirs in the immediate line, to the eldest sons of knights and their heirs, to the esquire of the knights and others of that rank in his Majesty's service, and to such as had eminent employment in the Commonwealth, and were not knighted, such as judges, sheriffs, and justices of the peace during their offices, and some others. But now,” says Sir Edward Walker, “in the days of Charles I., the addition is so increased, that he is a very poor and inconsiderable person who writes himself less.”
      Accordingly, most of the signatures for shares in the projected National Bank of Ireland, were dignified with the addition of Esquire, which, added to the obscurity of the subscribers, incurs the ridicule of our author in the following treatise. [S.]
      [28] SUBSCRIBERS TO THE BANK, PLACED ACCORDING TO THEIR ORDER AND QUALITY, WITH NOTES AND QUERIES.
      A true and exact account of the nobility, gentry, and traders, of the kingdom of Ireland, who, upon mature deliberation, are of opinion, that the establishing a bank upon real security, would be highly for the advantage of the trade of the said kingdom, and for increasing the current species of money in the same. Extracted from the list of the subscribers to the Bank of Ireland, published by order of the commissioners appointed to receive subscriptions.
         Nobility.
        Archbishops 0
  Marquisses 0
  Earls 0
  Viscounts 3
  Barons 1
  Bishops 2
  French Baron 1
      N. B.: The temporal Lords of Ireland are 125, the Bishops 22. In all 147, exclusive of the aforesaid French Count.
         Gentry.
        Baronets 1
  Knights 1
      N. B. Total of baronets and knights in Ireland uncertain; but in common computation supposed to be more than two.
      Members of the House of Commons—41. One whereof reckoned before amongst the two knights.
      N. B. Number of Commoners in all 300.
      Esquires not Members of Parliament—37
      N. B. There are at least 20 of the said 37 Esquires whose names are little known, and whose qualifications as Esqrs. are referred to the king at arms; and the said king is desired to send to the publisher hereof a true account of the whole number of such real or reputed Esqrs. as are to be found in this kingdom.
         Clergy.
        Deans 1
  Arch-Deacons 2
  Rectors 3
  Curates 2
      N. B. Of this number one French dean, one French curate, and one bookseller.
      Officers not members of Parliament—16
      N. B. Of the above number 10 French; but uncertain whether on whole or half pay, broken, or of the militia.
         Women.
        Ladies 1
  Widows 3 whereof one qualified to be deputy-governor.
  Maidens 4
      N. B. It being uncertain in what class to place the eight female subscribers, whether in that of nobility, gentry, &c. it is thought proper to insert them here betwixt the officers and traders.
                Traders.
                     { Dublin 1 a Frenchman.
  Aldermen of { Cork 1
               { Limerick 1
                 Waterford 0
                 Drogheda 0
                 &c. 0
      Merchants 29, viz. 10 French, of London 1, of Cork 1, of Belfast 1.
      N. B. The place of abode of three of the said merchants, viz. of London, Cork and Belfast, being mentioned, the publisher desires to know where the rest may be wrote to, and whether they deal in wholesale or retail, viz.
      Master dealers, &c. 59, cashiers 1, bankers 4, chemist 1, player 1, Popish vintner 1, bricklayer 1, chandler 1, doctors of physic 4, chirurgeons 2, pewterer 1, attorneys 4 (besides one esq. attorney before reckoned), Frenchmen 8, but whether pensioners, barbers, or markees, uncertain. As to the rest of the M——rs, the publisher of this paper, though he has used his utmost diligence, has not been able to get a satisfactory account either as to their country, trade or profession.
      N. B. The total of men, women and children in Ireland, besides Frenchmen, is 2,000,000. Total of the land of Ireland acres 16,800,000. (Vide Reasons for a Bank, &c.)
      Quære, How many of the said acres are in possession of 1 French baron, 1 French dean, 1 French curate, 1 French alderman, 10 French merchants, 8 Messieurs Frances, 1 esq. projector, 1 esq. attorney, 6 officers of the army, 8 women, 1 London merchant, 1 Cork merchant, 1 Belfast merchant, 18 merchants whose places of abode are not mentioned, 1 cashier, 4 bankers, 1 gentleman projector, 1 player, 1 chemist, 1 Popish vintner, 1 bricklayer, 1 chandler, 4 doctors of physic, 2 chirurgeons, 1 pewterer, 4 gentlemen attorneys, besides 28 gentleman dealers, yet unknown, ut supra?
      Dublin: Printed by John Harding in Molesworth's Court, in Fishamble Street. (Reprinted from original broadside, n.d.)
      [29] In the capacity of a postillion, no doubt. [T. S.]
      [30] Which means that she kept an eating-house or restaurant, and became eventually a bankrupt. [T. S.]
      [31] The livery of a footman. [T. S.]
      [32] As a constable. [T. S.]
      [33] An innkeeper. [T. S.]
      [34] This paragraph is printed as given by Faulkner in ed. 1735, vol. iv. [T. S.]
      [35] See note on Paul Lorrain, p. 34. It was the duty of the Ordinary of a prison to compose such dying speeches. [T. S.]
      [36] His parents were Dissenters, and gave him a good education. [T. S.]
      [37] Sir Henry Craik remarks on this title: “In modern language this might well have been entitled, 'The theories of political economy proved to have no application to Ireland.'“ The word “controlled” is used in the now obsolete sense of “confuted.” [T. S.]
      [38] Sir John Browne, in his “Scheme of the Money Matters of Ireland” (Dublin, 1729), calculated that the total currency, including paper, was about £914,000, but the author of “Considerations on Seasonable Remarks” stated that the entire currency could not be more than £600,000. Browne was no reliable authority; he is the writer to whom Swift wrote a reply. See p. 122. [T. S.]
      [39] See “A Short View of the State of Ireland,” p. 86. [T. S.]
      [40] Lecky refers to a remarkable letter written by an Irish peer in the March of 1702, and preserved in the “Southwell Correspondence” in the British Museum, in which the writer complains that the money of the country is almost gone, and the poverty of the towns so great that it was feared the Court mourning for the death of William would be the final blow. (Lecky, vol. i., p. 181, 1892 ed.). [T. S.]
      [41] Those of Charles II. and James II. in which, for political reasons on the part of the Crown, Ireland was peculiarly favoured. [S.]
      [42] This was Dr. Nicholas Barbou, the friend of John Asgill and author of two works on trade and money. After the Great Fire of London he speculated largely in building, and greatly assisted in making city improvements. He was the founder of fire insurance in England and was active in land and bank speculations. He died in 1698, leaving a will directing that none of his debts should be paid. [T. S.]
      [43] The beggars of Ireland are spoken of by Bishop Berkeley. But Arthur Dobbs, in the second part of his “Essay on Trade,” published in 1731, gives a descriptive picture of the gangs who travelled over Ireland as professional paupers. In the 2,295 parishes, there was in each an average of at least ten beggars carrying on their trade the whole year round; the total number of these wandering paupers he puts down at over 34,000. Computing 30,000 of them able to work, and assuming that each beggar could earn 4d. a day in a working year of 284 days, he calculates that their idleness is a loss to the nation of £142,000. (Pp. 444-445 of Thom's reprint; Dublin, 1861) [T. S.]
      [44] See Swift's terrible satire on the “Modest Proposal for preventing Children of Poor People from being a burthen.” [T. S.]
      [45] A small country village about seven miles from Kells. [T. S.]
      [46] Esther Johnson. [T. S.]
      [47] Stella's companion and Swift's housekeeper. [T. S.]
      [48] See Swift's “Directions to Servants.” [T. S.]
      [49] By Acts 18 Charles II c. 2, and 32 Charles II c. 2, enacted in 1665 and 1680, the importation into England from Ireland of all cattle, sheep, swine, beef, pork, bacon, mutton, cheese and butter, was absolutely prohibited. The land of Ireland being largely pasture land and England being the chief and nearest market, these laws practically destroyed the farming industry. The pernicious acts were passed on complaint from English land proprietors that the competition from Irish cattle had lowered their rents in England. “In this manner,” says Lecky, “the chief source of Irish prosperity was annihilated at a single blow.” [T. S.]
      [50] The original Navigation Act treated Ireland on an equal footing with England. The act, however, was succeeded in 1663 by that of 15 Charles II c. 7, in which it was declared that no European articles, with few exceptions, could be imported into the colonies unless they had been loaded in English-built vessels at English ports. Nor could goods be brought from English colonies except to English ports. By the Acts 22 and 23 of Charles II. c. 26 the exclusion of Ireland was confirmed, and the Acts 7 and 8 of Will. III. c. 22, passed in 1696, actually prohibited any goods whatever from being imported to Ireland direct from the English colonies. These are the reasons for Swift's remark that Ireland's ports were of no more use to Ireland's people “than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a dungeon.” [T. S.]
      [51] See note on page 137 of vol. vi of this edition. “The Drapier's Letters.” [T. S.]
      [52] Lecky quotes from the MSS. in the British Museum, from a series of letters written by Bishop Nicholson, on his journey to Derry, to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The quotation illustrates the truth of Swift's remark. “Never did I behold,” writes Nicholson, “even in Picardy, Westphalia, or Scotland, such dismal marks of hunger and want as appeared in the countenances of the poor creatures I met with on the road.” In the “Intelligencer” (No. VI, 1728) Sheridan wrote: “The poor are sunk to the lowest degrees of misery and poverty—their houses dunghills, their victuals the blood of their cattle, or the herbs of the field.” Of the condition of the country thirty years later, the most terrible of pictures is given by Burdy in his “Life of Skelton”: “In 1757 a remarkable dearth prevailed in Ireland.... Mr. Skelton went out into the country to discover the real state of his poor, and travelled from cottage to cottage, over mountains, rocks, and heath.... In one cabin he found the people eating boiled prushia [a weed with a yellow flower that grows in cornfields] by itself for their breakfast, and tasted this sorry food, which seemed nauseous to him. Next morning he gave orders to have prushia gathered and boiled for his own breakfast, that he might live on the same sort of food with the poor. He ate this for one or two days; but at last his stomach turning against it, he set off immediately for Ballyshannon to buy oatmeal for them.... One day, when he was travelling in this manner through the country, he came to a lonely cottage in the mountains, where he found a poor woman lying in child-bed with a number of children about her. All she had, in her weak, helpless condition to keep herself and her children alive, was blood and sorrel boiled up together. The blood, her husband, who was a herdsman, took from the cattle of others under his care, for he had none of his own. This was a usual sort of food in that country in times of scarcity, for they bled the cows for that purpose, and thus the same cow often afforded both milk and blood.... They were obliged, when the carriers were bringing the meal to Pettigo, to guard it with their clubs, as the people of the adjacent parishes strove to take it by force, in which they sometimes succeeded, hunger making them desperate.” (Burdy's Life of Skelton. “Works,” vol. i, pp. lxxx-lxxxii.) [T. S.]
      [53] See on this subject the agitation against Wood's halfpence in the volume dealing with “The Drapier's Letters.” [T. S.]
      [54] Faulkner and Scott print this word “irony,” but the original edition has it as printed in the text. [T. S.]
      [55] The original edition has this as “Island.” Scott and the previous editors print it as in the text. Iceland is, no doubt, referred to. [T. S.]
      [56] Bishop Nicholson, quoted by Lecky, speaks of the miserable hovels in which the people lived, and the almost complete absence of clothing. [T. S.]
      [57] Hely Hutchinson, in his “Commercial Restraints of Ireland" (Dublin, 1779; new edit. 1888) points out that the scheme proposed by the government, and partly executed, by directing a commission under the great seal for receiving voluntary subscriptions in order to establish a bank, was a scheme to circulate paper without money. This and Wood's halfpence seem to have been the nearest approach made at the time for supplying what Swift here calls “the running cash of the nation.” [T. S.]
      [58] England.
      [59] Scotland and Ireland.
      [60] The Irish Sea.
      [61] The Roman Wall.
      [62] The Scottish Highlanders. [T. S]
      [63] Charles I, who was delivered by the Scotch into the hands of the Parliamentary party. [T. S]
      [64] See note to “A Short View of the State of Ireland.” [T. S.]
      [65] The King of England. [T. S.]
      [66] The Lord-Lieutenant. [T. S.]
      [67] The English Government filled all the important posts in Ireland with individuals sent over from England. See “Boulter's Letters” on this subject of the English rule. [T. S.]
      [68] See notes to “A Short View of the State of Ireland,” on the Navigation Acts and the acts against the exportation of cattle. [T. S.]
      [69] The laws against woollen manufacture. [T. S.]
      [70] Absentees and place-holders. [T. S.]
      [71] The spirit of opposition and enmity to England, declared by the Scottish Act of Security, according to Swift's view of the relations between the countries, left no alternative but an union or a war. [S.]
      [72] The Act of Union between England and Scotland. [T. S.]
      [73] The reference here is to the linen manufactories of Ireland which were being encouraged by England. [T. S.]
      [74] Swift here refers to the sentiment, largely predominant in Scotland, for the return of the Stuarts. [T. S.]
      [75] Alliances with France. [T. S.]
      [76] Alluding to the 33rd Henry VIII, providing that the King and his successors should be kings imperial of both kingdoms, on which the enemies of Irish independence founded their arguments against it. [S.] Scott cannot be correct in this note. The allusion is surely to the enactments known as Poyning's Law. See vol. vi., p. 77 (note) of this edition of Swift's works. [T. S.]
      [77] Disturbances excited by the Scottish colonists in Ulster. [S.]
      [78] The subjugation of Scotland by Cromwell. [S.]
      [79] That is to say, to interpret Poyning's law in the spirit in which it was enacted, and give to Ireland the right to make its own laws. [T. S.]
      [80] Free trade and the repeal of the Navigation Act. [T. S.]
      [81] Office-holders should not be absentees. [T. S.]
      [82] That the land laws of Ireland shall be free from interference by England, and the produce of the land free to be exported to any place. [T. S.]
      [83] The laws prohibiting the importation of live cattle into England, and the restrictions as to the woollen industry, were the ruin of those who held land for grazing purposes. [T. S.]
      [84] The Act of 10 and 11 William III., cap. 10, was the final blow to the woollen industry of Ireland. It was enacted in 1699, and prohibited the exportation of Irish wool to any other country. In the fifth letter of Hely Hutchinson's “Commercial Restraints of Ireland" (1779) will be found a full account of the passing of this Act and its consequences. [T. S.]
      [85] Edward Waters and John Harding, the printers of Swift's pamphlets. See volume on “The Drapier's Letters.” [T. S.]
      [86] The text here given is that of the original manuscript in the Forster Collection at South Kensington, collated with that given by Deane Swift in vol. viii. of the 4to edition of 1765. [T. S.]
      [87] The letter was written in reply to a letter received from Messrs. Truman and Layfield. [T. S.]
      [88] Dr. William King, Archbishop of Dublin. [T. S.]
      [89] Swift betrays here a lamentable knowledge of the geography of this part of America. Penn, however, may have known no better. [T. S.]
      [90] William Burnet, at this time the Governor of Massachusetts, was the son of Swift's old enemy, Bishop Burnet. [T. S.]
      [91] Burnet quarrelled with the Assembly of Massachusetts and New Hampshire because they would not allow him a fixed salary. The Assembly attempted to give him instead a fee on ships leaving Boston, but the English Government refused to allow this. [T. S.]
      [92] The original MS. on which this text is based does not contain the passage here given in brackets. [T. S.]
      [93] Swift is here supported by Arthur Dobbs, who in his “Essays on Trade,” pt. ii. (1731) gives as one of the conditions prejudicial to trade, the luxury of living and extravagance in food, dress, furniture, and equipage by the Irish well-to-do. He describes it “as one of the principal sources of our national evils.” His remedy was a tax on expensive dress, and rich equipage and furniture. [T. S.]
      [94] The text of this tract is based on that given by Deane Swift in the eighth volume of his edition of Swift's works published in quarto in 1765. [T. S.]
      [95] This refers to Whitshed. [T. S.]
      [96] The Fourth. See vol. vi. of present edition. [T. S.]
      [97] Some ten years after Swift wrote the above, the roads of Ireland were thought to be so good as to attract Whitefield's attention. Lecky quotes Arthur Young, who found Irish roads superior to those of England. (Lecky's “Ireland,” vol. i., p. 330, 1892 ed.) [T. S.]
      [98] Lecky (vol. i., pp. 333-335, 1892 edit.) gives a detailed account of the destruction of the fine woods in Ireland which occurred during the forty years that followed the Revolution. The melancholy sight of the denuded land drew the attention of a Parliamentary Commission appointed to inquire into the matter. The Act of 10 Will. III. 2, c. 12 ordered the planting of a certain number of trees in every county, “but,” remarks Lecky, “it was insufficient to counteract the destruction which was due to the cupidity or the fears of the new proprietors.” [T. S.]
      [99] Swift always distinguished between the Irish “barbarians” and the Irish who were in reality English settlers in Ireland. Swift, for once, is in accord with the desires of the English Government, who wished to eradicate the Irish language. His friend the Archbishop of Dublin and his own college, that of Trinity, were in favour of keeping the language alive. (See Lecky's “Ireland,” vol. i., pp. 331-332.) [T. S.]
      [100] See Swift's “Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufactures.” [T. S.]
      [101] See Swift's “Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufactures.” [T. S.]
      [102] The text here given is that of Scott read by the “Miscellaneous Pieces” of 1789. The “Observations” were written, probably, in 1729. [T. S.]
      [103] Monck Mason has an elaborate note on this subject (“Hist. of St. Patrick's Cathedral,” pp. 320-321, ed. 1819), which is well worth reprinting here, since it is an excellent statement of facts, and is fully borne out by Hely Hutchinson's account in his “Commercial Restraints of Ireland,” to which reference has already been made:
      “In the year 1698 a bill was introduced into the English Parliament, grounded upon complaints, that the woollen manufacture in Ireland prejudiced the staple trade of England; the matter terminated at last in an address to the King, wherein the commons 'implored his majesty's protection and favour on this matter, and that he would make it his royal care, and enjoin all those whom he employed in Ireland, to use their utmost diligence, to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland (except it be imported into England), and for the discouraging the woollen manufacture, and increasing the linen manufacture of Ireland.' Accordingly, on the 16th July, the King wrote a letter of instructions to the Earl of Galway, in which the following passage appears: 'The chief thing that must be tried to be prevented, is, that the Irish parliament takes no notice of what has passed in this here, and that you make effectual laws for the linen manufacture, and discourage as far as possible the woollen.'—The Earl of Galway and the other justices convened the parliament on the 27th of September; in their speech, they recommended a bill for the encouragement of the manufactures of linen and hemp, 'which,' say they, 'will be found more advantageous to this kingdom than the woollen manufacture, which, being the settled trade of England from whence all foreign markets are supplied, can never be encouraged here.' The house of commons so far concurred with the lords justices' sentiments as to say, in their address of thanks, that they would heartily endeavour to establish the linen manufacture, and to render the same useful to England, and 'we hope,' they add, 'to find such a temperament, with respect to the woollen trade here, that the same may not be injurious to England' ('Cont. Rapin's Hist.,' p. 376). 'And they did,' says Mr. Smith, 'so far come into a temperament in this case, as, hoping it would be accepted by way of compromise, to lay a high duty of ... upon all their woollen manufacture exported; under which, had England acquiesced, I am persuaded it would have been better for the kingdom in general. But the false notion of a possible monopoly, made the English deaf to all other terms of accommodation; by which means they lost the horse rather than quit the stable' ('Memoirs of Wool,' vol. ii., p. 30). The duties imposed by the Irish parliament, at this time, upon the export of manufactured wool, was four shillings on the value of twenty shillings of the old drapery, and two shillings upon the like value of the new, except friezes. But this concurrence of the people of Ireland seemed rather to heighten the jealousy between the two nations, by making the people of England imagine the manufactures of Ireland were arrived at a dangerous pitch of improvement, since they could be supposed capable of bearing so extravagant a duty: accordingly, in the next following year, the English parliament passed an Act (10-11 William III: cap. 10), that no person should export from Ireland wool or woollen goods, except to England or Wales, under high penalties, such goods to be shipped only from certain ports in Ireland, and to certain ports in England: But this was not the whole grievance; the old duties upon the import of those commodities, whether raw or manufactured, into Great Britain, were left in the same state as before, which amounted nearly to a prohibition; thus did the English, although they had not themselves any occasion for those commodities, prohibit, nevertheless, their being sent to any other nation.
      “The discouragement of the woollen manufacture of Ireland, affected particularly the English settlers there, for the linen was entirely in the hands of the Scotch, who were established in Ulster, and the Irish natives had no share in either. It is stated in a pamphlet, entitled, 'A Discourse concerning Ireland, etc. in answer to the Exon and Barnstaple petitions,' printed 1697-8, that there were then, in the city and suburbs of Dublin, 12,000 English families, and throughout the nation, 50,000, who were bred to trades connected with the manufacture of wool, 'who could no more get their bread in the linen manufacture, than a London taylor by shoe-making.'
      “Mr. Walter Scott says ('Life of Swift,' p. 278) that the Irish woollen manufacture produced an annual million, but this is not the fact; Mr. Dobbs in his 'Essay on the Trade of Ireland,' informs us, from the custom-house books, that in the year 1697 (which immediately preceded the year in which the address above-mentioned was transmitted to the king) the total value of Irish woollen exports, of all sorts, was only £23,614 9s. 6d., and in 1687, when they were at the highest, they did not exceed £70,521 14s. 0d. It moreover appears, that the greater part of these exports were of a sort which did not interfere with the trade of England, £56,415 16s. 0d. was in friezes, and £2,520 18s. 0d. coarse stockings, the rest consisted in serges and other stuffs of the new drapery, which affected not the trade of England generally, but only the particular interests of Exeter and its neighbourhood, and a very few other inconsiderable towns.
      “But, whatever injury was intended, little prejudice was done to Ireland, except what followed immediately after the passing of this Act. It appears from Mr. Dobbs's pamphlet, that, a few years after, four times the quantity of woollen goods were shipped in each year, clandestinely, than had ever been exported, legally, before: moreover, the Irish vastly increased their manufactures for home consumption, and learned to make fine cloth from Spanish wool: it was only to England itself that any disadvantage redounded; many manufacturers who were unsettled by this measure, passed over to Germany, Spain, and to Rouen and other parts of France, 'from these beginnings they have, in many branches, so much improved the woollen manufactures of France, as to vie with the English in foreign markets.—Upon the whole, those nations may be justly said to have deprived Britain of millions since that time, instead of the thousands Ireland might possibly have made.'—What Mr. Dobbs has here asserted, relative to the removal of the manufacturers, has been confirmed by another tract, 'Letter from a Clothier a Member of Parliament,' printed in 1731, which informs us that, for some years after, the English seemed to engross all the woollen trade, 'but this appearance of benefit abated, as the foreign factories, raised on the ruin of the Irish, acquired strength': he shows too, that the importation of unmanufactured wool from Ireland to England had been gradually decreasing since that time, which was probably on account of the increase of the illicit trade to foreign parts, towards the encouragement of which the duties, or legal transportation, served to act as a bounty of 36 per cent. 'So true it is, that England can never fall into measures for unreasonably cramping the industry of the people of Ireland, without doing herself the greatest prejudice.'“ (Note g, pp. 320-321). [T. S.]
      [104] The causes for absenteeism are thus noted by Lecky (“Hist. of Ireland,” p. 213, vol. i., ed. 1892): “The very large part of the confiscated land was given to Englishmen who had property and duties in England, and habitually lived there. Much of it also came into the market, and as there was very little capital in Ireland, and as Catholics were forbidden to purchase land, this also passed largely into the hands of English speculators. Besides, the level of civilization was much higher in England than in Ireland. The position of a Protestant landlord, living in the midst of a degraded population, differing from him in religion and race, had but little attraction, the political situation of the country closed to an Irish gentleman nearly every avenue of honourable ambition, and owing to a long series of very evident causes, the sentiment of public duty was deplorably low. The economical condition was not checked by any considerable movement in the opposite direction, for after the suppression of the Irish manufactures but few Englishmen, except those who obtained Irish offices, came to Ireland.”
      The amount of the rent obtained in Ireland that was spent in England is estimated elsewhere by Swift to have been at least one-third. In 1729, Prior assessed the amount at £627,000. In the Supplement to his “List of Absentees,” Prior gives eight further “articles” by which money was “yearly drawn out of the Kingdom.” See the “Supplement,” pp. 242-245 in Thone's “Collection of Tracts,” Dublin, 1861. [T. S.]
      [105] John Erskine, Earl of Mar, has elsewhere been characterized by Swift as “crooked; he seemed to me to be a gentleman of good sense and good nature.” The great rebellion of 1715, for which Mar was responsible, was stirred up by him in favour of the Pretender, and succeeded so far as to bring the Chevalier to Scotland. The Duke of Argyll, however, fought his forces, and though the victory remained undecided, Mar was compelled to seek safety in France. The rebellion caused so much disturbance in every part of the British Isles that Ireland suffered greatly from bad trade. [T. S.]
      [106] Joshua, Lord Allen. See note on p. 175. [T. S.]
      [107] See page 60 of vol. iii. of the present edition. [T. S.]
      [108] Chief Justice Whitshed. [T. S.]
      [109] See page 14. [T. S.]
      [110] Edward Waters. [T. S.]
      [111] See pages 96, 235-6, of vol. vi. of present edition. [T. S.]
      [112] The person here intimated, Joshua, Lord Allen (whom Swift elsewhere satirizes under the name of Traulus), was born in 1685. He is said to have been a weak and dissipated man; and some particulars are recorded by tradition concerning his marriage with Miss Du Pass (whose father was clerk of the secretary of state's office in James the Second's reign, and died in India in 1699), which do very little honour either to his heart or understanding.
      It is reported, that being trepanned into a marriage with this lady, by a stratagem of the celebrated Lionel, Duke of Dorset, Lord Allen refused, for some time, to acknowledge her as his wife. But the lady, after living some time in close retirement, caused an advertisement to be inserted in the papers, stating the death of a brother in the East Indies, by which Miss Margaret Du Pass had succeeded to a large fortune. Accordingly, she put on mourning, and assumed an equipage conforming to her supposed change of fortune. Lord Allen's affairs being much deranged, he became now as anxious to prove the marriage with the wealthy heiress, as he had formerly been to disown the unportioned damsel; and succeeded, after such opposition as the lady judged necessary to give colour to the farce. Before the deceit was discovered, Lady Allen, by her good sense and talents, had obtained such ascendance over her husband, that they ever afterwards lived in great harmony.
      Lord Allen was, at the time of giving offence to Swift, a privy-counsellor; and distinguished himself, according to Lodge, in the House of Peers, by his excellent speeches for the benefit of his country. He died at Stillorgan, 1742. [S.]
      Swift did not allow Lord Allen to rest with this “advertisement.” In the poem entitled “Traulus,” Allen is gibbetted in some lively rhymes. He calls him a “motley fruit of mongrel seed,” and traces his descent from the mother's side (she was the sister of the Earl of Kildare) as well as the father's (who was the son of Sir Joshua Allen, Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1673):
        “Who could give the looby such airs?
  Were they masons, were they butchers?
               * * * * *
        This was dexterous at the trowel,
  That was bred to kill a cow well:
  Hence the greasy clumsy mien
  In his dress and figure seen;
  Hence the mean and sordid soul,
  Like his body rank and foul;
  Hence that wild suspicious peep,
  Like a rogue that steals a sheep;
  Hence he learnt the butcher's guile,
  How to cut your throat and smile;
  Like a butcher doomed for life
  In his mouth to wear a knife;
  Hence he draws his daily food
  From his tenants' vital blood.”
      [T. S.]
      [113] See note on page 66 of vol. vi. of present edition. The patent to Lord Dartmouth, granting him the right to coin copper coins, provided that he should give security to redeem these coins for gold or silver on demand. John Knox obtained this patent and Colonel Moore acquired it from Knox after the Revolution. [T. S.]
      [114] Of ten pence in every two shillings. [F.]
      [115] But M'Culla hath still 30l. per cent. by the scheme, if they be returned. [F.]
      [116] Faulkner's edition adds here: “For the benefit of defrauding the crown never occurreth to the public, but is wholly turned to the advantage of those whom the crown employeth.” [T. S.]
      [117] See page 89 of vol. vi. of present edition. [T. S.]
      [118] 1: Faulkner's edition adds here: “it being a matter wholly out of my trade.” [T. S.]
      [119] See “A Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufactures,” p. 19. [T. S.]
      [120] See Swift's letter to Archbishop King on the weavers, p. 137. [T. S.]
      [121] Edward Waters. [T. S.]
      [122] See note prefixed to pamphlet on p. 15. [T. S.]
      [123] See notes on pp. 6, 7, 8 and 73 of vol. vi. of present edition. [T. S.]
      [124] See Appendix V. in vol. vi. of present edition. [T. S.]
      [125] See page 81. [T. S.]
      [126] Nathaniel Mist was the publisher of the “Weekly Journal,” for which Defoe wrote many important papers. The greater part of his career as a printer was spent in trials and imprisonments for the “libels" which appeared in his journal. This was largely due to the fact that his weekly newspaper became the recognized organ of Jacobites and “High-fliers.” From 1716 to 1728 he was a pretty busy man with the government, and finally was compelled to go to France to escape from prosecution. In France he joined Wharton, but his “Journal” still continued to be issued until September 21st of the year 1728, which was the date of the last issue. On the 28th of the same month, however, appeared its continuation under the title, “Fog's Weekly Journal,” and this was carried on by Mist's friends. Mist died in 1737. [T. S.]
      [127] See notes on pp. 158-159. [T. S.]
      [128] “Observations on the Precedent List: Together with a View of the Trade of Ireland, and the Great Benefits which accrue to England thereby; with some hints for the further improvement of the same.” Dublin, second edition, 1729. Reprinted in Thom's “Tracts and Treatises of Ireland,” 1861, vol. ii. [T. S]
      [129] A reference to Alberoni's expedition in aid of the Jacobites made several years before Swift wrote. [T. S.]
      [130] Sir W. Petty gives the population of Ireland as about one million, two hundred thousand (“Pol. Arithmetic,” 1699). [T. S.]
      [131] This is probably a Swiftian plausibility to give an air of truth to his remarks. Certain parts of America were at that time reputed to be inhabited by cannibals. [T. S.]
      [132] This anecdote is taken from the Description of the Island of Formosa by that very extraordinary impostor George Psalmanazar, who for some time passed himself for a native of that distant country. He afterwards published a retractation of his figments, with many expressions of contrition, but containing certain very natural indications of dislike to those who had detected him. The passage referred to in the text is as follows: “We also eat human flesh, which I am now convinced is a very barbarous custom, though we feed only upon our open enemies, slain or made captive in the field, or else upon malefactors legally executed; the flesh of the latter is our greatest dainty, and is four times dearer than other rare and delicious meat. We buy it of the executioner, for the bodies of all public capital offenders are his fees. As soon as the criminal is dead, he cuts the body in pieces, squeezes out the blood, and makes his house a shambles for the flesh of men and women, where all people that can afford it come and buy. I remember, about ten years ago, a tall, well-complexioned, pretty fat virgin, about nineteen years of age, and tire-woman to the queen, was found guilty of high treason, for designing to poison the king; and accordingly she was condemned to suffer the most cruel death that could be invented, and her sentence was, to be nailed to a cross, and kept alive as long as possible. The sentence was put in execution; when she fainted with the cruel torment, the hangman gave her strong liquors, &c. to revive her; the sixth day she died. Her long sufferings, youth, and good constitution, made her flesh so tender, delicious, and valuable, that the executioner sold it for above eight tallies; for there was such thronging to this inhuman market, that men of great fashion thought themselves fortunate if they could purchase a pound or two of it.” Lond. 1705, p. 112. [S.]
      [133] The English government had been making concessions to the Dissenters, and, of course, Swift satirically alludes here to the arguments used by the government in the steps they had taken. But the truth of the matter, Swift hints, was, that those who desired to abolish the test were more anxious for their pockets than their consciences. [T. S.]
      [134] The inhabitants of a district of Brazil supposed to be savages, making the name synonymous with savage ignorance. [T. S.]
      [135]
        “Remove me from this land of slaves,
  Where all are fools, and all are knaves,
  Where every fool and knave is bought,
  Yet kindly sells himself for nought.”
      (From Swift's note-book, written while detained at Holyhead in September, 1727.) [T. S.]
      [136] All these are proposals advocated, of course, by Swift himself, in previous pamphlets and papers. [T. S.]
      [137] So that there would be no danger of an objection from England that the English were suffering from Irish competition. [T. S.]
      [138] This was the celebrated periodical founded by Pulteney, after he had separated himself from Walpole, to which Bolingbroke contributed his famous letters of an Occasional Writer. The journal carried on a political war against Walpole's administration, and endeavoured to bring about the establishment of a new party, to consist of Tories and the Whigs who could not agree with Walpole's methods. Caleb D'Anvers was a mere name for a Grub Street hack who was supposed to be the writer. But Walpole had no difficulty in recognizing the hand of Bolingbroke, and his reply to the first number of the Occasional Writer made Bolingbroke wince. [T. S.]
      [139] The “Modest Proposal.” See page 207. [T. S.]
      [140] Referring to the silks, laces, and dress of the extravagant women. See pp. 139, 198, 199. [T. S.]
      [141] The chief source of income in Ireland came from the pasture lands on which cattle were bred. The cattle were imported to England. The English landlords, however, taking alarm, discovered to the Crown that this importation of Irish cattle was lowering English rents. Two Acts passed in 1665 and 1680 fully met the wishes of the landlords, and ruined absolutely the Irish cattle trade. Prevented thus from breeding cattle, the Irish turned to the breeding of sheep, and established, in a very short time, an excellent trade in wool. How England ruined this industry also may be seen from note on p. 158. [T. S.]
      [142] Alluding to the facilities afforded for the recruiting of the French army in Ireland. [T. S.]
      [143] The King of France. [T. S.]
      [144] Buttermilk. The quotation from Virgil aptly applies to the food of the Irish peasants, who, in the words of Skelton, bled their cattle and boiled their blood with sorrel to make a food. [T. S.]
      [145] At Christ Church. See note prefixed to this tract. [T. S.]
      [146] Sheridan, in his life of Swift, gives an instance of this which is quoted by Scott. Carteret had appointed Sheridan one of his domestic chaplains, and the two would often spend hours together, or, in company with Swift, exchanging talk and knowledge. When Sheridan had one of the Greek tragedies performed by the scholars of the school he kept, Carteret wished to read the play over with him before the performance. At this reading Sheridan was surprised at the ease with which his patron could translate the original, and, asking him how he came to know it so well, Carteret told him “that when he was envoy in Denmark, he had been for a long time confined to his chamber, partly by illness, and partly by the severity of the weather; and having but few books with him, he had read Sophocles over and over so often as to be almost able to repeat the whole verbatim, which impressed it ever after indelibly on his memory.” [T. S.]
      [147] This refers to Richard Tighe, the gentleman who informed on poor Sheridan for preaching from the text on the anniversary of King George's accession, “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.” It was on this information that Sheridan lost his living. Swift never afterwards missed an opportunity to ridicule Tighe, and he has lampooned that individual in several poems. In “The Legion Club” Swift calls him Dick Fitzbaker, alluding to his descent from one of Cromwell's contractors, who supplied the army with bread. [T. S.]
      [148] “The worst of times” was the expression used by the Whigs when they referred to Oxford's administration in the last four years of Queen Anne's reign. [T. S.]
      [149] A famous rope-dancer of that time. [H.]
      [150] A justice of the peace, who afterwards gave Swift farther provocation. It was Hutcheson who signed Faulkner's committal to prison for printing “A New Proposal for the Better Regulation and Improvement of Quadrille,” a pamphlet which Swift did not write, but which had his favour. A jeering insinuation was made against the famous Sergeant Bettesworth, whom Swift had already lampooned, and Bettesworth complained to the House of Commons. Hutcheson aided Bettesworth in this prosecution, causing Swift to be roused to a strong indignation against such unconstitutional proceedings.
        “Better we all were in our graves,
  Than live in slavery to slaves.”
      These are the lines beginning one of his more trenchant lampoons against the magistrate. [T. S.]
      [151] “The beast who had kicked him” is the expression Swift uses for Tighe in writing to Sheridan in a letter on September 25th, 1725. In that letter Swift urges Sheridan to revenge, and promises him his help. [T. S.]
      [152] The word is spelt “Galloway” in the original edition. The earldom of Galway became extinct in 1720. For an account of the earl, see note on p. 20 of volume v. of this edition. [T. S.]
      [153] Joshua, Lord Allen. See p. 175 [T. S.]
      [154] Swift's poem entitled “Traulus” was published at this price, and gives in rhyme much the same matter as is here given in prose. See p. 176. [T. S.]
      [155] Lord Allen was reputed to be wrong in his head. When Swift was once asked to excuse him for his conduct on the plea that he was mad, Swift replied: “I know that he is a madman; and, if that were all, no man living could commiserate his condition more than myself; but, sir, he is a madman possessed by the devil. I renounce him.” (See Scott's “Life of Swift,” p. 365.) [T. S.]
      [156] The reader may compare what is stated in these two paragraphs with the same opinion expressed by the author in “The Public Spirit of the Whigs.” [S.]
      [157] See notes on pp. 74, 232. [T. S.]
      [158] See note on p. 232. [T. S.]
      [159] Mr. Tickell and Mr. Ballaquer. Tickell was Addison's biographer, and a friend and correspondent of Swift. He was no mean poet, and though Pope did not care for him Swift did. Tickell was Secretary to the Lords Justices of Ireland, and Ballaquer Secretary to Carteret. [T. S.]
      [160] The day of the anniversary of the accession of George I. In his “History of Solomon the Second” Swift censures his friend strongly for his indiscretion. [T. S.]
      [161] The Richard Tighe afore-mentioned. [T. S.]
      [162] Sheridan wrote a poem displeasing to Swift, which Swift thus animadverts on in the “History of the Second Solomon”: “Having lain many years under the obloquy of a high Tory and a Jacobite, upon the present Queen's birthday, he [Dr. Sheridan] writ a song to be performed before the government and those who attended them, in praise of the Queen and King, on the common topics of her beauty, wit, family, love of England, and all other virtues, wherein the King and the royal children were sharers. It was very hard to avoid the common topics. A young collegian who had done the same job the year before, got some reputation on account of his wit. Solomon would needs vie with him, by which he lost the esteem of his old friends the Tories, and got not the least interest with the Whigs, for they are now too strong to want advocates of that kind; and, therefore, one of the lords-justices reading the verses in some company, said, 'Ah, doctor, this shall not do.' His name was at length in the title-page; and he did this without the knowledge or advice of one living soul, as he himself confesseth.” [T. S.]
      [163] Dr. Stopford, Bishop of Cloyne, one of Swift's intimate friends. Stopford always acknowledged that he owed his advancement entirely to Swift's kindness. He wrote an elegant Latin tribute to Swift, given by Scott in an appendix to the “Life.” With Delany and others he was one of Swift's executors.
      [164] Delany was a ripe scholar and much esteemed by Swift, though the latter had occasion to rebuke him for attempting to court favour with the Castle people, and for an attack on the “Intelligencer,” a journal which Swift and Sheridan had started. Delany, however, was a little jealous of Sheridan's favour with the Dean. He was afterwards Chancellor of St Patrick's, and wrote a life of Swift. [T. S.]
      [165] Sir Constantine Phipps, Lord Chancellor of Ireland when Queen Anne died. [Orig. Note.]
      [166] Swift himself. [T. S.]
      [167] Dr. William King, who died a year or so before Swift wrote. [T. S.]
      [168] In 1724, two under-graduates were expelled from Trinity College for alleged insolence to the provost. Dr. Delany espoused their cause with such warmth that it drew upon him very inconvenient consequences, and he was at length obliged to give satisfaction to the college by a formal acknowledgment of his offence. [S.]
      [169] A very good friend of Swift, at whose place at Gosford, in the county of Antrim, Swift would often stay for months together. The reference here is to the project for converting a large house, called Hamilton's Bawn, situated about two miles from Sir Arthur Acheson's seat, into a barrack. The project gave rise to Swift's poem, entitled, “The Grand Question Debated,” given by Scott in vol. xv., p. 171. [T. S.]
      [170] Most of these expressions explain themselves. “Termagants” was applied to resisters, as used in the old morality plays. “Iconoclasts,” the name given to those who defaced King William's statue. “White-rosalists,” given to those who wore the Stuart badge on the 10th of June, the day of the Pretender's birthday. [T. S.]
      [171] By fines is meant the increase made in rents on the occasion of renewals of leases. [T. S.]
      [172] This document was copied by Sir Walter Scott from Dr. Lyon's papers. It is indorsed, “Queries for Mr. Lindsay,” and “21st Nov., 1730, Mr. Lindsay's opinion concerning Mr. Gorman, in answer to my queries.” Mr. Lindsay's answer was:
      “I have carefully perused and considered this case, and am clearly of opinion, that the agent has not made any one answer like a man of business, but has answered very much like a true agent.
      “Nov. 21, 1730. Robert Lindsay.”
      [173] Swift was born at No. 7, Hoey's Court, near the Castle grounds. [T. S.]
      [174] A sort of sugar-cakes in the shape of hearts. [F.]
      [175] A new name for a modern periwig with a long black tail, and for its owner; now in fashion, Dec. 1, 1733. [F.]
      [176] Referring to the last four years of Anne's reign, when Harley was minister. The expression was a Whig one. [T. S.]
      [177] “The squeezing of the orange” was literally a toast among the disaffected in the reign of William III. [S.]
      [178] The author's meaning is just contrary to the literal sense in the character of Lord Oxford; while he is in truth sneering at the splendour of Houghton, and the supposed wealth of Sir Robert Walpole. [S.]
      [179] The paragraph here printed in square brackets did not appear in the original Dublin edition of 1732. [T. S.]
      [180] Was a gentleman of a very large estate, and left it to the poor people of England, to be distributed amongst them annually, as the Parliament of Great Britain, his executors, should think proper. [F.]
      [181] 4,060,000 in 1734 and 4,600,000 in edition of 1733. To make the total agree with the division below it, the item against Richard Norton has been altered from 60,000 to 6,000. [T. S.]
      [182] See note on page 269. [T. S.]
      [183] See note on page 271. [T. S.]
      [184] Humphry French, Lord Mayor of Dublin for the year 1732-3, was elected to succeed Alderman Samuel Burton. [F.]
      [185] John Macarrell, Register of the Barracks, shortly after this date elected to the representation of Carlingford. [F.]
      [186] Edward Thompson, member of parliament for York, and a Commissioner of the Revenue in Ireland. [F.]
      [187] Mr. Thompson was presented with the freedom of several corporations in Ireland. [F.]
      [188] Upon the death of Mr. Stoyte, Recorder of the City of Dublin, in the year 1733, several gentlemen declared themselves candidates to succeed him; upon which the Dean wrote the above paper, and Eaton Stannard, Esq. (a gentleman of great worth and honour, and very knowing in his profession) was elected [F.]
      [189] Dr. William King. [T. S.]
      [190] The following, from Deane Swift's edition, given by Sir Walter Scott in his edition of Swift's works, refers to this “very plain proposal.” It is evidently written by Swift, and is dated, as from the Deanery House, September 26th, 1726, almost eleven years before the above tract was issued:
      “DEANERY-HOUSE, Sept. 26, 1726.
      “The continued concourse of beggars from all parts of the kingdom to this city, having made it impossible for the several parishes to maintain their own poor, according to the ancient laws of the land, several lord mayors did apply themselves to the lord Archbishop of Dublin, that his grace would direct his clergy, and his churchwardens of the said city, to appoint badges of brass, copper, or pewter, to be worn by the poor of the several parishes. The badges to be marked with the initial letters of the name of each church, and numbered 1, 2, 3, etc., and to be well sewed and fastened on the right and left shoulder of the outward garment of each of the said poor, by which they might be distinguished. And that none of the said poor should go out of their own parish to beg alms; whereof the beadles were to take care.
      “His grace the lord Archbishop, did accordingly give his directions to the clergy; which, however, have proved wholly ineffectual, by the fraud, perverseness, or pride of the said poor, several of them openly protesting 'they will never submit to wear the said badges.' And of those who received them, almost every one keep them in their pockets, or hang them in a string about their necks, or fasten them under their coats, not to be seen, by which means the whole design is eluded; so that a man may walk from one end of the town to another, without seeing one beggar regularly badged, and in such great numbers, that they are a mighty nuisance to the public, most of them being foreigners.
      “It is therefore proposed, that his grace the lord Archbishop would please to call the clergy of the city together, and renew his directions and exhortations to them, to put the affair of badges effectually in practice, by such methods as his grace and they shall agree upon. And I think it would be highly necessary that some paper should be pasted up in several proper parts of the city, signifying this order, and exhorting all people to give no alms except to those poor who are regularly badged, and only while they are in the precincts of their own parishes. And if something like this were delivered by the ministers in the reading-desk two or three Lord's-days successively, it would still be of further use to put this matter upon a right foot. And that all who offend against this regulation shall be treated as vagabonds and sturdy beggars.” [T. S.]
      [191] Spelt now St. Warburgh's. [T. S.]
      [192] About the beginning of the eighteenth century, Dr. Gwythers, a physician, and fellow of the University of Dublin, brought over with him a parcel of frogs from England to Ireland, in order to propagate their species in that kingdom, and threw them into the ditches of the University Park; but they all perished. Whereupon he sent to England for some bottles of the frog-spawn, which he threw into those ditches, by which means the species of frogs was propagated in that kingdom. However, their number was so small in the year 1720, that a frog was nowhere to be seen in Ireland, except in the neighbourhood of the University Park: but within six or seven years after, they spread thirty, forty, or fifty miles over the country; and so at last, by degrees, over the whole country. [D. S.]
      [193] Swift's uncle, Godwin Swift, for whose memory he had no special regard, seems to have been concerned in this ingenious anagram and unfortunate project. [S.]
      [194] This reproach has been certainly removed since the Dean flourished; for the titles of the Irish peerages of late creation have rather been in the opposite extreme, and resemble, in some instances, the appellatives in romances and novels.
      Thomas O'Brien MacMahon, an Irish author, quoted by Mr. Southey in his Omniana, in a most angry pamphlet on “The Candour and Good-nature of Englishmen,” has the following diverting passage, which may serve as a corollary to Swift's Tract:—“You sent out the children of your princes,” says he, addressing the Irish, “and sometimes your princes in person, to enlighten this kingdom, then sitting in utter darkness, (meaning England) and how have they recompensed you? Why, after lawlessly distributing your estates, possessed for thirteen centuries or more, by your illustrious families, whose antiquity and nobility, if equalled by any nation in the world, none but the immutable God of Abraham's chosen, though, at present, wandering and afflicted people, surpasses: After, I say, seizing on your inheritances, and flinging them among their Cocks, Hens, Crows, Rooks, Daws, Wolves, Lions, Foxes, Rams, Bulls, Hoggs, and other beasts and birds of prey, or vesting them in the sweepings of their jails, their Small-woods, Do-littles, Barebones, Strangeways, Smarts, Sharps, Tarts, Sterns, Churls, and Savages; their Greens, Blacks, Browns, Greys and Whites; their Smiths, Carpenters, Brewers, Bakers, and Taylors; their Sutlers, Cutlers, Butlers, Trustlers and Jugglers; their Norths, Souths, and Wests; their Fields, Rows, Streets, and Lanes; their Toms-sons, Dicks-sons, Johns-sons, James-sons, Wills-sons, and Waters-sons; their Shorts, Longs, Lows, and Squabs; their Parks, Sacks, Tacks, and Jacks; and, to complete their ingratitude and injustice, they have transported a cargo of notorious traitors to the Divine Majesty among you, impiously calling them the Ministers of God's Word.” [S.]
      [195] The Tholsel, where criminals for the city were tried, and where proclamations, etc., were posted. It was invariably called the Touls'el by the lower class. [S.]
      [196] This and the following piece were, according to Sir Walter Scott, found among the collection of Mr. Smith. The examples of English blunders which Scott also reprints were given by Sheridan by way of retaliation to these specimens of Irish blunders noted by Swift. [T. S.]
      [197] This specimen of Irish-English, or what Swift condemned as such, is taken from an unfinished copy in the Dean's handwriting, found among Mr. Lyons's papers. [S.]
      [198] See note on p. 368. [T. S.]
      [199] Dunkin was one of Swift's favourites, to judge by the efforts Swift made on his behalf. Writing to Alderman Barber (17th January, 1737-38), Swift speaks of him as “a gentleman of much wit and the best English as well as Latin poet in this kingdom.” Several of Dunkin's poems were printed in Scott's edition of Swift's works, but his collected works were issued in 1774. Dunkin was educated at Trinity College, Dublin. [T. S.]
      [200] The “Occasional Writer's” Letters are printed in Lord Bolingbroke's Works. [N.]
      [201] Sir Robert Walpole was by no means negligent of his literary assistants. But, unfortunately, like an unskilful general, he confided more in the number than the spirit or discipline of his forces. Arnall, Concanen, and Henley, were wretched auxiliaries; yet they could not complain of indifferent pay, since Arnall used to brag, that, in the course of four years, he had received from the treasury, for his political writings, the sum of £10,997 6s. 8d. [S.]
      [202] The authority for considering this “Account” to be the work of Swift is Mr. Deane Swift, the editor of the edition of 1765 of Swift's works. It is included in the eighth volume of the quarto edition issued that year. Burke also seems to have had no doubt at all about the authorship. Referring to the Dean's disposition to defend Queen Anne and to ridicule her successor, he says, “it is probable that the pieces in which he does it ('Account of the Court of Japan,' and 'Directions for making a Birth-day Song') were the occasion of most of the other posthumous articles having been so long withheld from the publick.” Undoubtedly, there is much in this piece that savours of Swift's method of dealing with such a subject; but that could easily be imitated by a clever reader of “Gulliver.” The style, however, in which it is written is not distinctly Swift's.
      At the time this tract was written (1728) the Tory party was anxiously hoping that the accession of George II. would see the downfall of Walpole. But the party was doomed to a bitter disappointment. Walpole not only maintained but added to the power he enjoyed under George I. By what means this was accomplished the writer of this piece attempts to hint. Sir Walter Scott thinks the piece was probably left imperfect, “when the crisis to which the Tories so anxiously looked forward terminated so undesirably, in the confirmation of Walpole's power.” [T. S.]
      [203] King George. [S.]
      [204] Queen Anne. [S.]
      [205] Whigs and Tories. Anagrams of Huigse and Toryes. [T. S.]
      [206] Hanover. Anagrams for Deuts = Deutsch = German. [T. S.]
      [207] Bremen and Lubeck. [S.]
      [208] The quadruple alliance, usually accounted the most impolitic step in the reign of George I., had its rise in his anxiety for his continental dominions. [S.]
      [209] Through all the reign of George I., the Whigs were in triumphant possession of the government. [S.]
      [210] Sir Robert Walpole [S.]
      [211] When secretary at war, Walpole received £500 from the contractors for forage; and although he alleged that it was a sum due to a third party in the contract, and only remitted through his hands, he was voted guilty of corruption, expelled the House, and sent to the Tower, by the Tory Parliament. [S.]
      [212] King George II. [S.]
      [213] Sir Spencer Compton, Speaker of the House of Commons. [S.]
      [214] Sir Thomas Hanmer. [S.]
      [215] About a million sterling. [D. S.]
      [216] This piece is included here on the authority of Mr. Deane Swift, and was accepted by Sir Walter Scott on the same authority. The writing is excellent and bears every mark of Swift's hand. In the note to the “Letter to the Writer of the Occasional Paper” was included the heads of a paper which Swift suggested, found by Sir H. Craik. The present “Answer” may serve as further evidence of Sir H. Craik's suggestion that Swift may have assisted Pulteney and Bolingbroke on more than one occasion.
      The present text is that of the 1768 quarto edition. [T. S.]
      [217] “Gasping,” 1768; “grasping,” Nichols, 1801. [T. S.]
      [218]
        “For neither man nor angel can discern
  Hypocrisy—the only evil that walks
  Invisible, except to God alone,
  By His permissive will, through heaven and earth,
  And oft, though Wisdom wake, Suspicion sleeps
  At Wisdom's gate, and to Simplicity
  Resigns her charge, while Goodness thinks no ill
  Where no ill seems.”—
       Paradise Lost, Book III., 682-689. [T. S.]
     
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