NOTE.
Swift here argues that a holder of an office under the
government
cannot, of necessity, be an honest representative of the
people.
There were two candidates before the freemen for the suffrages
of
the City, one, Lord Mayor French, and the other Mr. John
Macarrell.
The latter was an office-holder; he was Register to the
Barracks,
and received his salary from the government. It was not to be
expected that he would vote against his employer, be he never
so
honest a man. Swift openly informs the freemen that the
Drapier is
against this man. The Lord Mayor was elected.
* * * * *
The text of this “Advice” is based on that given in the eighth
volume of Swift's Collected Works, issued in 1746. The Forster
Collection contains a made-up booklet of pp. 196-205, taken
from a
volume of one of the collected editions.
[T. S.]
ADVICE TO THE FREEMEN OF THE CITY OF DUBLIN, IN THE CHOICE OF A
MEMBER TO REPRESENT THEM IN PARLIAMENT.
Those few writers, who, since the death of Alderman Burton, have
employed their pens in giving advice to our citizens, how they should
proceed in electing a new representative for the next sessions, having
laid aside their pens, I have reason to hope, that all true lovers of
their country in general, and particularly those who have any regard
for the privileges and liberties of this great and ancient city, will
think a second, and a third time, before they come to a final
determination upon what person they resolve to fix their choice.
I am told, there are only two persons who set up for candidates; one
is the present Lord Mayor,[184] and the other, a gentleman of good
esteem, an alderman of the city, a merchant of reputation, and
possessed of a considerable office under the crown.[185] The question
is, which of these two persons it will be most for the advantage of the
city to elect? I have but little acquaintance with either, so that my
inquiries will be very impartial, and drawn only from the general
character and situation of both.
In order to this, I must offer my countrymen and fellow-citizens
some reasons why I think they ought to be more than ordinarily careful,
at this juncture, upon whom they bestow their votes.
To perform this with more clearness, it may be proper to give you a
short state of our unfortunate country.
We consist of two parties: I do not mean Popish and Protestant, High
and Low Church, Episcopal and Sectarians, Whig and Tory; but of these
English who happen to be born in this kingdom, (whose ancestors reduced
the whole nation under the obedience of the English crown,) and the
gentlemen sent from the other side to possess most of the chief
employments here. This latter party is very much enlarged and
strengthened by the whole power in the church, the law, the army, the
revenue, and the civil administration deposited in their hands;
although, out of political ends, and to save appearances, some
employments are still deposited (yet gradually in a smaller number) to
persons born here; this proceeding, fortified with good words and many
promises, is sufficient to flatter and feed the hopes of hundreds, who
will never be one farthing the better, as they might easily be
convinced, if they were qualified to think at all.
Civil employments of all kinds have been for several years past,
with great prudence, made precarious, and during pleasure; by which
means the possessors are, and must inevitably be, for ever dependent;
yet those very few of any consequence, which are dealt with so sparing
a hand to persons born among us, are enough to keep hope alive in great
numbers, who desire to mend their condition by the favour of those in
power.
Now, my dear fellow-citizens, how is it possible you can conceive,
that any person, who holds an office of some hundred pounds a year,
which may be taken from him whenever power shall think fit, will, if he
should be chosen a member for any city, do the least thing, when he
sits in the house, that he knows or fears may be displeasing to those
who gave him or continue him in that office? Believe me, these are no
times to expect such an exalted degree of virtue from mortal men.
Blazing stars are much more frequently seen than such heroical
worthies. And I could sooner hope to find ten thousand pounds by
digging in my garden, than such a phoenix, by searching among the
present race of mankind.
I cannot forbear thinking it a very erroneous, as well as modern
maxim of politics, in the English nation, to take every opportunity of
depressing Ireland; whereof an hundred instances may be produced in
points of the highest importance, and within the memory of every
middle-aged man; although many of the greatest persons among that party
which now prevails, have formerly, upon that article, much differed in
their opinion from their present successors.
But so the fact stands at present. It is plain that the court and
country party here, (I mean in the House of Commons,) very seldom agree
in anything but their loyalty to his present Majesty, their resolutions
to make him and his viceroy easy in the government, to the utmost of
their power, under the present condition of the kingdom. But the
persons sent from England, who (to a trifle) are possessed of the sole
executive power in all its branches, with their few adherents in
possession who were born here, and hundreds of expectants, hopers, and
promissees, put on quite contrary notions with regard to Ireland. They
count upon a universal submission to whatever shall be demanded;
wherein they act safely, because none of themselves, except the
candidates, feel the least of our pressures.
I remember a person of distinction some days ago affirmed in a good
deal of mixed company, and of both parties, that the gentry from
England, who now enjoy our highest employments of all kinds, can never
be possibly losers of one farthing by the greatest calamities that can
befall this kingdom, except a plague that would sweep away a million of
our hewers of wood and drawers of water, or an invasion that would
fright our grandees out of the kingdom. For this person argued, that
while there was a penny left in the treasury, the civil and military
list must be paid; and that the Episcopal revenues, which are usually
farmed out at six times below the real value, could hardly fail. He
insisted farther, that as money diminished, the price of all
necessaries for life must of consequence do so too, which would be for
the advantage of all persons in employment, as well as of my lords the
bishops, and to the ruin of everybody else. Among the company there
wanted not men in office, besides one or two expectants; yet I did not
observe any of them disposed to return an answer; but the consequences
drawn were these: That the great men in power sent hither from the
other side, were by no means upon the same foot with his Majesty's
other subjects of Ireland; they had no common ligament to bind them
with us; they suffered not with our sufferings; and if it were possible
for us to have any cause of rejoicing, they could not rejoice with us.
Suppose a person, born in this kingdom, shall happen by his services
for the English interest to have an employment conferred on him worth
four hundred pounds a year; and that he hath likewise an estate in land
worth four hundred pounds a year more; suppose him to sit in
Parliament; then, suppose a land-tax to be brought in of five shillings
a pound for ten years; I tell you how this gentleman will compute. He
hath four hundred pounds a year in land: the tax he must pay yearly is
one hundred pounds; by which, in ten years, he will pay only a thousand
pounds. But if he gives his vote against this tax, he will lose four
thousand pounds by being turned out of his employment, together with
the power and influence he hath, by virtue or colour of his employment;
and thus the balance will be against him three thousand pounds.
I desire, my fellow-citizens, you will please to call to mind how
many persons you can vouch for among your acquaintance, who have so
much virtue and self-denial as to lose four hundred pounds a year for
life, together with the smiles and favour of power, and the hopes of
higher advancement, merely out of a generous love of his country.
The contentions of parties in England are very different from those
among us. The battle there is fought for power and riches; and so it is
indeed among us: but whether a great employment be given to Tom or to
Peter, they were both born in England, the profits are to be spent
there. All employments (except a very few) are bestowed on the natives;
they do not send to Germany, Holland, Sweden, or Denmark, much less to
Ireland, for chancellors, bishops, judges, or other officers. Their
salaries, whether well or ill got, are employed at home: and whatever
their morals or politics be, the nation is not the poorer.
The House of Commons in England have frequently endeavoured to limit
the number of members, who should be allowed to have employments under
the Crown. Several acts have been made to that purpose, which many wise
men think are not yet effectual enough, and many of them are rendered
ineffectual by leaving the power of re-election. Our House of Commons
consists, I think, of about three hundred members; if one hundred of
these should happen to be made up of persons already provided for,
joined with expecters, compliers easy to be persuaded, such as will
give a vote for a friend who is in hopes to get something; if they be
merry companions, without suspicion, of a natural bashfulness, not apt
or able to look forwards; if good words, smiles, and caresses, have any
power over them, the larger part of a second hundred may be very easily
brought in at a most reasonable rate.
There is an Englishman[186] of no long standing among us, but in an
employment of great trust, power, and profit. This excellent person did
lately publish, at his own expense, a pamphlet printed in England by
authority, to justify the bill for a general excise or inland duty, in
order to introduce that blessed scheme among us. What a tender care
must such an English patriot for Ireland have of our interest, if he
should condescend to sit in our Parliament! I will bridle my
indignation. However, methinks I long to see that mortal, who would
with pleasure blow us all up at a blast: but he duly receives his
thousand pounds a year; makes his progresses like a king; is received
in pomp at every town and village where he travels,[187] and shines in
the English newspapers.
I will now apply what I have said to you, my brethren and
fellow-citizens. Count upon it, as a truth next to your creed, that no
one person in office, of which he is not master for life, whether born
here or in England, will ever hazard that office for the good of this
country. One of your candidates is of this kind, and I believe him to
be an honest gentleman, as the word honest is generally understood. But
he loves his employment better than he doth you, or his country, or all
the countries upon earth. Will you contribute and give him city
security to pay him the value of his employment, if it should be taken
from him, during his life, for voting on all occasions with the honest
country party in the House?—although I must question, whether he would
do it even upon that condition.
Wherefore, since there are but two candidates, I entreat you will
fix on the present Lord Mayor. He hath shewn more virtue, more
activity, more skill, in one year's government of the city, than a
hundred years can equal. He hath endeavoured, with great success, to
banish frauds, corruptions, and all other abuses from amongst you.
A dozen such men in power would be able to reform a kingdom. He hath
no employment under the Crown; nor is likely to get or solicit for any:
his education having not turned him that way. I will assure for no
man's future conduct; but he who hath hitherto practised the rules of
virtue with so much difficulty in so great and busy a station, deserves
your thanks, and the best return you can make him; and you, my
brethren, have no other to give him, than that of representing you in
Parliament. Tell me not of your engagements and promises to another:
your promises were sins of inconsideration, at best; and you are bound
to repent and annul them. That gentleman, although with good
reputation, is already engaged on the other side. He hath four hundred
pounds a year under the Crown, which he is too wise to part with, by
sacrificing so good an establishment to the empty names of virtue, and
love of his country. I can assure you, the DRAPIER is in the interest
of the present Lord Mayor, whatever you may be told to the contrary. I
have lately heard him declare so in public company, and offer some of
these very reasons in defence of his opinion; although he hath a regard
and esteem for the other gentleman, but would not hazard the good of
the city and the kingdom for a compliment.
The Lord Mayor's severity to some unfair dealers, should not turn
the honest men among them against him. Whatever he did, was for the
advantage of those very traders, whose dishonest members he punished.
He hath hitherto been above temptation to act wrong; and therefore, as
mankind goes, he is the most likely to act right as a representative of
your city, as he constantly did in the government of it.