NOTE.
JOHN CARTERET, EARL GRANVILLE, succeeded to the Carteret
barony at the early age of five years. He was the son of
George,
the first Baron Carteret, and was born in 1690. He was
educated at
Westminster School and Christ Church, Oxford, from which
latter
place, as Swift puts it, “he carried away more Greek, Latin,
and
philosophy than properly became a person of his rank.” In the
House
of Lords Carteret was known as a strong adherent of the
Protestant
succession, and joined the Sunderland party on the split of
the
Whigs in 1717. As ambassador extraordinary to the Court of
Sweden
he was eminently successful, being the instrument by which, in
1720, peace was established between Sweden, Prussia, and
Hanover.
Later, he served in a similar capacity with Earl Stanhope and
Sir
Robert Sutton at the Congress of Cambray.
In 1721 he was appointed Secretary of State of the southern
province, but although a member of the Walpole administration,
he
intrigued with the King against Walpole, and attempted to form
a
party in opposition to that minister. He ingratiated himself
in the
King's favour by means of his knowledge of the German language
(for
George knew no English), and obtained the support of Carleton,
Roxburghe, Cadogan, and the Countess of Darlington. Walpole,
however, was too strong for him. He managed to get Carteret to
Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, and the Duke of Newcastle took up
the
office held by him in England. The condition of Ireland at
this
time was such as to cause grave anxiety to the English
government.
Carteret was sent ostensibly to a post of great importance,
though,
in reality, to be out of Walpole's way. For an account of
Carteret's government during the agitation against Wood's
halfpence, the reader is referred to the sixth volume of the
present edition.
During the King's absence from England in 1723, Carteret had
been
one of the lords justices of the country, and in 1725, when
George
was again away, he was again appointed to this office. George,
however, died on his way to Hanover; but, on the accession of
George II., Carteret continued to hold high office. He was
re-appointed to the Irish Lord Lieutenancy in 1727, and it was
during this second term that he was criticised for the conduct
Swift vindicates in the following tract.
The Dean had a great admiration both for the scholarship and
temper
of Carteret. The admiration was mutual, for Carteret often
consulted with Swift on important matters, and, though he
dared not
appoint the Drapier to any position of importance, he took
occasion
to assist the Drapier's friends. At the time of the
proclamation
against the Drapier's fourth letter, the Dean, writes Scott,
“visited the Castle, and having waited for some time without
seeing
the Lord Lieutenant, wrote upon one of the windows of the
chamber
of audience these lines:
'My very good lord, 'tis a very hard task,
For a man to wait here, who has nothing to ask.'
Under which Carteret wrote the following happy reply:
'My very good Dean, there are few who come here,
But have something to ask, or something to fear.'”
To Carteret's politic government of Ireland was mainly due the
peaceful condition which prevailed amidst all the agitation
roused
by bad management and wretchedness. In a letter to Swift,
written
many years later (March, 1737), Carteret writes: “The people
ask me
how I governed Ireland, I say that I pleased Dr. Swift.” And
Swift
confessed (in a letter to Gay, November 19th, 1730) that
Carteret
“had a genteeler manner of binding the chains of the kingdom
than
most of his predecessors.” It was to Carteret that Swift made
his
well-known remark, on an occasion of a visit, “What, in God's
name,
do you do here? Get back to your own country, and send us our
boobies again.”
Swift was well aware that Carteret had not the power to make
the
changes in Ireland necessary for its well-being. Such changes
could
come only from the government in England, and as this was
implacable, Carteret was but an instrument in its hands. Swift
was
therefore compelled to rest content with obtaining what
favours he
could for those friends of his who he knew deserved
advancement,
and he allowed no occasion to slip by without soliciting in
their
behalf.
Richard Tighe (who had managed to injure Sheridan in his
chaplaincy), with a number of the more violent members of the
Whigs
in Ireland, took up Carteret's conduct, attempted, by means of
their interpretation of the Lord Lieutenant's promotions, to
injure
him with the government, and accused him of advancing
individuals
who were enemies of the government. Swift took up the charge
in his
usual ironical manner, and wrote the Vindication which
follows.
Carteret, it may be added here, was dismissed from his office
in
1730, and joined Pulteney in a bitter struggle against
Walpole,
which culminated in his famous resolution, presented to the
House
of Lords, desiring that the King should remove Walpole from
his
presence and counsels for ever. Carteret failed, but Walpole
was
compelled to resign in 1742. The rest of Carteret's career
bears no
relation to Irish affairs.
* * * * *
The present text is founded on that of the original London
edition
printed in 1730, collated with the Dublin edition of the same
date.
They differ in many minor details from that given by Scott in
1824.
[T. S.]
A
VINDICATION
OF HIS
EXCELLENCY
THE
Lord C——T,
FROM THE
CHARGE
Of favouring none but
TORIES, HIGH-CHURCHMEN and
JACOBITES.
* * * * *
By the Reverend Dr, S——T.
* * * * *
LONDON:
Printed for T. WARNER at the Black-Boy in Pater-Noster-Row. MDCCXXX.
(Price 6d.)
A VINDICATION OF HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN, LORD CARTERET.
In order to treat this important subject with the greatest fairness
and impartiality, perhaps it may be convenient to give some account of
his Excellency in whose life and character there are certain
particulars, which might give a very just suspicion of some truth in
the accusation he lies under.
He is descended from two noble, ancient, and most loyal families,
the Carterets and the Granvilles. Too much distinguish'd, I confess,
for what they acted, and what they suffer'd in defending the former
Constitution in Church and State, under King Charles the Martyr; I mean
that very Prince, on account of whose martyrdom “a Form of Prayer, with
Fasting,” was enjoined, by Act of Parliament, “to be used on the 30th
day of January every year, to implore the mercies of God, that the
guilt of that sacred and innocent blood, might not be visited on us or
our posterity,” as we may read at large in our Common Prayer Books.
Which day hath been solemnly kept, even within the memory of many men
now alive.
His Excellency, the present Lord, was educated in the University of
Oxford,[145] from whence, with a singularity scarce to be justified, he
carried away more Greek, Latin, and philosophy, than properly became a
person of his rank, indeed much more of each than most of those who are
forced to live by their learning, will be at the unnecessary pains to
load their heads with.
This was the rock he split on, upon his first appearance in the
world, and just got clear of his guardians. For, as soon as he came to
town, some bishops, and clergymen, and other persons most eminent for
learning and parts, got him among them, from whom though he were
fortunately dragged by a lady and the Court, yet he could never wipe
off the stain, nor wash out the tincture of his University acquirements
and dispositions.
To this another misfortune was added; that it pleased God to endow
him with great natural talents, memory, judgment, comprehension,
eloquence, and wit. And, to finish the work, all these were fortified
even in his youth, with the advantages received by such employments as
are best fitted both to exercise and polish the gifts of nature and
education; having been Ambassador in several Courts when his age would
hardly allow him to take a degree, and made principal Secretary of
State, at a period when, according to custom, he ought to have been
busied in losing his money at a chocolate-house, or in other amusements
equally laudable and epidemic among persons of honour.
I cannot omit another weak side in his Excellency, for it is known,
and can be proved upon him, that Greek and Latin books might be found
every day in his dressing-room, if it were carefully searched; and
there is reason to suspect, that some of the said books have been
privately conveyed to him by Tory hands. I am likewise assured, that he
hath been taken in the very fact of reading the said books, even in the
midst of a session, to the great neglect of public affairs.[146]
I own there may be some grounds for this charge, because I have it
from good hands, that when his Excellency is at dinner with one or two
scholars at his elbows, he grows a most unsupportable, and
unintelligible companion to all the fine gentlemen round the table.
I cannot deny that his Excellency lies under another great
disadvantage. For, with all the accomplishments above-mentioned, adding
that of a most comely and graceful person, and during the prime of
youth, spirits, and vigor, he hath in a most unexemplary manner led a
regular domestic life, discovers a great esteem, and friendship, and
love for his lady, as well as a true affection for his children; and
when he is disposed to admit an entertaining evening companion, he doth
not always enough reflect whether the person may possibly in former
days have lain under the imputation of a Tory; nor at such times do the
natural or affected fears of Popery and the Pretender make any part of
the conversation; I presume, because neither Homer, Plato, Aristotle,
nor Cicero have made any mention of them.
These I freely acknowledge to be his Excellency's failings: Yet I
think it is agreed by philosophers and divines, that some allowance
ought to be given to human infirmity, and the prejudices of a wrong
education.
I am well aware how much my sentiments differ from the orthodox
opinion of one or two principal patriots, (at the head of whom I name
with honour Pistorides.[147]) For these have decided the matter
directly against me, by declaring that no person who was ever known to
lie under the suspicion of one single Tory principle, or who had been
once seen at a great man's levee in the worst of times,[148] should be
allowed to come within the verge of the Castle; much less to bow in the
antechamber, appear at the assemblies, or dance at a birth-night.
However, I dare assert, that this maxim hath been often controlled, and
that on the contrary a considerable number of early penitents have been
received into grace, who are now an ornament, happiness, and support to
the nation.
Neither do I find any murmuring on some other points of greater
importance, where this favourite maxim is not so strictly observed.
To instance only in one. I have not heard that any care hath
hitherto been taken to discover whether Madam Violante[149] be a Whig
or Tory in her principles, or even that she hath ever been offered the
oaths to the Government; on the contrary I am told that she openly
professes herself to be a high-flyer, and it is not improbable, by her
outlandish name she may also be a Papist in her heart; yet we see this
illustrious and dangerous female openly caressed by principal persons
of both parties, who contribute to support her in a splendid manner,
without the least apprehensions from a grand jury, or even from Squire
Hartley Hutcheson himself, that zealous prosecutor of hawkers and
libels.[150] And as Hobbes wisely observes, so much money being
equivalent to so much power, it may deserve considering with what
safety such an instrument of power ought to be trusted in the hands of
an alien, who hath not given any legal security for her good affection
to the government.
I confess, there is one evil which I could wish our friends would
think proper to redress. There are many Whigs in this Kingdom of the
old-fashioned stamp, of whom we might make very good use; They bear the
same loyalty with us, to the Hanoverian family, in the person of King
George II.; the same abhorrence of the Pretender, with the consequent
of Popery and slavery; and the same indulgence to tender consciences;
but having nothing to ask for themselves, and consequently the more
leisure to think for the public, they are often apt to entertain fears,
and melancholy prospects concerning the state of their country, the
decay of trade, the want of money, the miserable condition of the
people, with other topics of like nature, all which do equally concern
both Whig and Tory, who if they have anything to lose must be equally
sufferers. Perhaps one or two of these melancholy gentlemen will
sometimes venture to publish their thoughts in print: Now I can by no
means approve our usual custom of cursing and railing at this species
of thinkers under the names of Tories, Jacobites, Papists, libellers,
rebels, and the like.
This was the utter ruin of that poor, angry, bustling, well-meaning
mortal Pistorides, who lies equally under the contempt of both parties,
with no other difference than a mixture of pity on one side, and of
aversion on the other.
How hath he been pelted, pestered, and pounded by one single wag,
who promiseth never to forsake him living or dead![151]
I was much pleased with the humour of a surgeon in this town, who
having in his own apprehension, received some great injustice from the
Earl of Galway,[152] and despairing of revenge, as well as relief,
declared to all his friends that he had set apart a hundred guineas to
purchase the Earl's carcase from the sexton, whenever it should die; to
make a skeleton of the bones, stuff the hide, and shew them for
threepence; and thus get vengeance for the injuries he had suffered by
the owner.
Of the like spirit too often is that implacable race of wits,
against whom there is no defence but innocence, and philosophy: Neither
of which is likely to be at hand; and therefore the wounded have
nowhere to fly for a cure, but to downright stupidity, a crazed head,
or a profligate contempt of guilt and shame.
I am therefore sorry for that other miserable creature Traulus,[153]
who although of somewhat a different species, yet seems very far to
outdo even the genius of Pistorides, in that miscarrying talent of
railing without consistency or discretion, against the most innocent
persons, according to the present situation of his gall and spleen. I
do not blame an honest gentleman for the bitterest invectives
against one to whom he professeth the greatest friendship; provided he
acts in the dark, so as not to be discovered. But in the midst of
caresses, visits, and invitations, to run into the streets, or to as
public a place, and without the least pretended excitement, sputter out
the basest and falsest accusations; then to wipe his mouth, come up
smiling to his friend, shake him by the hand, and tell him in a
whisper, it was “all for his service;” this proceeding, I am bold to
think a great failure in prudence; and I am afraid lest such a
practitioner, with a body so open, so foul, and so full of sores, may
fall under the resentment of an incensed political surgeon, who is not
in much renown for his mercy upon great provocation: who without
waiting for his death, will flay, and dissect him alive, and to the
view of mankind lay open all the disordered cells of his brain, the
venom of his tongue, the corruption of his heart, and spots and
flatuses of his spleen—And all this for threepence.[154]
In such a case what a scene would be laid open! and to drop my
metaphor what a character of our mistaking friend might an angry enemy
draw and expose! particularizing that unnatural conjunction of vices
and follies, so inconsistent with each other in the same breast:
Furious and fawning, scurrilous and flattering, cowardly and provoking,
insolent and abject; most profligately false, with the strongest
professions of sincerity, positive and variable, tyrannical and
slavish.
I apprehend that if all this should be set out to the world by an
angry Whig of the old stamp, the unavoidable consequence must be a
confinement of our friend for some months more to his garret, and
thereby depriving the public for so long a time, and in so important a
juncture, of his useful talents in their service, while he is fed like
a wild beast through a hole; but I hope with a special regard to the
quantity and quality of his nourishment.
In vain would his excusers endeavour to palliate his enormities, by
imputing them to madness:[155] Because, it is well known, that madness
only operates by inflaming and enlarging the good or evil dispositions
of the mind: For the curators of Bedlam assure us, that some lunatics
are persons of honour, truth, benevolence, and many other virtues,
which appear in their highest ravings, although after a wild incoherent
manner; while others on the contrary, discover in every word and action
the utmost baseness and depravity of human minds; which infallibly they
possessed in the same degree, although perhaps under a better
regulation, before their entrance into that academy.
But it may be objected, that there is an argument of much force to
excuse the overflowings of that zeal, which our friend shews or means
for our cause. And it must be confessed, that the easy and smooth
fluency of his elocution bestowed on him by nature, and cultivated by
continual practice, added to the comeliness of his person, the harmony
of his voice, the gracefulness of his manner, and the decency of his
dress, are temptations too strong for such a genius to resist upon any
public occasion of making them appear with universal applause: And if
good men are sometimes accused of loving their jest better than their
friend, surely to gain the reputation of the first orator in the
kingdom, no man of spirit would scruple to lose all the friends he had
in the world.
It is usual for masters to make their boys declaim on both sides of
an argument; and as some kinds of assemblies are called the schools of
politics, I confess nothing can better improve political school-boys,
than the art of making plausible or implausible harangues, against the
very opinion for which they resolve to determine.
So Cardinal Perron after having spoke for an hour to the admiration
of all his hearers, to prove the existence of God; told some of his
intimates that he could have spoken another hour, and much better, to
prove the contrary.
I have placed this reasoning in the strongest light, that I think it
will bear; and have nothing to answer, but that allowing it as much
weight as the reader shall please, it hath constantly met with ill
success in the mouth of our friend, whether for want of good luck, or
good management I suspend my judgment.
To return from this long digression. If persons in high stations
have been allowed to choose mistresses, without regard even to
difference in religion, yet never incurred the least reflection on
their loyalty or their Protestantism; shall the chief governor of a
great kingdom be censured for choosing a companion, who may formerly
have been suspected for differing from the orthodox in some speculative
opinions of persons and things, which cannot affect the fundamental
principles of a sound Whig?
But let me suppose a very possible case. Here is a person sent to
govern Ireland, whose unfortunate weak side it happens to be, for
several reasons above-mentioned, that he hath encouraged the attendance
of one or two gentlemen distinguished for their taste, their wit, and
their learning; who have taken the oaths to his Majesty, and pray
heartily for him: Yet because they may perhaps be stigmatized as
quondam Tories by Pistorides and his gang; his Excellency must be
forced to banish them under the pain and peril of displeasing the
zealots of his own party; and thereby be put into a worse condition
than every common good-fellow; who may be a sincere Protestant, and a
loyal subject, and yet rather choose to drink fine ale at the Pope's
head, than muddy at the King's.
Let me then return to my supposition. It is certain, the high-flown
loyalists in the present sense of the word, have their thoughts, and
studies, and tongues so entirely diverted by political schemes, that
the zeal of their principles hath eaten up their understandings;
neither have they time from their employments, their hopes, and their
hourly labours for acquiring new additions of merit, to amuse
themselves with philological converse, or speculations which are
utterly ruinous to all schemes of rising in the world: What must then a
great man do whose ill stars have fatally perverted him to a love, and
taste, and possession of literature, politeness, and good sense? Our
thorough-sped republic of Whigs, which contains the bulk of all hopers,
pretenders, expecters and professors, are, beyond all doubt, most
highly useful to princes, to governors, to great ministers, and to
their country, but at the same time, and by necessary consequence, the
most disagreeable companions to all who have that unfortunate turn of
mind peculiar to his Excellency, and perhaps to five or six more in a
nation.
I do not deny it possible, that an original or proselyte favourer of
the times, might have been born to those useless talents which in
former ages qualified a man to be a poet, or a philosopher. All I
contend for is, that where the true genius of party once enters, it
sweeps the house clean, and leaves room for many other spirits to take
joint possession, till the last state of that man is exceedingly better
than the first.
I allow it a great error in his Excellency that he adheres so
obstinately to his old unfashionable academic education: Yet so
perverse is human nature, that the usual remedies for this evil in
others, have produced a contrary effect in him; to a degree, that I am
credibly informed, he will, as I have already hinted, in the middle of
a session quote passages out of Plato, and Pindar at his own table to
some book-learned companion, without blushing, even when persons of
great stations are by.
I will venture one step further; which is, freely to confess, that
this mistaken method of educating youth in the knowledge of ancient
learning and language, is too apt to spoil their politics and
principles; because the doctrine and examples of the books they read,
teach them lessons directly contrary in every point to the present
practice of the world: And accordingly, Hobbes most judiciously
observes, that the writings of the Greeks and Romans made young men
imbibe opinions against absolute power in a prince, or even in a first
minister, and to embrace notions of liberty and property.
It hath been therefore a great felicity to these kingdoms, that the
heirs to titles and large estates, have a weakness in their eyes, a
tenderness in their constitutions, are not able to bear the pain and
indignity of whipping; and as the mother rightly expresses it, could
never take to their book; yet are well enough qualified to sign a
receipt for half a year's rent, to put their names (rightly spelt
) to a warrant, and to read pamphlets against religion and high-flying;
whereby they fill their niches, and carry themselves through the world
with that dignity which best becomes a senator, and a squire.[156]
I could heartily wish his Excellency would be more condescending to
the genius of the kingdom he governs, to the condition of the times,
and to the nature of the station he fills. Yet if it be true, what I
have read in old English story-books, that one Agesilaus (no matter to
the bulk of my readers, whether I spell the names right or wrong) was
caught by the parson of the parish, riding on a hobby-horse with his
children; that Socrates a heathen philosopher, was found dancing by
himself at fourscore; that a king called Cæsar Augustus (or some such
name) used to play with boys; whereof some might possibly be sons of
Tories; and, that two great men called Scipio and Lælius, (I forget
their Christian names, and whether they were poets or generals,) often
played at duck and drake with smooth stones on a river. Now I say, if
these facts be true (and the book where I found them is in print) I
cannot imagine why our most zealous patriots may not a little indulge
his Excellency, in an infirmity which is not morally evil, provided he
gives no public scandal (which is by all means to be avoided) I say,
why he may not be indulged twice a week to converse with one or two
particular persons, and let him and them con over their old exploded
readings together, after mornings spent in hearing and prescribing ways
and means from and to his most obedient politicians, for the welfare of
the kingdom; although the said particular person or persons may not
have made so public a declaration of their political faith in all its
parts, as the business of the nation requires. Still submitting my
opinion to that happy majority, which I am confident is always in the
right; by whom the liberty of the subject hath been so frequently, so
strenuously, and so successfully asserted; who by their wise counsels
have made commerce to flourish, money to abound, inhabitants to
increase, the value of lands and rents to rise; and the whole island
put on a new face of plenty and prosperity.
But in order to clear his Excellency, more fully from this
accusation of shewing his favours to high-flyers, Tories, and
Jacobites; it will be necessary to come to particulars.
The first person of a Tory denomination to whom his Excellency gave
any marks of his favour, was Doctor Thomas Sheridan.[157] It is to be
observed, that this happened so early in his Excellency's government,
as it may be justly supposed he had not been informed of that
gentleman's character upon so dangerous an article. The Doctor being
well known and distinguished, for his skill and success in the
education of youth, beyond most of his profession for many years past,
was recommended to his Excellency on the score of his learning, and
particularly for his knowledge in the Greek tongue, whereof it seems
his Excellency is a great admirer, although for what reasons I could
never imagine. However it is agreed on all hands, that his lordship was
too easily prevailed on by the Doctor's request, or indeed rather from
the bias of his own nature, to hear a tragedy acted in that unknown
language by the Doctor's lads,[158] which was written by some heathen
author, but whether it contained any Tory or High-Church principles,
must be left to the consciences of the boys, the Doctor, and his
Excellency: The only witnesses in this case, whose testimonies can be
depended upon.
It seems, his Excellency (a thing never to be sufficiently wondered
at) was so pleased with his entertainment, that some time after he gave
the Doctor a church living to the value of almost one hundred pounds a
year, and made him one of his chaplains, from an antiquated notion,
that good schoolmasters ought to be encouraged in every nation,
professing civility and religion. Yet his Excellency did not venture to
make this bold step without strong recommendations from persons of
undoubted principles, fitted to the times; who thought themselves bound
in justice, honour, and gratitude, to do the Doctor a good office in
return for the care he had taken of their children, or those of their
friends.[159] Yet the catastrophe was terrible: For, the Doctor in the
height of his felicity and gratitude, going down to take possession of
his parish, and furnished with a few led-sermons, whereof as it is to
be supposed the number was very small, having never served a cure in
the Church; he stopped at Cork to attend on his bishop; and going to
church on the Sunday following, was according to the usual civility of
country clergymen, invited by the minister of the parish to supply the
pulpit. It happened to be the first of August[160]; and the first of
August happened that year to light upon a Sunday: And it happened that
the Doctor's text was in these words; “Sufficient unto the day is the
evil thereof;” and lastly it happened, that some one person of the
congregation, whose loyalty made him watchful upon every appearance of
danger to his Majesty's person and Government, when service was over,
gave the alarm. Notice was immediately sent up to town, and by the zeal
of one man[161] of no large dimensions of body or mind, such a clamour
was raised, that we in Dublin could apprehend no less than an invasion
by the Pretender, who must be landed in the South. The result was, that
the Doctor must be struck out of the chaplains' list, and appear no
more at the Castle; yet, whether he were then, or be at this day, a
Whig or a Tory, I think is a secret; only it is manifest, that he is a
zealous Hanoverian, at least in poetry,[162] and a great adorer of the
present Royal Family through all its branches. His friends likewise
assert, that he had preached this same sermon often, under the same
text; that not having observed the words till he was in the pulpit, and
had opened his notes; as he is a person a little abstracted, he wanted
presence of mind to change them: And that in the whole sermon there was
not a syllable relating to Government or party, or to the subject of
the day.
In this incident there seems to have been an union of events, that
will probably never happen again to the end of the world, or at least
like the grand conjunction in the heavens, which I think they say can
arrive but once in twenty thousand years.
The second gentleman (if I am right in my chronology) who under the
suspicion of a Tory, received some favour from his Excellency, is Mr.
James Stopford[163]; very strongly recommended by the most eminent Whig
in England, on the account of his learning, and virtue, and other
accomplishments. He had passed the greatest part of his youth in close
study, or in travelling; and was neither not at home, or not at leisure
to trouble his thoughts about party; which I allow to be a great
omission; though I cannot honestly place him in the list of Tories, and
therefore think his Excellency may be fairly acquitted for making him
Vicar of Finglass, worth about one hundred and fifty pounds a year.
The third is Doctor Patrick Delany.[164] This divine lies under some
disadvantage; having in his youth received many civilities from a
certain person then in a very high station here,[165] for which reason
I doubt the Doctor never drank his confusion since: And what makes the
matter desperate, it is now too late; unless our inquisitors will be
content with drinking confusion to his memory. The aforesaid eminent
person who was a judge of all merit but party, distinguished the Doctor
among other juniors in our University, for his learning, virtue,
discretion, and good sense. But the Doctor was then in too good a
situation at his college, to hope or endeavour at a better
establishment, from one who had no power to give it him.
Upon the present Lord-Lieutenant's coming over, the Doctor was named
to his Excellency by a friend,[166] among other clergy of distinction,
as persons whose characters it was proper his Excellency should know:
And by the truth of which the giver would be content to stand or fall
in his Excellency's opinion; since not one of those persons were in
particular friendship with the gentleman who gave in their names. By
this and some other incidents, particularly the recommendation of the
late Archbishop of Dublin,[167] the Doctor became known to his
Excellency; whose fatal turn of mind toward heathenish and outlandish
books and languages, finding, as I conceive a like disposition in the
Doctor, was the cause of his becoming so domestic, as we are told he
is, at the Castle of Dublin.
Three or four years ago, the Doctor grown weary of an academic life,
for some reasons best known to the managers of the discipline in that
learned society (which it may not be for their honour to mention[168])
resolved to leave it, although by the benefit of the pupils, and his
senior-fellowship with all its perquisites, he received every year
between nine hundred and a thousand pounds.
And a small northern living, in the University's donation, of
somewhat better than hundred pounds a year, falling at the same time
with the Chancellorship of Christ-Church, to about equal the value, in
the gift of his Excellency, the Doctor ventured into the world in a
very scanty condition, having squandered away all his annual income in
a manner, which although perhaps proper enough for a clergyman without
a family, will not be for the advantage of his character to discover
either on the exchange, or at a banker's shop.
About two months ago, his Excellency gave the Doctor a prebend in
St. Patrick's Cathedral; which being of near the same value with either
of the two former, will add a third part to his revenues, after he
shall have paid the great incumbrances upon it; so that he may now be
said to possess of Church preferments in scattered tithes, three
hundred pounds a year, instead of the like sum of infallible rents from
a senior fellowship with the offices annexed; beside the advantage of a
free lodging, and some other easements.
But since the Doctor hath not in any of his writings, his sermons,
his actions, his discourse, or his company, discovered one single
principle of either Whig or Tory; and that the Lord Lieutenant still
continues to admit him; I shall boldly pronounce him ONE OF US:
but like a new free-mason, who hath not yet learned all the dialect of
the mystery. Neither can he justly be accused of any Tory doctrines,
except perhaps some among those few, with which that wicked party was
charged, during the height of their power; but have been since
transferred for the most solid reasons, to the whole body of our
firmest friends.
I have now done with the clergy; And upon the strictest examination
have not been able to find above one of that order, against whom any
party suspicion can lie, which is the unfortunate gentleman, Doctor
Sheridan, who by mere chance-medley shot his own fortune dead with a
single text.
As to the laity I can hear of but one person of the Tory stamp, who
since the beginning of his Excellency's government, did ever receive
any solid mark of his favour; I mean Sir Arthur Acheson,[169] reported
to be an acknowledged Tory, and what is almost as bad, a scholar into
the bargain. It is whispered about as a certain truth, that this
gentleman is to have a grant of a certain barrack upon his estate,
within two miles of his own house; for which the Crown is to be his
tenant, at the rent of sixty pounds per annum; he being only at
the expense of about five hundred pounds, to put the house in repair,
build stables, and other necessaries. I will place this invidious mark
of beneficence, conferred on a Tory, in a fair light, by computing the
costs and necessary defalcations; after which it may be seen how much
Sir Arthur will be annually a clear gainer by the public,
notwithstanding his unfortunate principles, and his knowledge in Greek
and Latin.
For repairs, &c. 500l. the interest whereof per ann.
30 0 0
For all manner of poultry to furnish the troopers,
but which the said troopers must be at the
labour of catching, valued per ann. 5 0 0
For straggling sheep, 8 0 0
For game destroyed five miles round, 6 0 0
————
49 0 0
Rent paid to Sir Arthur, 60 0 0
Deduct 49 0 0
———
Remains clear, 11 0 0
———
Thus, if Sir Arthur Acheson shall have the good fortune to obtain a
grant of this barrack, he will receive net profit annually from the
Crown ELEVEN pounds sterling to help him in entertaining the officers,
and making provisions for his younger children.
It is true, there is another advantage to be expected, which may
fully compensate the loss of cattle and poultry; by multiplying the
breed of mankind, and particularly of good Protestants, in a part of
the Kingdom half depopulated by the wild humour among the farmers
there, of leaving their country. But I am not so skilful in arithmetic,
as to compute the value.
I have reckoned one per cent. below the legal interest for
the money that Sir Arthur must expend, and valued the damage in the
other articles very moderately. However, I am confident he may with
good management be a saver at least; which is a prodigious instance of
moderation in our friends toward a professed Tory, whatever merit he
may pretend by the unwillingness he hath shewn to make his Excellency
uneasy in his administration.
Thus I have with the utmost impartiality collected every single
favour, (further than personal civilities) conferred by his Excellency
on Tories, and reputed Tories, since his first arrival hither to this
present 13th day of April, in the year of our Lord 1730, giving all
allowance possible to the arguments on the other side of the question.
* * * * *
And the account will stand thus.
Disposed of preferments and employments to Tories, or reputed
Tories, by his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant in about the space of six
years.
To Doctor Thomas Sheridan in a rectory near
Kinsale, per ann. 100 0 0
To Sir Arthur Acheson, Baronet, a barrack,
per ann. 11 0 0
—————-
111 0 0
—————-
Give me leave now to compute in gross the value of the favours done
by his Excellency to the true friends of their King and Country, and of
the Protestant religion.
It is to be remembered, that although his Excellency cannot be
properly said to bestow bishoprics, commands in the army, the place of
a judge, or commissioner in the revenue, and some others; yet they are,
for the most part, disposed upon his recommendation, except where the
persons are immediately sent from England by their interest at Court,
for which I have allowed large defalcations in the following accounts.
And it is remarkable that the only considerable station conferred on a
reputed Tory since his present Excellency's government was of this
latter kind.
And indeed it is but too remarkable, that in a neighbouring nation,
(where that dangerous denomination of men is incomparably more
numerous, more powerful, and of consequence more formidable) real
Tories can often with much less difficulty obtain very high favours
from the Government, than their reputed brethren can arrive to the
lowest in ours. I observe this with all possible submission to the
wisdom of their policy, which, however, will not I believe, dispute the
praise of vigilance with ours.
WHIG Account.
To persons promoted to bishoprics, or removed
to more beneficial ones, computed
per ann. 10050 0 0
To civil employments, 9030 0 0
To military commands, 8436 0 0
—————-
27516 0 0
TORY Account.
To Tories 111 0 0
—————-
Balance 27405 0 0
—————-
I shall conclude with this observation. That, as I think, the Tories
have sufficient reason to be fully satisfied with the share of trust,
and power, and employments which they possess under the lenity of the
present Government; so, I do not find how his Excellency can be justly
censured for favouring none but High-Church, high-fliers, termagants,
Laudists, Sacheverellians, tip-top-gallant-men, Jacobites, tantivies,
anti-Hanoverians, friends to Popery and the Pretender, and to arbitrary
power, disobligers of England, breakers of DEPENDENCY, inflamers of
quarrels between the two nations, public incendiaries, enemies to the
King and Kingdoms, haters of TRUE Protestants, laurelmen, Annists,
complainers of the Nation's poverty, Ormondians, iconoclasts,
anti-Glorious-memorists, white-rosalists, tenth-a-Junians, and the
like: when by a fair state of the account, the balance, I conceive,
plainly lies on the other side.[170]