NOTE.
The arguments advanced in this tract are practically
repetitions of
those already given in previous pieces. Swift laid much stress
on
the people buying and wearing goods made in Ireland, since in
that
way the money would remain in the country. In this little
tract he
winds up with a special appeal to the women of Ireland.
* * * * *
The present text is based on that of the quarto edition (vol.
viii.) of 1765, and compared with Faulkner's of 1772.
[T. S.]
A PROPOSAL THAT ALL THE LADIES AND WOMEN OF IRELAND SHOULD APPEAR
CONSTANTLY IN IRISH MANUFACTURES.
There was a treatise written about nine years ago, to persuade the
people of Ireland to wear their own manufactures.[119] This treatise
was allowed to have not one syllable in it of party or disaffection;
but was wholly founded upon the growing poverty of the nation,
occasioned by the utter want of trade in every branch, except that
ruinous importation of all foreign extravagancies from other countries.
This treatise was presented, by the grand jury of the city and county
of Dublin, as a scandalous, seditious, and factious pamphlet. I forget
who was the foreman of the city grand jury; but the foreman for the
county was one Doctor Seal, register to the Archbishop of Dublin,
wherein he differed much from the sentiments of his lord.[120] The
printer[121] was tried before the late Mr. Whitshed, that famous Lord
chief-justice; who, on the bench, laying his hand on his heart,
declared, upon his salvation, that the author was a Jacobite, and had a
design to beget a quarrel between the two nations.[122] In the midst of
this prosecution, about fifteen hundred weavers were forced to beg
their bread, and had a general contribution made for their relief,
which just served to make them drunk for a week; and then they were
forced to turn rogues, or strolling beggars, or to leave the kingdom.
The Duke of Grafton,[123] who was then Lieutenant, being perfectly
ashamed of so infamous and unpopular a proceeding, obtained from
England a noli prosequi for the printer. Yet the grand jury had
solemn thanks given them from the Secretary of State.
I mention this passage (perhaps too much forgotten,) to shew how
dangerous it hath been for the best meaning person to write one
syllable in the defence of his country, or discover the miserable
condition it is in.
And to prove this truth, I will produce one instance more; wholly
omitting the famous case of the Drapier, and the proclamation against
him, as well as the perverseness of another jury against the same Mr.
Whitshed, who was violently bent to act the second part in another
scene.[124]
About two years ago, there was a small paper printed, which was
called, “A Short View of the State of Ireland,” relating the several
causes whereby any country may grow rich, and applying them to
Ireland.[125] Whitshed was dead, and consequently the printer was not
troubled. Mist, the famous journalist, happened to reprint this paper
in London, for which his press-folks were prosecuted for almost a
twelve-month; and, for aught I know, are not yet discharged.[126]
This is our case; insomuch, that although I am often without money
in my pocket, I dare not own it in some company, for fear of being
thought disaffected.
But, since I am determined to take care that the author of this
paper shall not be discovered (following herein the most prudent
practice of the Drapier,) I will venture to affirm, that the three
seasons wherein our corn hath miscarried, did no more contribute to our
present misery, than one spoonful of water thrown upon a rat already
drowned would contribute to his death; and that the present plentiful
harvest, although it should be followed by a dozen ensuing, would no
more restore us, than it would the rat aforesaid to put him near the
fire, which might indeed warm his fur coat, but never bring him back to
life.
The short of the matter is this: The distresses of the kingdom are
operating more and more every day, by very large degrees, and so have
been doing for above a dozen years past.
If you demand from whence these distresses have arisen, I desire to
ask the following question:
If two-thirds of any kingdom's revenue be exported to another
country, without one farthing of value in return; and if the said
kingdom be forbidden the most profitable branches of trade wherein to
employ the other third, and only allowed to traffic in importing those
commodities which are most ruinous to itself[127]; how shall that
kingdom stand?
If this question were formed into the first proposition of an
hypothetical syllogism, I defy the man born in Ireland, who is now in
the fairest way of getting a collectorship, or a cornet's post, to give
a good reason for denying it.
Let me put another case. Suppose a gentleman's estate of two hundred
pounds a year should sink to one hundred, by some accident, whether by
an earthquake, or inundation, it matters not: and suppose the said
gentleman utterly hopeless and unqualified ever to retrieve the loss;
how is he otherwise to proceed in his future economy, than by reducing
it on every article to one half less, unless he will be content to fly
his country, or rot in jail? This is a representation of Ireland's
condition; only with one fault, that it is a little too favourable.
Neither am I able to propose a full remedy for this, that shall ever be
granted, but only a small prolongation of life, until God shall
miraculously dispose the hearts of our neighbours, our kinsmen, our
fellow-protestants, fellow-subjects, and fellow rational creatures, to
permit us to starve without running further in debt. I am informed that
our national debt (and God knows how we wretches came by that
fashionable thing a national debt) is about two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds; which is at least one-third of the whole kingdom's
rents, after our absentees and other foreign drains are paid, and about
fifty thousand pounds more than all the cash.
It seems there are several schemes for raising a fund to pay the
interest of this formidable sum (not the principal, for this is allowed
impossible). The necessity of raising such a fund, is strongly and
regularly pleaded, from the late deficiencies in the duties and
customs. And is it the fault of Ireland that these funds are deficient?
If they depend on trade, can it possibly be otherwise, while we have
neither liberty to trade, nor money to trade with; neither hands to
work, nor business to employ them, if we had? Our diseases are visible
enough both in their causes and effects; and the cures are well known,
but impossible to be applied.
If my steward comes and tells me, that my rents are sunk so low,
that they are very little more than sufficient to pay my servants their
wages; have I any other course left than to cashier four in six of my
rascally footmen, and a number of other varlets in my family, of whose
insolence the whole neighbourhood complains? And I should think it
extremely severe in any law, to force me to maintain a household of
fifty servants, and fix their wages, before I had offered my rent-roll
upon oath to the legislators.
To return from digressing: I am told one scheme for raising a fund
to pay the interest of our national debt, is, by a further duty of
forty shillings a tun upon wine. Some gentlemen would carry this matter
much further, by raising it to twelve pounds; which, in a manner, would
amount to a prohibition: thus weakly arguing from the practice of
England.
I have often taken notice, both in print and in discourse, that
there is no topic so fallacious, either in talk or in writing, as to
argue how we ought to act in Ireland, from the example of England,
Holland, France, or any other country, whose inhabitants are allowed
the common rights and liberties of humankind. I could undertake to name
six or seven of the most uncontrolled maxims in government, which are
utterly false in this kingdom.
As to the additional duty on wine, I think any person may deliver
his opinion upon it, until it shall have passed into a law; and till
then, I declare mine to be positively against it.
First, Because there is no nation yet known, in either hemisphere,
where the people of all conditions are more in want of some cordial to
keep up their spirits, than in this of ours. I am not in jest; and if
the fact will not be allowed me, I shall not argue it.
Secondly, It is too well and generally known, that this tax of forty
shillings additional on every tun of wine, (which will be double, at
least, to the home consumer) will increase equally every new session of
Parliament, until, perhaps, it comes to twelve pounds.
Thirdly, Because, as the merchants inform me, and as I have known
many the like instances in England, this additional tax will more
probably lessen this branch of the revenue, than increase it. And
therefore Sir John Stanley, a commissioner of the customs in England,
used to say, that the House of Commons were generally mistaken in
matters of trade, by an erroneous opinion that two and two make four.
Thus, if you should lay an additional duty of one penny a pound on
raisins or sugar, the revenue, instead of rising, would certainly sink;
and the consequence would only be, to lessen the number of
plum-puddings, and ruin the confectioner.
Fourthly, I am likewise assured by merchants, that upon this
additional forty shillings, the French will at least equally raise
their duties upon all commodities we export thither.
Fifthly, If an original extract of the exports and imports be true,
we have been gainers, upon the balance, by our trade with France, for
several years past; and, although our gain amounts to no great sum, we
ought to be satisfied, since we are no losers, with the only
consolation we are capable of receiving.
Lastly, The worst consequence is behind. If we raise the duty on
wine to a considerable height, we lose the only hold we have of keeping
among us the few gentlemen of any tolerable estates. I am confident
there is hardly a gentleman of eight hundred pounds a year and upwards,
in this kingdom, who would balance half an hour to consider whether he
should live here or in England, if a family could be as cheaply
maintained in the one as the other. As to eatables, they are as cheap
in many fine counties of England, as in some very indifferent ones
here; or, if there be any difference, that vein of thrift and prudence
in economy, which passes there without reproach, (and chiefly in London
itself,) would amply make up the difference. But the article of French
wine is hardly tolerable, in any degree of plenty, to a middling
fortune; and this is it, which, by growing habitual, wholly turns the
scale with those few landed men, disengaged from employments, who
content themselves to live hospitably with plenty of good wine in their
own country, rather than in penury and obscurity in another, with bad,
or with none at all.
Having, therefore, as far as in me lies, abolished this additional
duty upon wine; for I am not under the least concern about paying the
interest of the national debt, but leave it, as in loyalty bound,
wholly to the wisdom of the honourable House of Commons; I come now to
consider by what methods we may be able to put off and delay our utter
undoing as long as it is possible.
I never have discoursed with any reasonable man upon this subject,
who did not allow that there was no remedy left us, but to lessen the
importation of all unnecessary commodities as much as it was possible;
and likewise either to persuade our absentees to spend their money at
home, which is impossible; or tax them at five shillings in the pound
during their absence, with such allowances, upon necessary occasions,
as it shall be thought convenient: or, by permitting us a free trade,
which is denied to no other nation upon earth. The three last methods
are treated by Mr. Prior, in his most useful treatise, added to his
list of absentees.[128]
It is to gratify the vanity, and pride, and luxury of the women, and
of the young fops who admire them, that we owe this insupportable
grievance, of bringing in the instruments of our ruin. There is
annually brought over to this kingdom near ninety thousand pounds worth
of silk, whereof the greater part is manufactured. Thirty thousand
pounds more is expended in muslin, holland, cambric, and calico. What
the price of lace amounts to, is not easy to be collected from the
custom-house book, being a kind of goods that takes up little room, and
is easily run; but, considering the prodigious price of a woman's
head-dress, at ten, twelve, twenty pounds a yard, must be very great.
The tea, rated at seven shillings per pound, comes to near twelve
thousand pounds; but, considering it as the common luxury of every
chambermaid, sempstress, and tradesman's wife, both in town and
country, however they come by it, must needs cost the kingdom double
that sum. Coffee is somewhere above seven thousand pounds. I have seen
no account of the chocolate, and some other Indian or American goods.
The drapery imported is about four-and-twenty thousand pounds. The
whole amounts (with one or two other particulars) to one hundred and
fifty thousand pounds. The lavishing of all which money is just as
prudent and necessary, as to see a man in an embroidered coat, begging
out of Newgate in an old shoe.
I allow that the thrown and raw silk is less pernicious, because we
have some share in the manufacture: but we are not now in circumstances
to trifle. It costs us above forty thousand pounds a-year; and if the
ladies, till better times, will not be content to go in their own
country shifts, I wish they may go in rags.
Let them vie with each other in the fineness of their native linen:
their beauty and gentleness will as well appear, as if they were
covered over with diamonds and brocade.
I believe no man is so weak, as to hope or expect that such a
reformation can be brought about by a law. But a thorough hearty,
unanimous vote, in both houses of Parliament, might perhaps answer as
well: every senator, noble or plebeian, giving his honour, that neither
himself, nor any of his family, would, in their dress, or furniture of
their houses, make use of anything except what was of the growth and
manufacture of this kingdom; and that they would use the utmost of
their power, influence, and credit, to prevail on their tenants,
dependants, and friends, to follow their example.