CHAPTER II.

DOMESTIC AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

The Clergy--Their Subordination to the Crown--The Escorial--Queen Anne.

A review of the polity of Castile would be incomplete without a notice of the ecclesiastical order, which may well be supposed to have stood pre-eminent in such a country, and under such a monarch as Philip the Second. Indeed, not only did that prince present himself before the world as the great champion of the Faith, but he seemed ever solicitous in private life to display his zeal for religion and its ministers. Many anecdotes are told of him in connection with this. On one occasion, seeing a young girl going within the railing of the altar, he rebuked her, saying, "Where the priest enters is no place either for me or you."[437] A cavalier who had given a blow to a canon of Toledo he sentenced to death.[438]

Under his protection and princely patronage, the Church reached its most palmy state. Colleges and convents--in short, religious institutions of every kind--were scattered broadcast over the land. The good fathers loved pleasant and picturesque sites for their dwellings; and the traveller, as he journeyed through the country, was surprised by the number of stately edifices which crowned the hill-tops, or rested on their slopes, surrounded by territories that spread out for many a league over meadows and cultivated fields and pasture-land.

The secular clergy, at least the higher dignitaries, were so well endowed as sometimes to eclipse the grandees in the pomp of their establishments. In the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, the archbishop of Toledo held jurisdiction over fifteen principal towns and a great number of villages. His income amounted to full eighty thousand ducats a year.[439] In Philip's time the income of the archbishop of Seville amounted to the same sum, while that of the see of Toledo had risen to two hundred thousand ducats, nearly twice as much as that of the richest grandee in the kingdom.[440] In power and opulence, the primate of Spain ranked next in Christendom to the pope.

The great source of all this wealth of the ecclesiastical order in Castile, as in most other countries, was the benefactions and bequests of the pious--of those, more especially, whose piety had been deferred till the close of life, when, anxious to make amends for past delinquencies, they bestowed the more freely that it was at the expense of their heirs. As what was thus bequeathed was locked up by entail, the constantly accumulating property of the Church had amounted, in Philip's time, if we may take the assertion of the Cortes, to more than one-half of the landed property in the kingdom.[441] Thus the burden of providing for the expenses of the state fell with increased heaviness on the commons. Alienations in mortmain formed the subject of one of their earliest remonstrances after Philip's accession, but without effect; and though the same petition was urged in very plain language at almost every succeeding session, the king still answered that it was not expedient to make any change in the existing laws. Besides his goodwill to the ecclesiastical order, Philip was occupied with the costly construction of the Escorial; and he had probably no mind to see the streams of public bounty, which had hitherto flowed so freely into the reservoirs of the Church, thus suddenly obstructed, when they were so much needed for his own infant institution.

[Sidenote: THE CLERGY.]

While Philip was thus willing to exalt the religious order, already far too powerful, he was careful that it should never gain such a height as would enable it to overtop the royal authority. Both in the Church and in the council--for they were freely introduced into the councils--theologians were ever found the most devoted servants of the crown. Indeed, it was on the crown that they were obliged to rest all their hopes of preferment.

Philip perfectly understood that the control of the clergy must be lodged with that power which had the right of nomination to benefices. The Roman see, in its usual spirit of encroachment, had long claimed the exercise of this right in Castile, as it had done in other European states. The great battle with the Church was fought in the time of Isabella the Catholic. Fortunately the sceptre was held by a sovereign whose loyalty to the Faith was beyond suspicion. From this hard struggle she came off victorious; and the government of Castile henceforth retained possession of the important prerogative of appointing to vacant benefices.

Philip, with all his deference to Rome, was not a man to relinquish any of the prerogatives of the crown. A difficulty arose under Pius the Fifth, who contended that he still had the right, possessed by former popes, of nominating to ecclesiastical offices in Milan, Naples, and Sicily, the Italian possessions held by Spain. He complained bitterly of the conduct of the councils in those states, which refused to allow the publication of his bulls without the royal exequatur. Philip, in mild terms, expressed his desire to maintain the most amicable relations with the see of Rome, provided he was not required to compromise the interests of his crown. At the same time he intimated his surprise that his holiness should take exceptions at his exercise of the rights of his predecessors, to many of whom the Church was indebted for the most signal services. The pope was well aware of the importance of maintaining a good understanding with so devoted a son of the Church; and Philip was allowed to remain henceforth in undisturbed possession of this inestimable prerogative.[442]

The powers thus vested in the king he exercised with great discretion. With his usual facilities for information he made himself acquainted with the characters of the clergy in the different parts of his dominions. He was so accurate in his knowledge, that he was frequently able to detect an error or omission in the information he received. To one who had been giving him an account of a certain ecclesiastic, he remarked--"You have told me nothing of his amours." Thus perfectly apprised of the characters of the candidates, he was prepared, whenever a vacancy occurred, to fill the place with a suitable incumbent.[443]

It was his habit, before preferring an individual to a high office, to have proof of his powers by trying them first in some subordinate station. In his selection he laid much stress on rank, for the influence it carried with it. Yet frequently, when well satisfied of the merits of the parties, he promoted those whose humble condition had made them little prepared for such, an elevation.[444] There was no more effectual way to secure his favour than to show a steady resistance to the usurpations of Rome. It was owing, in part at least, to the refusal of Quiroga, the bishop of Cuença, to publish a papal bull without the royal assent, that he was raised to the highest dignity in the kingdom, as archbishop of Toledo. Philip chose to have a suitable acknowledgment from the person on whom he conferred a favour; and once, when an ecclesiastic, whom he had made a bishop, went to take possession of his see without first expressing his gratitude, the king sent for him back, to remind him of his duty.[445] Such an acknowledgment was in the nature of a homage rendered to his master on his preferment.

Thus gratitude for the past and hopes for the future were the strong ties which bound every prelate to his sovereign. In a difference with the Roman see, the Castilian churchman was sure to be found on the side of the sovereign, rather than, on that of the pontiff. In his own troubles, in like manner, it was to the king, and not to the pope, that he was to turn for relief. The king, on the other hand, when pressed by those embarrassments with which he was too often surrounded, looked for aid to the clergy, who for the most part rendered it cheerfully and in liberal measure. Nowhere were the clergy so heavily burdened as in Spain.[446] It was computed that at least one-third of their revenues was given to the king. Thus completely were the different orders, both spiritual and temporal, throughout the monarchy, under the control of the sovereign.

A few pages back, while touching on alienations in mortmain, I had occasion to allude to the Escorial, that "eighth wonder of the world," as it is proudly styled by the Spaniards. There can be no place more proper to give an account of this extraordinary edifice, than the part of the narrative in which I have been desirous to throw as much light as possible on the character and occupations of Philip. The Escorial engrossed the leisure of more than thirty years of his life; it reflects in a peculiar manner his tastes, and the austere character of his mind; and whatever criticism may be passed on it as a work of art, it cannot be denied that, if every other vestige of his reign were to be swept away, that wonderful structure would of itself suffice to show the grandeur of his plans and the extent of his resources.

The common tradition that Philip built the Escorial in pursuance of a vow which he made at the time of the great battle of St. Quentin, the 10th of August, 1557, has been rejected by modern critics, on the ground that contemporary writers, and amongst them the historians of the convent, make no mention of the fact. But a recently-discovered document leaves little doubt that such a vow was actually made.[447] However this may have been, it is certain that the king designed to commemorate the event by this structure, as is intimated by its dedication to St. Lawrence, the martyr on whose day the victory was gained. The name given to the place was El Sitio de San Lorenzo el Real. But the monastery was better known from the hamlet near which it stood,--El Escurial, or El Escorial,--which latter soon became the orthography generally adopted by the Castilians.[448]

[Sidenote: THE ESCORIAL.]

The motives which, after all, operated probably most powerfully on Philip, had no connection with the battle of St. Quentin. His father, the emperor, had directed by his will that his bones should remain at Yuste, until a more suitable place should be provided for them by his son. The building now to be erected was designed expressly as a mausoleum for Philip's parents, as well as for their descendants of the royal line of Austria. But the erection of a religious house on a magnificent scale, that would proclaim to the world his devotion to the Faith, was the predominant idea in the mind of Philip. It was, moreover, a part of his scheme to combine in the plan a palace for himself; for, with a taste which he may be said to have inherited from his father, he loved to live in the sacred shadows of the cloister. These ideas, somewhat incongruous as they may seem, were fully carried out by the erection of an edifice dedicated at once to the threefold purpose of a palace, a monastery, and a tomb.[449]

Soon after the king's return to Spain, he set about carrying his plan into execution. The site which, after careful examination, he selected for the building, was among the mountains of the Guadarrama, on the borders of New Castile,[450] about eight leagues north-west of Madrid. The healthiness of the place and its convenient distance from the capital combined with the stern and solitary character of the region, so congenial to his taste, to give it the preference over other spots, which might have found more favour with persons of a different nature. Encompassed by rude and rocky hills, which sometimes soar to the gigantic elevation of mountains, it seemed to be shut out completely from the world. The vegetation was of a thin and stunted growth, seldom spreading out into the luxuriant foliage of the lower regions; and the winds swept down from the neighbouring sierra with the violence of a hurricane. Yet the air was salubrious, and the soil was nourished by springs of the purest water. To add to its recommendations, a quarry, close at hand, of excellent stone, somewhat resembling granite in appearance, readily supplied the materials for building,--a circumstance, considering the vastness of the work, of no little importance.

The architect who furnished the plans, and on whom the king relied for superintending their execution, was Juan-Bautista de Toledo. He was born in Spain, and, early discovering uncommon talents for his profession, was sent to Italy. Here he studied the principles of his art, under the great masters who were then filling their native land with those monuments of genius that furnished the best study to the artist. Toledo imbibed their spirit, and under their tuition acquired that simple, indeed severe taste, which formed a contrast to the prevalent tone of Spanish architecture, but which, happily, found favour with his royal patron.

Before a stone of the new edifice was laid, Philip had taken care to provide himself with the tenants who were to occupy it. At a general chapter of the Jeronymite fraternity, a prior was chosen for the convent of the Escorial, which was to consist of fifty members, soon increased to double that number. Philip had been induced to give the preference to the Jeronymite order, partly from their general reputation for ascetic piety, and in part from the regard shown for them by his father, who had chosen a convent of that order as the place of his last retreat. The monks were speedily transferred to the village of the Escorial, where they continued to dwell until accommodations were prepared for them in the magnificent pile which they were thenceforth to occupy.

Their temporary habitation was of the meanest kind, like most of the buildings in the hamlet. It was without window or chimney, and the rain found its way through the dilapidated roof of the apartment which they used as a chapel; so that they were obliged to protect themselves by a coverlet stretched above their heads. A rude altar was raised at one end of the chapel, over which was scrawled on the wall, with charcoal, the figure of a crucifix.[451]

The king, on his visits to the place, was lodged in the house of the curate, in not much better repair than the other dwellings in the hamlet. While there, he was punctual in his attendance at mass, when a rude seat was prepared for him near the choir, consisting of a three-legged stool, defended from vulgar eyes by a screen of such old and tattered cloth that the inquisitive spectator might, without difficulty, see him through the holes in it.[452] He was so near the choir, that the monk who stood next to him could hardly avoid being brought into contact with the royal person. The Jeronymite who tells the story assures us that Brother Antonio used to weep as he declared that more than once, when he cast a furtive glance at the monarch, he saw his eyes filled with tears. "Such," says the good father, "were the devout and joyful feelings with which the king, as he gazed on the poverty around him, meditated his lofty plans for converting this poverty into a scene of grandeur more worthy of the worship to be performed there."[453]

The brethren were much edified by the humility shown by Philip when attending the services in this wretched cabin. They often told the story of his one day coming late to matins, when, unwilling to interrupt the services, he quietly took his seat by the entrance, on a rude bench, at the upper end of which a peasant was sitting. He remained some time before his presence was observed, when the monks conducted him to his tribune.[454]

On the twenty-third of April, 1563, the first stone of the monastery was laid. On the twentieth of August following, the corner-stone of the church was also laid, with still greater pomp and solemnity. The royal confessor, the bishop of Cuença, arrayed in his pontificals, presided over the ceremonies. The king was present, and laid the stone with his own hands. The principal nobles of the court were in attendance, and there was a great concourse of spectators, both ecclesiastics and laymen; the solemn services were concluded by the brotherhood, who joined in an anthem of thanksgiving and praise to the Almighty, to whom so glorious a monument was to be reared in this mountain wilderness.[455]

[Sidenote: THE ESCORIAL.]

The rude sierra now swarmed with life. The ground was covered with tents and huts. The busy hum of labour mingled with the songs of the labourers, which, from their various dialects, betrayed the different, and oftentimes distant, provinces from which they had come. In this motley host the greatest order and decorum prevailed; nor were the peaceful occupations of the day interrupted by any indecent brawls.

As the work advanced, Philip's visits to the Escorial were longer and more frequent. He had always shown his love for the retirement of the cloister, by passing some days of every year in it. Indeed, he was in the habit of keeping Holy Week not far from the scene of his present labours, at the convent of Guisando. In his present monastic retreat he had the additional interest afforded by the contemplation of the great work, which seemed to engage as much of his thoughts as any of the concerns of government.

Philip had given a degree of attention to the study of the fine arts seldom found in persons of his condition. He was a connoisseur in painting, and, above all, in architecture, making a careful study of its principles, and occasionally furnishing designs with his own hand.[456] No prince of his time left behind him so many proofs of his taste and magnificence in building. The royal mint at Segovia, the hunting-seat of the Pardo, the pleasant residence of Aranjuez, the alcazar of Madrid, the "Armeria Real," and other noble works which adorned his infant capital, were either built or greatly embellished by him. The land was covered with structures both civil and religious, which rose under the royal patronage. Churches and convents--the latter in lamentable profusion--constantly met the eye of the traveller. The general style of their execution was simple in the extreme. Some, like the great cathedral of Valladolid, of more pretension, but still showing the same austere character in their designs, furnished excellent models of architecture to counteract the meretricious tendencies of the age. Structures of a different kind from these were planted by Philip along the frontiers in the north and on the southern coasts of the kingdom; and the voyager in the Mediterranean beheld fortress after fortress crowning the heights above the shore, for its defence against the Barbary corsair. Nor was the king's passion for building confined to Spain. Wherever his armies penetrated in the semi-civilized regions of the New World, the march of the conqueror was sure to be traced by the ecclesiastical and military structures which rose in his rear.

Fortunately, similarity of taste led to the most perfect harmony between the monarch and his architect, in their conferences on the great work which was to crown the architectural glories of Philip's reign. The king inspected the details, and watched over every step in the progress of the building, with as much care as Toledo himself. In order to judge of the effect from a distance, he was in the habit of climbing the mountains at a spot about half a league from the monastery, where a kind of natural chair was formed by the crags. Here, with his spyglass in his hand, he would sit for hours, and gaze on the complicated structure growing up below. The place is still known as the "king's seat."[457]

It was certainly no slight proof of the deep interest which Philip took in the work, that he was content to exchange his palace at Madrid for a place that afforded him no better accommodations than the poverty-stricken village of the Escorial. In 1571 he made an important change in these accommodations, by erecting a chapel which might afford the monks a more decent house of worship than their old weather-beaten hovel; and with this he combined a comfortable apartment for himself. In these new quarters he passed still more of his time in cloistered seclusion than he had done before. Far from confining his attention to a supervision of the Escorial, he brought his secretaries and his papers along with him, read here his despatches from abroad, and kept up a busy correspondence with all parts of his dominions. He did four times the amount of work here, says a Jeronymite, that he did in the same number of days in the capital.[458] He used to boast that, thus hidden from the world, with a little bit of paper, he ruled over both hemispheres. That he did not always wisely rule, is proved by more than one of his despatches relating to the affairs of Flanders, which issued from this consecrated place. Here he received accounts of the proceedings of his heretic subjects in the Netherlands, and of the Morisco insurgents in Granada. And as he pondered on their demolition of church and convent, and their desecration of the most holy symbols of the Catholic faith, he doubtless felt a proud satisfaction in proving his own piety to the world by the erection of the most sumptuous edifice ever dedicated to the Cross.

In 1577, the Escorial was so far advanced towards its completion as to afford accommodations not merely for Philip and his personal attendants, but for many of the court, who were in the habit of spending some time there with the king during the summer. On one of these occasions, an accident occurred which had nearly been attended with most disastrous consequences to the building.

A violent thunderstorm was raging in the mountains, and the lightning struck one of the great towers of the monastery. In a short time the upper portion of the building was in a blaze. So much of it, fortunately, was of solid materials, that the fire made slow progress. But the difficulty of bringing water to bear on it was extreme. It was eleven o'clock at night when the fire broke out, and in the orderly household of Philip all had retired to rest. They were soon roused by the noise. The king took his station on the opposite tower, and watched with deep anxiety the progress of the flames. The duke of Alva was one among the guests. Though sorely afflicted with the gout at the time, he wrapped his dressing-gown about him, and climbed to a spot which afforded a still nearer view of the conflagration. Here the "good duke" at once assumed the command, and gave his orders with as much promptness and decision as on the field of battle.[459]

All the workmen, as well as the neighbouring peasantry, were assembled there. The men showed the same spirit of subordination which they had shown throughout the erection of the building. The duke's orders were implicitly obeyed; and more than one instance is recorded of daring self-devotion among the workmen, who toiled as if conscious they were under the eye of their sovereign. The tower trembled under the fury of the flames; and the upper portion of it threatened every moment to fall in ruins. Great fears were entertained that it would crush the hospital, situated in that part of the monastery. Fortunately, it fell in an opposite direction, carrying with it a splendid chime of bells that was lodged in it, but doing no injury to the spectators. The loss which bore most heavily on the royal heart was that of sundry inestimable relics which perished in the flames. But Philip's sorrow was mitigated when he learned that a bit of the true cross, and the right arm of St. Lawrence, the martyred patron of the Escorial, were rescued from the flames. At length, by incredible efforts, the fire, which had lasted till six in the morning, was happily extinguished, and Philip withdrew to his chamber, where his first act, we are told, was to return thanks to the Almighty for the preservation of the building consecrated to his service.[460]

[Sidenote: THE ESCORIAL.]

The king was desirous that as many of the materials as possible for the structure should be collected from his own dominions. These were so vast, and so various in their productions, that they furnished nearly every article required for the construction of the edifice, as well as for its interior decoration. The grey stone, of which its walls were formed, was drawn from a neighbouring quarry. It was called berroquena,--a stone bearing a resemblance to granite, though not so hard. The blocks hewn from the quarries, and dressed there, were of such magnitude as sometimes to require forty or fifty yoke of oxen to drag them. The jasper came from the neighbourhood of Burgo de Osma. The more delicate marbles, of a great variety of colours, were furnished by the mountain-ranges in the south of the Peninsula. The costly and elegant fabrics were many of them supplied by native artisans. Such were the damasks and velvets of Granada. Other cities, as Madrid, Toledo, and Saragossa, showed the proficiency of native art in curious manufactures of bronze and iron, and occasionally of the more precious metals.

Yet Philip was largely indebted to his foreign possessions, especially those in Italy and the Low Countries, for the embellishment of the interior of the edifice, which, in its sumptuous style of decoration, presented a contrast to the stern simplicity of its exterior. Milan, so renowned at that period for its fine workmanship in steel, gold, and precious stones, contributed many exquisite specimens of art. The walls were clothed with gorgeous tapestries from the Flemish looms. Spanish convents vied with each other in furnishing embroideries for the altars. Even the rude colonies in the New World had their part in the great work, and the American forests supplied their cedar and ebony and richly-tinted woods, which displayed all their magical brilliancy of colour under the hands of the Castilian workman.[461]

Though desirous, as far as possible, to employ the products of his own dominions, and to encourage native art, in one particular he resorted almost exclusively to foreigners. The oil-paintings and frescoes which profusely decorated the walls and ceilings of the Escorial were executed by artists drawn chiefly from Italy, whose schools of design were still in their glory. But of all living painters, Titian was the one whom Philip, like his father, most delighted to honour. To the king's generous patronage the world is indebted for some of that great master's noblest productions, which found a fitting place on the walls of the Escorial.

The prices which Philip paid enabled him to command the services of the most eminent artists. Many anecdotes are told of his munificence. He was, however, a severe critic. He did not prematurely disclose his opinion. But when the hour came, the painter had sometimes the mortification to find the work he had executed, it may be with greater confidence than skill, peremptorily rejected, or at best condemned to some obscure corner of the building. This was the fate of an Italian artist, of much more pretension than power, who, after repeated failures according to the judgment of the king--which later critics have not reversed--was dismissed to his own country. But even here Philip dealt in a magnanimous way with the unlucky painter. "It is not Zuccaro's fault," he said, "but that of the persons who brought him here;" and when he sent him back to Italy, he gave him a considerable sum of money in addition to his large salary.[462]

Before this magnificent pile, in a manner the creation of his own taste, Philip's nature appeared to expand, and to discover some approach to those generous sympathies for humanity which elsewhere seemed to have been denied him. He would linger for hours while he watched the labours of the artist, making occasional criticisms, and laying his hand familiarly on his shoulder.[463] He seemed to put off the coldness and reserve which formed so essential a part of his character. On one occasion, it is said, a stranger, having come into the Escorial when the king was there, mistook him for one of the officials, and asked him some questions about the pictures. Philip, without undeceiving the man, humoured his mistake, and good-naturedly undertook the part of cicerone, by answering his inquiries, and showing him some of the objects most worth seeing.[464] Similar anecdotes have been told of others. What is strange is, that Philip should have acted the part of the good-natured man.

In 1584, the masonry of the Escorial was completed. Twenty-one years had elapsed since the first stone of the monastery was laid. This certainly must be regarded as a short period for the erection of so stupendous a pile. St. Peter's church, with which one naturally compares it as the building nearest in size and magnificence, occupied more than a century in its erection, which spread over the reigns of at least eighteen popes. But the Escorial, with the exception of the subterraneous chapel constructed by Philip the Fourth for the burial-place of the Spanish princes, was executed in the reign of one monarch. That monarch held in his hands the revenues of both the Old World and the New; and as he gave, in some sort, a personal supervision to the work, we may be sure that no one was allowed to sleep on his post.

Yet the architect who designed the building was not permitted to complete it. Long before it was finished, the hand of Toledo had mouldered in the dust. By his death it seemed that Philip had met with an irreparable loss. He felt it to be so himself; and with great distrust consigned the important task to Juan de Herrera, a young Asturian. But though young, Herrera had been formed on the best models; for he was the favourite pupil of Toledo, and it soon appeared that he had not only imbibed the severe and elevated tastes of his master, but that his own genius fully enabled him to comprehend all Toledo's great conceptions, and to carry them out as perfectly as that artist could have done himself. Philip saw with satisfaction that he had made no mistake in his selection. He soon conferred as freely with the new architect as he had done with his predecessor. He even showed him greater favour, settling on him a salary of a thousand ducats a year, and giving him an office in the royal household, and the cross of St. Iago. Herrera had the happiness to complete the Escorial. Indeed, he lived some six years after its completion. He left several works, both civil and ecclesiastical, which perpetuate his fame. But the Escorial is the monument by which his name, and that of his master, Toledo, have come down to posterity as those of the two greatest architects of whom Spain can boast.

This is not the place for criticism on the architectural merits of the Escorial. Such criticism more properly belongs to a treatise on art. It has been my object simply to lay before the reader such an account of the execution of this great work as would enable him to form some idea of the object to which Philip devoted so large a portion of his time, and which so eminently reflected his peculiar cast of mind.

[Sidenote: THE ESCORIAL.]

Critics have greatly differed from each other in their judgments of the Escorial. Few foreigners have been found to acquiesce in the undiluted panegyric of those Castilians who pronounce it the eighth wonder of the world.[465] Yet it cannot be denied that few foreigners are qualified to decide on the merits of a work, to judge of which correctly requires a perfect understanding of the character of the country in which it was built, and of the monarch who built it. The traveller who gazes on its long lines of cold grey stone, scarcely broken by an ornament, feels a dreary sensation creeping over him, while he contrasts it with the lighter and more graceful edifices to which his eye has been accustomed. But he may read in this the true expression of the founder's character. Philip did not aim at the beautiful, much less at the festive and cheerful. The feelings which he desired to raise in the spectator were of that solemn, indeed sombre complexion, which corresponded best with his own religious faith.

Whatever defects may be charged on the Escorial, it is impossible to view it from a distance, and see the mighty pile as it emerges from the gloomy depths of the mountains, without feeling how perfectly it conforms in its aspect to the wild and melancholy scenery of the sierra. Nor can one enter the consecrated precincts without confessing the genius of the place, and experiencing sensations of a mysterious awe as he wanders through the desolate halls, which fancy peoples with the solemn images of the past.

The architect of the building was embarrassed by more than one difficulty of a very peculiar kind. It was not simply a monastery that he was to build. The same edifice, as we have seen, was to comprehend at once a convent, a palace, and a tomb. It was no easy problem to reconcile objects so discordant, and to infuse into them a common principle of unity. It is no reproach to the builder that he did not perfectly succeed in this, and that the palace should impair the predominant tone of feeling raised by the other parts of the structure, looking in fact like an excrescence, rather than an integral portion of the edifice.

Another difficulty, of a more whimsical nature, imposed on the architect, was the necessity of accommodating the plan of the building to the form of a gridiron--as typical of the kind of martyrdom suffered by the patron saint of the Escorial. Thus the long lines of cloisters, with their intervening courts, served for the bars of the instrument. The four lofty spires at the corners of the monastery, represented its legs inverted; and the palace, extending its slender length on the east, furnished the awkward handle.

It is impossible for language to convey any adequate idea of a work of art. Yet architecture has this advantage over the sister arts of design, that the mere statement of the dimensions helps us much in forming a conception of the work. A few of these dimensions will serve to give an idea of the magnitude of the edifice. They are reported to us by Los Santos, a Jeronymite monk, who has left one of the best accounts of the Escorial.

The main building, or monastery, he estimates at seven hundred and forty Castilian feet in length by five hundred and eighty in breadth. Its greatest height, measured to the central cross above the dome of the great church, is three hundred and fifteen feet. The whole circumference of the Escorial, including the palace, he reckons at two thousand nine hundred and eighty feet, or near three-fifths of a mile. The patient inquirer tells us there were no less than twelve thousand doors and windows in the building; that the weight of the keys alone amounted to fifty arrobas, or twelve hundred and fifty pounds, and, finally, that there were sixty-eight fountains playing in the halls and courts of this enormous pile.[466]

The cost of its construction and interior decoration, we are informed by Father Siguença, amounted to very near six millions of ducats.[467] Siguença was prior of the monastery, and had access, of course, to the best sources of information. That he did not exaggerate, may be inferred from the fact that he was desirous to relieve the building from the imputation of any excessive expenditure incurred in its erection--a common theme of complaint, it seems, and one that was urged with strong marks of discontent by contemporary writers. Probably no single edifice ever contained such an amount and variety of inestimable treasures as the Escorial,--so many paintings and sculptures by the greatest masters,--so many articles of exquisite workmanship, composed of the most precious materials. It would be a mistake to suppose that, when the building was finished, the labours of Philip were at an end. One might almost say they were but begun. The casket was completed; but the remainder of his days was to be passed in filling it with the rarest and richest gems. This was a labour never to be completed. It was to be bequeathed to his successors, who with more or less taste, but with the revenues of the Indies at their disposal, continued to lavish them on the embellishment of the Escorial.[468]

Philip the Second set the example. He omitted nothing which could give a value, real or imaginary, to his museum. He gathered at an immense cost several hundred cases of the bones of saints and martyrs, depositing them in rich silver shrines, of elaborate workmanship. He collected four thousand volumes, in various languages, especially the Oriental, as the basis of the fine library of the Escorial.

The care of successive princes, who continued to spend there a part of every year, preserved the palace-monastery and its contents from the rude touch of Time. But what the hand of Time had spared, the hand of violence destroyed. The French, who in the early part of the present century swept like a horde of Vandals over the Peninsula, did not overlook the Escorial. For in it they saw the monument designed to commemorate their own humiliating defeat. A body of dragoons under La Houssaye burst into the monastery in the winter of 1808; and the ravages of a few days demolished what it had cost years and the highest efforts of art to construct. The apprehension of similar violence from the Carlists, in 1837, led to the removal of the finest paintings to Madrid. The Escorial ceased to be a royal residence: tenantless and unprotected, it was left to the fury of the blasts which swept down the hills of the Guadarrama.

The traveller who now visits the place will find its condition very different from what it was in the beginning of the century. The bare and mildewed walls no longer glow with the magical tints of Raphael and Titian, and the sober pomp of the Castilian school. The exquisite specimens of art with which the walls were filled have been wantonly demolished, or more frequently pilfered for the sake of the rich materials. The monks, so long the guardians of the place, have shared the fate of their brethren elsewhere, since the suppression of religious houses, and their venerable forms have disappeared.

[Sidenote: QUEEN ANNE.]

Silence and solitude reign throughout the courts, undisturbed by any sound save that of the ceaseless winds, which seem to be ever chanting their melancholy dirge over the faded glories of the Escorial. There is little now to remind one of the palace or of the monastery. Of the three great objects to which the edifice was devoted, one alone survives,--that of a mausoleum for the royal line of Castile. The spirit of the dead broods over the place,--of the sceptred dead, who lie in the same dark chamber where they have lain for centuries, unconscious of the changes that have been going on all around them.

During the latter half of Philip's reign, he was in the habit of repairing with his court to the Escorial, and passing here a part of the summer. Hither he brought his young queen, Anne of Austria,--when the gloomy pile assumed an unwonted appearance of animation. In a previous chapter, the reader has seen some notice of his preparations for his marriage with that princess, in less than two years after he had consigned the lovely Isabella to the tomb. Anne had been already plighted to the unfortunate Don Carlos. Philip's marriage with her afforded him the melancholy triumph of a second time supplanting his son. She was his niece; for the empress Mary, her mother, was the daughter of Charles the Fifth. There was, moreover, a great disparity in their years; for the Austrian princess, having been born in Castile during the regency of her parents, in 1549, was at this time but twenty-one years of age, less than half the age of Philip. It does not appear that her father, the emperor Maximilian, made any objection to the match. If he felt any, he was too politic to prevent a marriage which would place his daughter on the throne of the most potent monarchy in Europe.

It was arranged that the princess should proceed to Spain by the way of the Netherlands. In September, 1570, Anne bade a last adieu to her father's court, and with a stately retinue set out on her long journey. On entering Flanders, she was received with great pomp by the duke of Alva, at the head of the Flemish nobles. Soon after her arrival, Queen Elizabeth despatched a squadron of eight vessels, with offers to transport her to Spain, and an invitation for her to visit England on her way. These offers were courteously declined; and the German princess, escorted by Count Bossu, captain-general of the Flemish navy, with a gallant squadron, was fortunate in reaching the place of her destination after a voyage of less than a week. On the third of October she landed at Santander, on the northern coast of Spain, where she found the archbishop of Seville and the duke of Bejar, with a brilliant train of followers, waiting to receive her.

Under this escort, Anne was conducted by the way of Burgos and Valladolid to the ancient city of Segovia. In the great towns through which she passed she was entertained in a style suited to her rank; and everywhere along her route she was greeted with the hearty acclamations of the people: for the match was popular with the nation; and the Cortes had urged the king to expedite it as much as possible.[469] The Spaniards longed for a male heir to the crown; and since the death of Carlos, Philip had only daughters remaining to him.

In Segovia, where the marriage ceremony was to be performed, magnificent preparations had been made for the reception of the princess. As she approached that city, she was met by a large body of the local militia, dressed in gay uniforms, and by the municipality of the place, arrayed in their robes of office and mounted on horseback. With this brave escort she entered the gates. The streets were ornamented with beautiful fountains, and spanned by triumphal arches, under which the princess proceeded, amidst the shouts of the populace, to the great cathedral.[470]

Anne, then in the bloom of youth, is described as having a rich and delicate complexion. Her figure was good, her deportment gracious, and she rode her richly-caparisoned palfrey with natural ease and dignity. Her not very impartial chronicler tells us that the spectators particularly admired the novelty of her Bohemian costume, her riding-hat gaily ornamented with feathers, and her short mantle of crimson velvet richly fringed with gold.[471]

After Te Deum had been chanted, the splendid procession took its way to the far-famed alcazar, that palace-fortress, originally built by the Moors, which now served both as a royal residence and as a place of confinement for prisoners of state. Here it was that the unfortunate Montigny passed many a weary month of captivity; and less than three months had elapsed since he had been removed from the place which was so soon to become the scene of royal festivity, and consigned to the fatal fortress of Simancas, to perish by the hand of the midnight executioner. Anne, it may be remembered, was said, on her journey through the Low Countries, to have promised Montigny's family to intercede with her lord in his behalf. But the king, perhaps willing to be spared the awkwardness of refusing the first boon asked by his young bride, disposed of his victim soon after her landing, while she was yet in the north.

Anne entered the alcazar amidst salvoes of artillery. She found there the good Princess Joanna, Philip's sister, who received her with the same womanly kindness which she had shown twelve years before to Elizabeth of France, when, on a similar occasion, she made her first entrance into Castile. The marriage was appointed to take place on the following day, the fourteenth of November. Philip, it is said, obtained his first view of his betrothed when, mingling in disguise among the cavalcade of courtiers, he accompanied her entrance into the capital.[472] When he had led his late queen, Isabella, to the altar, some white hairs on his temples attracted her attention.[473] During the ten years which had since elapsed, the cares of office had wrought the same effect on him as on his father, and turned his head prematurely grey. The marriage was solemnized with great pomp in the cathedral of Segovia. The service was performed by the archbishop of Seville. The spacious building was crowded to overflowing with spectators, among whom were the highest dignitaries of the Church and the most illustrious of the nobility of Spain.[474]

During the few days which followed, while the royal pair remained in Segovia, the city was abandoned to jubilee. The auspicious event was celebrated by public illuminations and by magnificent fêtes, at which the king and queen danced in the presence of the whole court, who stood around in respectful silence.[475] On the eighteenth, the new-married couple proceeded to Madrid, where such splendid preparations had been made for their reception as evinced the loyalty of the capital.

As soon as the building of the Escorial was sufficiently advanced to furnish suitable accommodations for his young queen, Philip passed a part of every summer in its cloistered solitudes, which had more attraction for him than any other of his residences. The presence of Anne and her courtly train diffused something like an air of gaiety over the grand but gloomy pile, to which it had been little accustomed. Among other diversions for her entertainment, we find mention made of autos sacramentales, those religious dramas that remind one of the ancient Mysteries and Moralities which entertained our English ancestors. These autos were so much in favour with the Spaniards as to keep possession of the stage longer than in most other countries; nor did they receive their full development until they had awakened the genius of Calderon.

[Sidenote: QUEEN ANNE.]

It was a pen, however, bearing little resemblance to that of Calderon which furnished these edifying dramas. They proceeded, probably, from some Jeronymite gifted with a more poetic vein than his brethren. The actors were taken from among the pupils in the seminary established in the Escorial. Anne, who appears to have been simple in her tastes, is said to have found much pleasure in these exhibitions, and in such recreation as could be afforded her by excursions into the wild, romantic country that surrounded the monastery. Historians have left us but few particulars of her life and character,--much fewer than of her lovely predecessor. Such accounts as we have, represent her as of an amiable disposition, and addicted to pious works. She was rarely idle, and employed much of her time in needlework, leaving many specimens of her skill in this way in the decorations of the convents and churches. A rich piece of embroidery, wrought by her hands and those of her maidens, was long preserved in the royal chapel, under the name of "Queen Anne's tapestry."

Her wedded life was destined not to be a long one,--only two years longer than that of Isabella. She was blessed, however, with a more numerous progeny than either of her predecessors. She had four sons and a daughter. But all died in infancy or early childhood, except the third son, who, as Philip the Third, lived to take his place in the royal dynasty of Castile.

The queen died on the twenty-sixth of October, 1580, in the thirty-first year of her age, and the eleventh of her reign. A singular anecdote is told in connection with her death. This occurred at Badajoz, where the court was then established, as a convenient place for overlooking the war in which the country was at that time engaged with Portugal. While there the king fell ill. The symptoms were of the most alarming character. The queen, in her distress, implored the Almighty to spare a life so important to the welfare of the kingdom and of the Church, and instead of it to accept the sacrifice of her own. Heaven, says the chronicler, as the result showed, listened to her prayer.[476] The king recovered; and the queen fell ill of a disorder which in a few days terminated fatally. Her remains, after lying in state for some time, were transported with solemn pomp to the Escorial, where they enjoyed the melancholy pre-eminence of being laid in the quarter of the mausoleum reserved exclusively for kings and the mothers of kings. Such was the end of Anne of Austria, the fourth and last wife of Philip the Second.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] "Que ningun Moro ni Mora serán apremiados á ser Christianos contra su voluntad; y que si alguna doncella, ó casada, ó viuda, por razon de algunas se quisiere tornar Christiana, tampoco será recebida, hasta ser interrogada." See the original treaty as given in extenso by Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos (Madrid, 1797), tom. i. pp. 88-98.

[2] "Y que pues habian sido rebeldes, y por ello merecian pena de muerte y perdimento de bienes, el perdon que les concediese fuese condicional, con que se tornasen Christianos, ó dexasen la tierra."--Ibid. p. 122.

[3] The reader curious in the matter will find a full account of it in the History of Ferdinand and Isabella, part II. chapters 6, 7.

[4] Advertimientos de Don Geronimo Corella sobre la Conversion de los Moriscos del Reyno de Valencia, MS.

[5] "Sin tratar de instruir á cada uno en particular ni de examinar los ni saber su voluntad los baptizaron á manadas y de modo que algunos de ellos, segun es fama, pusieron pleito que no les avia tocado el agua que en comun les hechavan."--Ibid.

[6] Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. pp. 133-155.--Bleda, Coronica de los Moros de España (Valencia, 1618), p. 656.--Advertimientos de Corella, MS.--Ferreras, Hist. Générale d'Espagne, tom. ix. pp. 65, 68.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 55.

The last writer says that, besides the largess to the emperor, the Moriscoes were canny enough to secure the good-will of his ministers by a liberal supply of doubloons to them also.--"Sirvieron al Emperador con ochenta mil ducados. Aprovechóles esto, y buena suma de doblones que dieron a los privados para que Carlos suspendiesse la execucion deste acuerdo."

[7] Calderon, in his "Amar despues de la Muerte," has shed the splendours of his muse over the green and sunny spots that glitter like emeralds amidst the craggy wilds of the Alpujarras,

"Porque entre puntas y puntas Hay valles que la hermosean, Campos que la fertilizan, Jardines que la deleitan. Toda ella está poblada De villages y de aldeas; Tal, que, cuando el sol se pono A las vislumbres que deja, Parecen riscos nacidos Cóncavos entre las peñas, Que rodaron de la cumbre Aunque á la falda no llegán."

[8] Señor de Gayangos, correcting a blunder of Casiri on the subject, tells us that the Arabic name of the Alpujarras was Al-busherât, signifying "mountains abounding in pastures."--See that treasure of Oriental learning, the History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain (London, 1843), vol. ii. p. 515.

[9] Such was the exemption from certain duties paid by the Christians in their trade with the Barbary coast--a singular and not very politic provision.--"Que si los Moros que entraren debaxo de estas capitulaciones y conciertos, quisieren ir con sus mercaderias á tratar y contratar en Berbería, se les dará licencia para poderlo hacer libremente, y lo mesmo en todos los lugares de Castilla y de la Andalucía, sin pagar portazgos, ni los otros derechos que los Christianos acostumbran pagar."--Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 93.

[10] Such is the opinion expressed by the author of the "Advertimientos," whose remarks--having particular reference to Valencia--are conceived in a spirit of candour, and of charity towards the Moslems, rarely found in a Spaniard of the sixteenth century.--"De donde," he says, "colije claramente que el no sanar estos enfermos hasta agora no se puede imputar á ser incurable la enfermedad, si no á averse errado la cura, y tambien se vee que hasta oy no estan bastamente descargados delante de Dios nuestro Señor aquellos à quien toca este negocio, pues no han puesto los medios que Christo nuestro Señor tiene ordenados para la cura de este mal."--MS.

[11] "Forzandoles con injurias y penas pecuniarias y justiciando á algunos de ellos."--Ibid.

Mendoza, speaking of a somewhat later period, just before the outbreak, briefly alludes to the fact that the Inquisition was then beginning to worry the Moriscoes more than usual:--"Porque la Inquisición los comenzó á apretar mas de lo ordinario."--Guerra de Granada (Valencia, 1776), p. 20.

[12] Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 135.

[13] Ibid. tom. ii. p. 338.--Ordenanzas de Granada, fol. 375, ap. Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne (Paris, 1846), tom. ii. p. 267.

The penalty for violating the above ordinance was six years' hard labour in the galleys. That for counterfeiting the stamp of the Mendoza arms was death. Væ victis!

[14] The name of Mendoza, which occupied for so many generations a prominent place in arms, in politics, and in letters, makes its first appearance in Spanish history as far back as the beginning of the thirteenth century.--Mariana, Historia de España, tom. i. p. 676.

[15] M. de Circourt in his interesting volumes, has given a minute account--much too minute for these pages--of the first developments of the insurrectionary spirit of the Moriscoes, in which he shows a very careful study of the subject.--Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. ii. pp. 268 et seq.

[16] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix. p. 524.--Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 142.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 55.

[17] Such was the judgment of the acute Venetian who, as one of the train of the minister Tiepolo, obtained a near view of what was passing in the court of Philip the Second.--"Levato di bassissimo stato dal re, e posto in tanta grandezza in pochi anni, per esser huomo da bene, libero et schietto, et perchè S. M. vuol tener bassi li grandi di Spagna, conoscendo l' altierissima natura loro."--Gachard, Relations des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens sur Charles-Quint et Philippe II. (Bruxelles, 1855), p. 175.

[18] This remarkable ordinance may be found in the Nueva Recopilacion (ed. 1640), lib. viii. tit. 2, leyes 13-18.

The most severe penalties were those directed against the heinous offence of indulging in warm baths. For a second repetition of this, the culprit was sentenced to six years' labour in the galleys and the confiscation of half his estates.

[19] "De los enemigos los menos."--Circourt gives a version of the whole of the professor's letter, with his precious commentary on this text. (Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. ii. p. 278.) According to Ferreras, Philip highly relished the maxim of his ghostly counsellor.--Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix. p. 525.

[20] Cabrera, throwing the responsibility of the subsequent troubles on Espinosa and Deza, sarcastically remarks that "two cowls had the ordering of an affair which had been better left to men with helmets on their heads."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. vii, cap. 21.

[21] Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. pp. 147-151,--Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. ii. p. 283.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix. p. 535.

Dr. Salazar de Mendoza considers that nothing but a real love of rebellion could have induced the Moriscoes to find a pretext for it in a measure so just and praiseworthy, and every way so conducive to their own salvation as this ordinance.--"Tomaron par achaque esta accion tan justificada, y meritoria del Rey, y para sus almas tan provechosa y saludable."--Monarquia de España, tom. ii. p. 137.

[22] "Y al fin concluyó con decirle resolutamente, que su Majestad queria mas fe que farda, y que preciaba mas salvar una alma, que todo quanto le podian dar le renta los Moriscos nuevamente convertidos."--Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 163.

[23] "Que él habia consultado aquel negocio con hombres de ciencia y conciencia, y le decian que estaba obligado á hacer lo que hacia."--Ibid. p. 175.

[24] "Que el negocio de la prematica estaba determinado, y su Magestad resoluta en que se cumpliese."--Ibid, ubi supra.

[25] Ibid. p. 176.--Cabrera. Filipe Segundo, lib. vii. cap.

[26] "A estas y otras muchas razones que el marques de Mondejar daba, Don Diego de Espinosa le respondió, que la voluntad de su Magestad era aquella, y que se fuese al reyno de Granada, donde serio de mucha importancia su persona, atropellando como siempre todas las dificultades que le ponian por delante."--Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 168.

[27] An ordinance was passed at this time that the Moriscoes who had come from the country to reside with their families in Granada should leave the city and return whence they came, under pain of death.--(Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 169.) By another ordinance, the Moriscoes were required to give up their children between the ages of three and fifteen, to be placed in schools and educated in the Christian doctrine and the Castillan tongue. (Ibid. p. 170.) The Nueva Recopilacion contains two laws passed about this time, making it a capital offence to hold any intercourse with Turks or Moors who might visit Granada, even though they came not as corsairs, but for purposes of traffic. (Lib. viii. tit. 26, leyes 16, 18.) Such a law proves the constant apprehensions in which the Spaniards lived of a treasonable correspondence between their Morisco subjects and the foreign Moslems.

[28] Marmol Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. pp. 223-233.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada (Valencia, 1776), p. 43.--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 724.

[29] "Escrita en noches de augustia y de lagrimas corrientes, sustentadas con esperanza, y la esperanza deriva de la amargura."--Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 219.

[30] Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 235.

[31]

"La furia horrible de los torbellinos Cada momento mas se vee yr creciendo; Cubre la blanca nieve les caminos, Tambien los hombres luego va cubriendo."

So sings, or rather says, the poet-chronicler Rufo, whose epic of four and twenty cantos shows him to have been much more of a chronicler than a poet. Indeed, in his preface, he avows that strict conformity to truth which is the cardinal virtue of the chronicler.--See the Austriada (Madrid, 1584).

[32] "Pocos sois, i venís presto."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 47.

Hita gives a cancion in his work, the burden of which is a complaint that the mountaineers had made their attack too late instead of too early:--

"Pocos sois, y venís tarde."

(Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 32.) The difference is explained by the circumstance that the author of the verses--probably Hita himself--considers that Christmas Eve, not New Year's Eve, was the time fixed for the assault.

[33] Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 238.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 45-52.--Miniana, Hist. de España, p. 367.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 726.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix pp. 573-575.

[34] "Creyendo que lo uno y lo otro seria parte para que por bien de paz se diese nueva orden en lo de la prematica, sin aventurar ellos sus personas y haciendas."--Marmol, Rebelion de los Moriscos, tom. i. p. 239.

[35] Beni Umeyyah, in the Arabic, according to an indisputable authority, my learned friend Don Pascual de Gayangos. See his Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, passim.

[36] "Era mancebo de veinte y dos años, de poca barba, color moreno, verdinegro, cejijunto, ojos negros y grandes, gentil hombre de cuerpo: mostraba en su talle y garbo ser de sangre real, como en verdad lo era, teniendo los pensamientos correspondientes."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 13.

Few will be disposed to acquiesce in the savage tone of criticism with which the learned Nic. Antonio denounces Hita's charming volumes as "Milesian tales, fit only to amuse the lazy and the listless." (Bibliotheca Nova, tom. i. p. 536.) Hita was, undoubtedly, the prince of romancers; but fiction is not falsehood; and when the novelist, who served in the wars of the Alpujarras, tells us of things which he professes to have seen with his own eyes, we may surely cite him as an historical authority.

[37] "Usava de blandura general; queria ser tenido por Cabeza, i no por Rei: la crueldad, la codicia cubierta engañó á muchos en los principios."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 129.

[38] Ibid. p. 40.

The ceremonies of the coronation make, of course, a brave show in Rufo's epic. One stanza will suffice:--

"Entonces con aplauso le pusieron Al nuevo Rey de purpura un vestido, Y a manera de beca le ciñeron Al cuello y ombros un cendal bruñido, Quatro vanderas a sus pies tendieron, Una házia el Levante esclarecido, Otra a do el sol se cubre en negro velo, Y otras dos a los polos dos del cielo."

La Austriada, fol. 24.

[39] "Tal era la antigua ceremonia con que eligian los reyes de la Andalucia, i despues los de Granada."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 40.

[40]

"Que en la agricultura tienen Tal estudio, tal destreza, Que á preñeces de su hazada Hacen fecundas las piedras."

Calderon, Amar despues de la Muerte, Jornada ii.

[41]

"Tres años tuvo en silencio Esta traicion encubierta Tanto número de gentes, Cosa, que admira y eleva."--Ibid, ubi supra.

[42] "Una cosa mui de notar califica los principios desta rebelion, que gente de mediana condicion mostrada á guardar poco secreto i hablar juntos, callasen tanto tiempo, i tantos hombres, en tierra donde hai Alcaldes de corte i Inquisidores, cuya profesion es descubrir delitos."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 36.

[43] Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 680--"Robaron la iglesia, hicieron pedazos los retablos y imagines, destruyeron todas las cosas sagradas, y no dexaron maldad ni sacrilegio que no cometieron."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 275.

[44] "Quemaron por voto un convento de Frailes Augustinos, que se recogieron a la Torre echandoles por un horado de lo alto azeite hirviendo: sirviendose de la abundancia que Dios les dió en aquella tierra, para ahogar sus Frailes."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 60.

[45] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 271.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix. P. 582.

[46] "Y para darle mayor tormento traxeron alli dos hermanas doncellas que tenia, para que le viesen morir, y en su presencia las vituperaron y maltrataron."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 316.

[47] "Llegó un herege á él con una navaja, y le persinó con ella, hendiendole el rostro de alto abaxo, y por través; y luego le despedazó coyuntura por coyuntura, y miembro á miembro."--Ibid. p. 348.

Among other kinds of torture which they invented, says Mendoza, they filled the curate of Manena with gunpowder, and then blew him up.--Guerra de Granada, p. 60.

[48] Of all the Spanish historians no one discovers so insatiable an appetite for these horrors as Ferreras, who has devoted nearly fifty quarto pages to an account of the diabolical cruelties practised by the Moriscoes in this persecution--making, altogether, a momentous contribution to the annals of Christian martyrologv. One may doubt, however, whether the Spaniards are entirely justified in claiming the crown of martyrdom for all who perished in this persecution. Those, undoubtedly, have a right to it who might have saved their lives by renouncing their faith; but there is no evidence that this grace was extended to all; and we may well believe that the Moriscoes were stimulated by other motives besides those of a religious nature,--such motives as would naturally operate on a conquered race, burning with hatred of their conquerors and with the thirst of vengeance for the manifold wrongs which they had endured.

[49] "Murieron en pocos mas de quatro dias, con muertes exquesitas y no imaginados tormentos, mas de tres mil martires."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 70.

[50] "Se adelantó un Moro, que solia ser grande amigo suyo, y haciendose encontradizo con él en el umbral de la puerta, le atravesó una espada por el cuerpo, diciendole: Toma, amigo, que mas vale que te mate yo que otro."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 277.

[51] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix. p. 617.

[52] "Fue gran testimonio de nuestra fé i de compararse con la del tiempo de los Apostoles; que en tanto numero de gente como murió a manos de infieles ninguno huvo que quisiese renegar."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 61.

[53] "Todos estuvieron tan constantes en la fé, que si bien fueron combidados con grandes riquezas y bienes á que la dejasen, con ninguno se pudo acabar; aunque entre los martyrizados huvo muchas mugeres, niños, y hombres que havian vivido descompuestamente."--Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia de España, tom. ii. p. 139.

[54] "Murieron este dia en Uxixar docientos y quarenta Christianos clerigos y legos, y entre ellos seis canonigos de aquella iglesia, que es colegial."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 297.

[55] "Estavan las casas yermas i tiendas cerradas, suspenso el trato, mudadas las horas de oficios divinos i humanos; atentos los Religiosos i ocupados en oraciones i plegarias, como se suele en tiempo i punto de grandes peligros."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 54.

Mendoza paints the panic of Granada with the pencil of Tacitus.

[56] Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. ii. p. 322.

[57] "En un punto se mudaron todos los oficios y tratos en soldadesca, tanto que los relatores, secretarios, letrados, procuradores de la Audiencia entraban con espadas en los estrados, y no dexaban de pareseer muy bien en aquella coyuntura."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 358.

[58] "Servian tres meses pagados por sus pueblos enteramente, i seis meses adelante pagavan los pueblos la mitad, i otra mitad el Rei."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 53.

[59] Mendoza, with a few vigorous touches, has sketched, or rather sculptured in bold relief, the rude and rapacious character of the Andalusian soldiery.--"Mal pagada i por esto no bien disciplinada; mantenida del robo, i a trueco de alcanzar o conservar este mucha libertad, poca verguenza, i menos honra."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 103.

[60] "Toda gente lucida y bien arreada á punto de guerra, que cierto representaban la pompa y nobleza de sus ciudades."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 396.

[61]

"Muchos capitanos fuertes, muchos lucidos soldados, ricos banderas tendidas, y su estandarte dorado."

Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 63.

[62] Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. ii. p. 326.

Seville alone furnished two thousand troops, with one of the most illustrious cavaliers of the city at their head. They did not arrive, however, till a later period of the war.--See Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla (Madrid, 1677, fol.), p. 533.

[63] "Repartió los lugares de la vega en siete partidos, y mandóles, que cada uno tuviese cuidado de llevar diez mil panes amasados de á dos libras al campo el dia que le tocase de la semana."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 404.

[64] "Pasó este negocio tan adelante, que muchos Moriscos afrentados y gastados se arrepintieron por no haber tomado las armas cuando Abenfarax los llamaba."--Ibid. p. 407.

[65] "Apenas podia ir por ella un hombre suelto; y aun este poco paso, le tenian descavado y solapado por los cimientos, de manera que si cargase mas de una persona, fuese abaxo."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, p. 409.

[66] "Mas un bendito frayle de la orden del serafico padre San Francisco, llamado fray Christoval de Molina, con un crucifixo en la mano izquierda, y la espada desnuda en la derecha, los habitos cogidos en la cinta, y una rodela echada á las espaldas, invocando el poderoso nombre de Jesus, llegó al peligroso paso, y se metió determinadamente por él."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 410.

[67] Ibid. p. 410, et seq.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 67, 68.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 736.

Hita has commemorated the bold passage of the bridge at Tablate in one of the romances, or ballads, with which he has plentifully besprinkled the second volume of his work, and which present a sorry contrast to the ballads in the preceding volume. These, which form part of the popular minstrelsy of an earlier age, have all the raciness and flavour that belong to the native wild-flower of the soil. The ballads in the second volume are, probably, the work of Hita himself,--poor imitations of the antique, and proving that, if his rich and redundant prose is akin to poetry, his poetry is still nearer allied to prose.

[68] "Estuvo alli aquella noche á vista de los enemigos, que teniendo ocupado el paso con grandes fuegos por aquellos cerros, no hacian sino tocar sus atabalejos, dulzaynas, y xabecas, haciendo algazaras para atemorizar nuestros Cristianos, que con grandisimo recato estuvieron todos con las armas en las manos."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 413.

[69] Ibid. p. 414.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 737.--Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 684.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 69, 70.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 17.

[70] "A la mano derecha cubiertos con un sierro, havia emboscados quinientos arcabuceros i vallesteros, demás desto otra emboscada en lo hondo del barranco de mucho mayor numero de gente."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, tom. i. p. 71.

[71] "Ellos quando pensaron que nuestra gente iva cansada acometieron por la frente, por el costado, i por la retaguardia, todo a un tiempo; de manera que quasi una hora se peleó con ellos a todas partes i a las espaldas, no sin igualdad i peligro."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[72] This poison was extracted from the aconite, or wolf's-bane, that grew rife among the Alpujarras. It was of so malignant a nature that the historian assures us that, if a drop mingled with the blood flowing from a wound, the virus would ascend the stream and diffuse itself over the whole system! Quince-juice was said to furnish the best antidote.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, tom. i. pp. 73, 74.

[73] Ibid. pp. 71-74.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 554.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. pp. 416-418.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 737.--Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 684.

[74] "Mas la priesa de caminar en siguimiento de los enemigos, i la falta de bagages en que la cargar i gente con que aseguralla, fue causa de quemar la máyor parte, porque ellos no se aprovechasen."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 75.

[75] "Los Moros tomaron lo alto de la sierra, y no pararon hasta meterse en la nieve, donde perecieron cantidad de mugeres y de criatura de frio."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 437.

[76] "El Marques les dió á saco todo el mueble, en que habia ricas cosas de seda, oro, plata, y aljofar, de que cupo la mejor y mayor parte á los que habian ido delante."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 444.

[77] "No tomen, señores, á vida hombre ni muger de aquestos hereges, que tan malos han sido, y tanto mal nos han hecho."--Ibid. p. 440.

[78] "El Marques se enterneció de ver aquellas pobres mugeres tan lastimadas, y consolandolas lo mejor que pudo," &c.--Ibid, ubi supra.

[79] "Hubo muchos soldados heridos, los mas que se herian unos á otros, entendiendo los que venian de fuera, que los que martillaban con las espadas eran Moros, porque solamente les alumbraba el centellear del acero, y el relampaguear de la polvora de los arcabuces en la tenebrosa escuridad de la noche."--Ibid. p. 445.

[80] "De los Moriscos quasi ninguno quedó vivo, de las Moriscas huvo muchas muertas, de los nuestros algunos heridos, que con la escuridad de la noche se hacian daño unos á otros."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 77.

[81] Ibid. ubi supra.--Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 685.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 787.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 441 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 558.

[82] "Habia entre ellas muchas dueñas nobles, apuestas y hermosas doncellas, criadas con mucho regalo, que iban desnudas y descalzas, y tan maltratadas del trabajo del captiverio y del camino, que no solo quebraban los corazones á los que las conocian, mas aun á quien no las habia visto."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 448.

[83] "Y volviendo á las casas del Arzobispo, las que tenian parientes las llevaron á sus posadas, y las otras fueron hospedadas con caridad entre la buena gente, y de limosna se les compró de vestir y de calzar."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. ubi supra.

[84] "Los soldados no podian llevar á paciencia ver que se tratase de medios con los rebeldes; y quando otro dia se supo que los admitia, fue tan grande la tristeza en el campo, como si hubieran perdido la jornada."--Ibid. p. 443.

[85] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 455.

[86] Abderrahman--or, as spelt by Gayangos, Abdu-r-rhamàn--the First, the founder of the dynasty from which Aben-Humeya claimed his descent, took refuge in Spain from a bloody persecution, in which every member of his numerous family is said to have perished by the scimitar or the bowstring.

[87] "Y como vió que los Christanos iban la sierra arriba, y que los suyos huían desvergonzadamente, entendiendo que todo lo que Don Alonso Venegas trataba era engaño, echo las cartas en el suelo, y subiendo á gran priesa en un caballo, dexó su familia atras, y huyo tambien la vuelta de la sierra."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 460.

[88] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 458 et seq.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. PP. 28-31.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 80, 81.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 560, 561.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 737.

[89] The decision referred to was, probably, one in the last Council of Toledo, A.D. 690.--See Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. i. p. 452.

[90] I quote the words of Marmol:--"Con una moderacion piadosa, de que quiso usar como principe considerado y justo."--Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 495.

[91] Ibid. ubi supra.

[92] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. pp. 465, 498.

Mendoza says they were all returned:--"a thing never before seen, whether it arose from fear or obedience, or that there was such an abundance of women that they were regarded as little better than household furniture."--Guerra de Granada, p. 96.

[93] "Fue tanta la indignacion del Margues de Mondejar, que, sin perdonar á ninguna edad ni sexo, mandó pasar á cuchillo hombres y mugeres, quantos habia en el fuerte; y en su presencia los hacia matar á los alabarderos de su guardia, que no bastaban los ruegos de los caballeros y capitanes, ni las piadosas lagrimas de las que pedian la miserable vida."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 493.

[94] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 482 et seq.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 85-95.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 32-36.--Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 688 et seq.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 738.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 589.

The storming of Guajaras is a favorite theme with both chroniclers and bards. Among the latter Hita has not failed to hang his garland of verse on the tombs of more than one illustrious cavalier who perished in that bloody strife, and for whose loss "all the noble dames of Seville," as he tells us, "went into mourning."--Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 112-118.

[95] "Que no habia osado parar en la Alpuxarra, y con solos cincuenta ó sesenta hombres, que le seguian, andaba huyendo de peña en peña."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 464.

[96] The Castillian chronicler Marmol refuse his admission--somewhat roughly expressed--to this brave Morisco,-"este barbaro," as he calls him, "hijo de aspereza y frialdad indomable, y menospreciador de la muerte."--(Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 503.) The story of the escape of Aben-Humeya is also told, and with little discrepancy, by Cabrera (Filipe Segundo, p. 573), and Ferreras (Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 39, 40).

[97] "Quando entendieron que peleaban contra el campo del Marques de los Velez, á quien los Moros de aquella tierra solian llamar Ibiliz Arraez el Hadid, que quiere decir, diabolo cabeza de hierro, perdieron esperanza de vitoria."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 451.

Hita, who was a native of Murcia, and followed Los Velez to the war, gives an elaborate portrait of this powerful chief, whom he extols as one of the most valiant captains in the world, rivalling in his achievements the Cid, Bernardo del Carpio, or any other hero of greatest renown in Spain.--Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 68 et seq.

[98] Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. ii. p. 346.

[99] "Mas mugeres que hombres," says Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 83.

[100] "En menos de dos horas fueron muertas mas de seis mil personas entre hombres y mugeres; y de niños, desde uno hasta diez años, habia mas de dos mil degollados."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 126.

We may hope this is an exaggeration of the romancer. Mendoza says nothing of the children, and reduces the slain to seven hundred. But Hita was in the action.

[101] "La soldadesca que andaba suelta por el lugar cometió crueldades inauditas, y que la pluma se resiste á transcribir."--Ibid. p. 125.

[102] "El niño arrastrando como pudó se llegó á ella, y movido del deseo de mamar, se asió de los pechos de la madre, sacando leche mezclada con la sangre de las heridas."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, p. 126.

[103] "Advirtiendo al mismo tiempo que hay tres mil hombres paisanos suyos puestos sobre las armas, y decididos á perder la vida por salvarle."--Ibid. p. 132.

[104] Hita has devoted one of the most spirited of his romances to the rout of Ohanez. The opening stanza may show the tone of it:--

"Las tremolantes banderas del grande Fajardo parten para las Nevadas Sierras, y van camino de Ohanez. Ay de Ohanez!"

[105] "Todos los caballeros y capitanes en la procesion armados de todas sus armas, con velas de cera blanca en las manos, que se las habian enviado para aquel dia desde su casa, y todas las Christianas en medio vestidas de azul y blanco, que por ser colores aplicados á nuestra Señora, mandó el Marques que las vistiesen de aquella manera á su costa."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 469.

[106] "Trayéndose muchas Moras hermosas, pues pasaron de trescientas las que se tomaron allí; y habiéndolas tenido los soldados á su voluntad mas de quince dias, al cabo de ellos mandó el marqués que llevasen á la iglesia."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 155.

[107] "Por manera que estaba la Alpuxarra tan llana, que diez y doce soldados iban de unos lugares en otros, sin hallar quien los enojase."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 498.

Mendoza fully confirms Marmol's account of the quiet state of the country.--Guerra de Granada, pp. 96, 97.

[108] "Le suplicase de su parte los admitiese, habiendose misericordiosamente con los que no fuesen muy culpados, para que él pudiese cumplir la palabra que tenia ya dada á los reducidos, entendiendo ser aquel camino el mas breve para acabar con ellos por la via de equidad."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 483.

[109] "Que hiciese por su parte lo que pudiese, porque ansi haria él de la suya."--Ibid. p. 470.

[110] "Dexar sin castigo exemplar á quien tantos crimenes habian cometido contra la Magestad divina y humana."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, p. 499.

[111] "El Marques," says Mendoza, "hombre de estrecha i rigurosa disciplina, criado al favor de su abuelo i padre en gran oficio, sin igual ni contradictor, impaciente de tomar compañia, communicava sus consejos consigo mismo."--Guerra de Granada, p. 103.

[112] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 115 et seq.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. pp. 511-513.--Miniana, Historia de España, p. 376.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 573, 574.

[113] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 8 et seq.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 97, 128.--Miniana, Historia de España, p. 376.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 575, 576.

[114] "Otros, como desesperados, juntando esteras, tascos, y otras cosas secas, que pudiesen arder, so metian entre sus mesmas llamas, y las avivaban, para que, ardiendo la carcel y la Audiencia, pereciesen todos los que estaban dentro."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 517.

[115] Ibid. ubi supra.

[116] "Los mataron á todos, sin dexar hombre á vida, sino fueron los dos que defendió la guardia que tenian."--Ibid. ubi supra. See also Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 122; Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 744.

[117] "Havia en ellos culpados en platicas i demonstraciones, i todos en deseo; gente flaca, liviana, inhabil para todo, sino para dar ocasion a su desventura."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 122.

[118] "Las culpas de los quales debieron ser mayores de lo que aqui se escribe, porque despues pidiendo las mugeres y hijos de los muertos sus dotes y haciendas ante los alcaldes del crimen de aquella Audiencia, y saliendo el fiscal á la causa, se formó proceso en forma; y por sentencias y revista fueron condenados, y aplicados todos sus bienes al real fisco."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. i. p. 517.

[119] "Levantó un estandarte bermejo, que mostrava el lugar de la persona del Rei a manera de Guion."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 118.

[120] "Para seguridad de su persona pagó arcabuceria de guardia, que fue creciendo hasta quatrocientos hombres."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, ubi supra.

[121] "Siguió nuestra orden de guerra, repartió la gente por escuadras, juntóla en compañias, nombró capitanes."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[122] This, which is two years later than the date commonly assigned by historians, seems to be settled by the researches of Lafuente. (See Historia General de España (Madrid, 1854), tom. xiii. p. 437, note.) Among other evidence adduced by the historian is that of a medal struck in honour of Don John's victory at Lepanto, in the year 1571, the inscription on which expressly states that he was twenty-four years of age.

[123] Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol 3.--Villafañe, Vida y Virtudes de Doña Magdalena de Ulloa (Salamanca, 1722), p. 36.--See also Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiii. p. 432.

This last historian has made the parentage of John of Austria the subject of a particular discussion in the Revista de Ambos Mundos, No. 3.

[124] Vanderhammen, alluding to the doubts thrown on the rank of his hero's mother, consoles himself with the reflection that, if there was any deficiency in this particular, no one can deny that it was more than compensated by the proud origin of her imperial lover.--Don Juan de Austria, fol. 3.

[125] Lafuente, Hist. de España, tom. xiii. p. 432, note.

[126] Gachard, Retraite et Mort de Charles-Quint, tom. ii. p. 506.

In a private interview with Luis Quixada, the evening before his death, the emperor gave him six hundred gold crowns to purchase the above-mentioned pension.

[127] This interesting document was found among the testamentary papers of Charles the Fifth. A copy of it has been preserved among the manuscripts of Cardinal Granvelle.--Papiers d'Etat, tom. iv. pp. 499, 500.

[128] "Gastava buena parte del dia en tirar con una ballestilla a los paxaros."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 10.

[129] "Y puede ser llegase á sospechar, si acaso tendria por padre á su esposo."--Villefañe, Vida de Magdalena de Ulloa, p. 38.

[130] "Accion singular y rara, y que dexa atras quantas la antiguedad celebra por peregrinas."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 31.

According to another biographer, two fires occurred to Quixada, one in Villagarcia and one in Valladolid. On each of these occasions the house was destroyed, but his ward was saved, borne off by the good knight in his arms. (Villafañe, Vida de Magdalena de Ulloa, pp. 44, 53.) The coincidences are too much opposed to the doctrine of chances to commend themselves readily to our faith. Vanderhammen's reflection was drawn forth by the second fire, the only one he notices. It applies, however, equally well to both.

[131] Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 16.

[132] Indeed, Siguenza, who may have had it from the monks of Yuste, tells us that the boy sometimes was casually seen by the emperor, who was careful to maintain his usual reserve and dignified demeanour; so that no one could suspect his secret. "Once or twice," adds the Jeronymite father, "the lad entered the apartment of his father, who doubtless spoke to him as he would have spoken to any other boy."--Historia de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 205.

[133] Relation d'un Religieux de Yuste, ap. Gachard, Retraite et Mort de Charles-Quint, tom. ii. p. 55.

[134] "Hallo tan público aquí lo que toca aquella persona que V. Mtad sabe que está á mi cargo que me ha espantado, y espántame mucho mas las particularidades que sobrello oyo."--Ibid. tom. i. p. 449.

[135] A copy of this interesting document was found in the collection of Granvelle at Besançon, and has been lately published in the beautiful edition of the cardinal's papers.--Papiers d'Etat, tom. iv. p. 495 et seq.

[136] "Que pues su Mtad, en su testamento ni codecilo, no hazia memoria dél, que era razon tenello por burla, y que no sabía que poder responder otra cosa, en público ni en secreto."--Gachard, Retraite et Mort de Charles-Quint, tom. i. p. 446.

[137] "La Princesa al punto arrebatada del amor, lo abraçó, y besó, sin reparar en el lugar que estava, y el acto que exercia. Llamóle hermano y tratóle de alteza."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 23.

[138] "Llego el caso a estado, que le huvo de tomar en braços el Conde Osorno hasta la carroça de la Princesa, porque le gozassen todos."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 25.

The story must be admitted to be a strange one, considering the punctilious character of the Castilian court, and the reserved and decorous habits of Joanna. But the author, born and bred in the palace, had access, as he tells us, to the very highest sources of information, oral and written.

[139] "Vuelto ya en si de la suspension primera, alargó la mano, y montó en el caballo; y aun se dice que con airosa grandeza, añadió; Pues si eso es asi tened el estribo."--Villafañe, Vida de Doña Magdalena de Ulloa, p. 51.

[140] "Macte, inquit, animo puer, prænobilis vire filius es tu; Carolus Quintus Imperator, qui coelo degit, utriusque nostrum pater est."--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. i. p. 608.

[141] "Jamás habia tenido dia de caza mas gustoso, ni logrado presa que le hubiese dado tanto contento."--Villafañe, Vida de Doña Magdalena de Ulloa, p. 52.

This curious account of Philip's recognition of his brother is told, with less discrepancy than usual, by various writers of that day.

[142] Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 27.--"Mandóle llamar Ecelencia; pero sus reales costunbres le dieron adelante titulo de Alteza i de señor entre los grandes i menores."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. v. cap. 3.

[143] "Tengo mucho cuidado que aprenda y se le enseñen las cosas necesarias, conforme á su edad y á la calidad de su persona, que, segun la estrecheza en que se crió y ha estado hasta que vino á mi poder, es bien menester con todo cuidado tener cuenta con él."--Gachard, Retraite et Mort de Charles-Quint, tom. i. p. 450.

[144] "Longè tamen anteibat Austriacus et corporis habitudine, et morum suavitate. Facies illi non modò pulchra, sed etiam venusta."--Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. i. p. 609.

[145] "Eminebat in adolescente comitas, industria, probitas, et, ut in novæ potentiæ hospite, verecundia."--Ibid. loc. cit.

[146] Strada, Be Bello Belgico, tom. ii. pp. 609, 610.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 34-36.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. vi. cap. 24.

[147] "La fama de la partida de Don Juan sacó del ocio a muchos cavalleros de la corte i reynos, que avergonçados de quedarse en él, le siguieron."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, loc. cit.

[148] Ante, vol. ii. book iv. ch. 6.

[149] Vanderhammen has given a minute description of this royal galley, with its pictorial illustrations. Among the legends emblazoned below them, that of "Dolum reprimere dolo" savours strongly of the politic monarch.--Don Juan de Austria, fol. 44-48.

[150] "Su comision fue sin limitacion ninguna; mas su libertad tan atada, que de cosa grande ni pequeña podia disponer sin comunicación i parecer de los consegeros, i mandado del Rei."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 139.

[151] Ibid. p. 130 et seq.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 81.--Marmol, tom. i. pp. 511-513.--Villafañe, Vida de Doña Magdalena de Ulloa, p. 73.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 1.

[152] "Ya el Presidente tenia orden de su Magestad de la que se habia de tener en el recibimiento de su hermano."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 17.

[153] "De manera que entre gala y guerra hacian hermosa y agradable vista."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, ubi supra.

[154] "El qual lo recibió muy bien, y con el sombrero en el mano, y le tuvo un rato abrazado. Y apartandose á un lado, llegó el Arzobispo, y hizo lo mismo con él."--Ibid. tom. ii. p. 18.

[155] "Que no sintieron tanto dolor con oir los crueles golpes de las armas con que los hereges los mataban á ellos y á sus hijos, hermanos y parientes, como el que sienten en ver que han de ser perdonados."--Ibid. p. 19.

From this, it would seem that the love of revenge was a stronger feeling with these Christian women than the love of friends.

[156] "Y mas galas y regocijos, porque estaban las ventanas de las calles, por donde habia de pasar, entoldadas de paños de oro y seda, y mucho numero de damas y doncellas nobles en ellas, ricamente ataviadas, que habian acudido de toda la ciudad por verle."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[157] Ibid. pp. 17-19.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 83.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 133.

[158] "Juntamente con usar de equidad y clemencia con los que lo merecieren, los que no hubieren sido tales serán castigados con grandisimo rigor."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 21.

[159] Ibid. pp. 23, 24.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 85.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 1.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. pp. 744, 745.

[160] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 141.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 85.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 27.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 1.

[161] The historian of the Morisco rebellion tells us that these Africans wore garlands round their heads, intimating their purpose to conquer or to die like martyrs in defence of their faith.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 73.

[162] Besides a tenth of the produce of the soil, one source of his revenue, we are told, was the confiscated property of such Moriscoes as refused to yield him obedience. Another was a fifth of the spoil taken from the enemy.--Ibid. p. 35.--Also Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 120.

[163] "Y la vuestra, ya yo os dixe que la queria para cosas mayores, y que asi agora yo no os embiaba á las de la guerra sino á esa ciudad á dar desde ella la orden en todo que combiniese: Pues y por otras ocupaciones y cartas no lo podia hazer."--Carta del Rey á Don Juan de Austria, 10 de Mayo, 1569, MS.

[164] Don John seems to have chafed under the restrictions imposed on him by the king. At least we may infer so from a rebuke of Philip, who tells his brother that, "though for the great love he bears him he will overlook such language this time, it will not be well for him to repeat it."--Ibid. 20 de Mayo, 1569, MS.

[165] Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 94.

Marmol, with one or two vigorous coups de pinceau, gives the portrait of the marquis. "No se podia determinar qual era en él mayor extremo, su esfuerzo, valentia y discrecion, ó la arrogancia y ambicion de honra, acompañada de aspereza de condicion."--Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 99.

[166] Ibid. p. 73 et seq.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 94.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 175 et seq.--Miniana, Historia de España, p. 377.

[167] "Quando vieron el fuerte perdido, se despeñaron por las peñas mas agrias, quiriendo mas morir hechas pedazos, que venir en poder de Christianos."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 89.

[168] "Casi todos los capitanes."--Ibid. loc. cit.

[169] The fierce encounter at Fraxiliana is given in great detail by Mendoza (Guerra de Granada, pp. 165-169), and Marmol (Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 86-90). No field of fight was better contested during the war; and both historians bear testimony to the extraordinary valour of the Moriscoes, worthy of the best days of the Arabian empire. Philip, while he commends the generous ardour shown by the grand-commander in the expedition, condemns him for having quitted his fleet to engage in it. "El comendador mayor tubo buen suceso como deseais, y como entiendo yo que lo merece su zelo y su intencion, mas salir su persona en tierra, teniendo en vuestra ausencia el cargo de la mas fué cosa digna de mucha reprehension."--Carta del Rey á Don Juan, 25 de Junio 1569, MS.

[170] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 108-111.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 83, 84--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 6.

[171] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 146--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 100.--Bleda (Cronica de España, p. 705), in the part of his work, has done nothing more than transcribe the pages of Mendoza, and that in so blundering a style as to mistake the date of this event by a month.

[172] "Puestos en la cuerda, con guarda de infanteria i cavalleria por una i otra parte."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 147.

[173] "Fue un miserable espectaculo," says an eyewitness; "ver tantos hombres de todas edades, las cabezas baxas, las manos cruzadas y los rostros bañados de lagrimas, con semblante doloroso y triste, viendo que dexaban sus regaladas casas, sus familias, su patria, y tanto bien como tenian, y aun no sabian cierto lo que se haria de sus cabezas."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 102.

[174] Ibid. p. 103.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 147. Both historians were present on this occasion.

[175] "Los que salieron por todos tres mil i quinientos, el numero de mugeres mucho mayor."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 147.

[176] "Muchos murieron por los caminos de trabajo, de cansancio, de pesar, de hambre; a hierro, por mano de los mismos que los havian de guardar, robados, vendidos por cautivos."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 148.

[177] "Los enemigos de Dios,"--the charitable phrase by which the Moriscoes, as well as Moors, came now to be denominated by the Christians.

[178] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 148-150.

[179] "Quedó grandisima lastima á los que habiendo visto la prosperidad, la policía, y el regalo de las casas, carmenes y guertas, donde los Moriscos tenian todas sus recreaciones y pasatiempos, y desde á pocos dias lo vieron todo asolado y destruido."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 104.

[180] "Parecia bien estar sujeta aquella felicisima ciudad á tal destruccion, para que se entienda que las cosas mas esplendidas y floridas entre la gente están mas aparejadas á los golpes de fortuna."--Marmol, ubi supra.

[181] "Armado de unas armas negras de la color del acero, y una celada en la cabeza llena de plumages, y una gruesa lanza en la mano mas recia que larga."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 133.

[182] "Andaba Aben Umeya vistoso delante de todos en un caballo blanco con una aljuba de grana vestida, y un turbante Turquesco en la cabeza."--Ibid. p. 134.

[183] "No temiesen el vano nombre del Marques de los Velez, porque en los mayores trabajos acudia Dios á los suyos; y quando les faltase, no les podria faltar una honrosa muerte con las armas en las manos, que les estaba mejor que vivir deshonrados."--Ibid. p. 134.

[184] "Y apeandose del caballo, le hizo desjarretar, y se embreñó en las sierras."--Ibid. loc. cit.

Hita commemorates the flight of the "little king" of the Alpujarras in one of his ballads.--Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 310.

[185] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 209.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 150.--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 233.

[186] "I tan adelante pasó la desorden, que so juntaron quatrocientos arcabuceros, i con las mechas en las serpentinas salieron a vista del campo."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 195.

[187] Ibid. p. 198 et seq.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 146.

[188] "Que se publicase la guerra á fuego y á sangre."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 160.

[189] "Vivia ya con estado de Rei, pero con arbitrio de tirano."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 209.

[190] "Teniendo barreadas las calles del lugar de manera, que nadie pudiese entrar en él sin ser visto ó sentido."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 163.

[191] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 210.

Such is the Tiberius-like portrait given of him by an enemy--by one however, it may be added, who for liberal views and for discrimination of character was not surpassed by any chronicler of his time.

[192] "Los cuales pasaron de trescientos cincuenta, segun yo he sido informado de varios Moriscos que seguian sus banderas; y de tal manera procedia el reyecillo, que vino á ser odiosísimo á los suyos por sus crueldades."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 303.

[193]

"Que no la hay mas hermosa en toda la Andalucia: blanca es y colorada, como la rosa mas fina; Tañe, danza, canta á estremo, que es un encanto el oírla; es moza, bella y graciosa nadie vió tal en su vida."--Ibid. tom. ii. p. 324.

The severer pencil of Mendoza does not disdain the same warm colouring for the portrait of the Morisco beauty.--Guerra de Granada, p. 213.

[194] "Muger igualmente hermosa i de linage."--Ibid.

[195] "Ninguno huvo que tomase las armas, ni bolviese de palabra por él."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 217.

[196] "Ataronle las manos con un almaizar."--Ibid. p. 218.

[197] "El mismo se dió la buelta como le hiciesen menos mal; concertó la ropa, cubrióse el rostro."--Ibid. p. 219.

[198] There is less discrepancy than usual in the accounts both of Aben-Humeya's assassination and of the circumstances which led to it. These circumstances have a certain Oriental colouring, which makes them not the less probable, considering the age and country in which they occurred.--Among the different authorities in prose and verse, see Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 162-169; Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 212-220; Rufo, La Austriada, cantos 13, 14; Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 337 et seq. Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 103-105.

[199] "Con la reputacion de valiente i hombre del campo, con la afabilidad, gravedad, autoridad de la presencia, fue bien quisto, respetado, obedecido, tenido como Rei generalmente de todos."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 224.

This was painting him en beau. For a painting of an opposite complexion see Miniana, who represents him as "audaz, perfido, suspicaz, y de pésimas costumbres." (Historia de España, p. 378.) Fortunately for Aben-Aboo, the first-mentioned writer, a contemporary, must be admitted to be the better authority of the two.

[200] "No pude desear mas, ni contentarme con menos."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 168.

See also, for the account of this martial ceremony, Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 222.

[201] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 111-118.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 169-189.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 225 et seq.--Miniana, Hist. d'España, p. 378.

[202] "Desta manera quedaron levantados todos los Moriscos del Reino, sino los de la Hoya de Malaga i Serrania de Ronda."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 241.

[203] "Llevando los escuderos las cabezas y las manos de los Moros en los hierros de las lanzas."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 159.

The head of an enemy was an old perquisite of the victor--whether Christian or Moslem--in the wars with the Spanish Arabs. It is frequently commemorated in the Moorish romances as among the most honourable trophies of the field, down to as late a period as the war of Granada. See, among others, the ballad beginning

"A vista de los dos Reyes."

[204] "Y que salir á tales rebatos es desautoridad vuestra, siendo quien sois y teniendo el cargo que tenis."--Carta de Felipe Segundo á Don Juan de Austria, 30 de Setiembre, 1569, MS.

[205] "Le suplico mire que ni á quien soy, ni á la edad que tengo ni á otra cosa alguna conviene encerrarme, cuando mas razon es que me muestre."--Carta de Don Juan de Austria al Rey, 23 de Setiembre, 1569, MS.

[206] "Entendióse por España la fama de su ida sobre Galera, i movióse la nobleza della con tanto calor, que fue necesario dar al Rei á entender que no era con sua voluntad ir Cavalleros sin licencia á servir en aquella empresa."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 256.

[207] "Havian las desordenes pasad tan adelante, que fue necesario para remediallas hacer demostracion no vista ni leida en los tiempos pasados, en la guerra: suspandar treinta i dos capitanes de quarenta i uno que havia, con nombre de reformacion."--Ibid. p. 237.

[208] "Tambien la gente embiada por los señores, escogida, igual, disciplinada, movidos por obligacion de virtud i deseo de acreditar sus personas."--Ibid. p. 234.

[209] "Pusieronsele los ojos encendidos como brasa de puro corage."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 224.

[210] "Sin comer bocado en todo aquel dia se volvió á la ciudad de Granada."--Ibid. p. 225.

[211] "Y porque podria ser que ordenase al marqués de los Velez que quedase con vos y os aconsejase, convendrá en este caso que vos le mostreis muy buena cara y le trateis muy bien y le deis á entender que tomais su parecer, mas que en efecto tomeis el de los que he dicho cuando fuesen diferentes del suyo."--Carta del Rey á D. Juan de Austria, 26 de Noviembre, 1569, MS.

[212] "Y que os goberneis como si hubiésedes visto mucha guerra y halládoos en ella, que os digo que comigo y con todos ganeis harta mas reputacion en gobernaros desta manera, que no haciendo alguna mocedad que á todos nos costare caro."--Ibid. MS.

[213] "I que seais obedecido de toda mi gente, haciendolo yo asimismo como hijo vuestro, acatando vuestro valor i canas, i amparandome en todas ocasiones de vuestros consejos."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 260.

[214] "Pues no conviene a mi edad anciana haver de ser cabo de esquadra."--Ibid. loc. cit.

[215] The marquis of Los Velez was afterwards summoned to Madrid, where he long continued to occupy an important place in the council of state, apparently without any diminution of the royal favour.

For the preceding pages consult Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 229-232; Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 257-260; Herrera, Hist. General, tom. i, pp. 777, 778; Bleda, Cronica, pp. 733, 734.

[216] The punning attractions of the name were too strong to be resisted by the ballad-makers of the day. See in particular the romance (one of the best, it may be added--and no great praise--in Hita's second volume) beginning--

"Mastredages marineros de Huescar y otro lugar han armado una Galera que no la hay tal en la mar. No tiene velas, ni remos, y navegar, y hace mal,"--

and so on, for more stanzas than the reader will care to see.--Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 469.

[217] "Las tenian los Moros barreadas de cincuenta en cincuenta pasos, y hechos muchos traveses de una parte y de otro en las puertas y paredes de las casas, para herir á su salvo á los que fuesen pasando."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 234.

The best and by far the most minute account of the topography of Galera is given by this author.

[218] Ibid. p. 233 et seq.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 112, 113.--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 377 et seq.

Hita tells us he was not present at the siege of Galera; but he had in his possession the diary of a Murcian officer named Tomás Perez de Hevia, who served through the siege, and of whom Hita speaks as a person well known for his military science. He says he has conformed implicitly to Hevia's journal which he commends for its scrupulous veracity. According to the judgment of some critics, the Murcian officer, if he merits this encomium, may be thought to have the advantage of Hita himself.

[219] "Para que los soldados se animasen al trabajo, iba delante de todos á pie, y traía su haz acuestas como cada uno, hasta ponerlo en la trinchea."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 237.

[220] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, pp. 236-238.--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 386, 387.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 113.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 140.

[221] "Convendrá por no aventurar mas gente buena que se haga todo lo que sea posible con las minas y artilleria, ántes de venir á las manos."--Carta del Rey á D. Juan de Austria, 6 de Febrero, 1570, MS.

[222]

"Unos llaman á Mahoma otros dicen Santiago, Otros gritan cierra España, muera el bando renegado."

Romance, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada.

[223] No less than eighteen, according to Hevia. But this number, notwithstanding Hita's warrant for the writer's scrupulous accuracy, is somewhat too heavy a tax on the credulity of the reader.--"Esta brava mora se llamaba a Zarzamodonia, era corpulenta, recia de miembros, y alcanzaba grandísima fuerza; se averiguó que en este dia mató ella sola por su mano á diez y ocho soldados, na de los peores del campo."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 393.

[224] For an account of the second assault see Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 264, 265; Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 240-243; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 113, 114; Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 389 et seq.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 629, 630.

[225] "Yo hundiré á Galera, y la asolaré, y sembraré toda de sal; y por el riguroso filo de la espada pasarán chicos y grandes, quantos están dentro, por castigo de su pertinacia, y en venganza de la sangre que han derramado."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 244.

[226] "No puedo yo dejar de encargaros que le engais muy grande de que él no sea deservido en ese campo, ni haya las maldades y desórdenes que decís, que siendo tales no pueden hacer cosa buena, y así lo procurad, y que no haya juramentos ni otras ofensas de Dios, que con esto él nos ayudará y todo se hará bien."--Carta del Rey á D Juan de Austria, 6 de Febrero, 1570, MS.

[227] "Y con esa gente, segun lo que decís, mas importará estar detras dellos deteniéndolos y castigándolos que no delante, pues para los que lo están y hacen lo que deben no es menester."--Ibid.

[228] It is singular that no one of the chroniclers gives us the name of the Moorish chief who commanded in Galera. A romance of the time calls him Abenhozmin.

"Marinero que la rige Sarracino es natural, criado acá en nuestra España por su mal y nuestro mal: Abenhozmin ha por nombre, y es hombre de gran caudal."

Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 470.

[229] "Relumbrante y fortísimo morríon adornado de un penacho bello y elegante, sentado sobre una rica medalla de la imagen de nuestra Señora de la Concepcion."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 429.

[230] "Igualmente se arreó lo mejor que pado toda la caballería, y era cosa digna de ver la elegancia y hermosura de un ejército tan lucido y gallardo."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, loc. cit.

[231] These anecdotes are given by Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 449-451.

[232] "Los quales mataron mas de quatrocientas mugeres y niños... y ansi hizo matar muchos en su presencia á los alabarderos de su guardia."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 248.

[233] "Duró el combate, despues de entrado el lugar, desde las ocho de la mañana hasta las cinco de la tarde."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 448.

[234] "Y no paráran hasta acabarlas á todas, si las quejas de los soldados, á quien se quitaba el premio de la vitoria, no le movieran; mas esto fue quando se entendió que la villa estaba ya por nosotros, y no quiso que se perdonase á varon que pasase de doce años."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 248.

[235] "Se cautivaron hasta otras mil y quinientas personas de mugeres y niños, porque á hombre ninguno se tomó con vida, habiendo muerto todos sin quedar uno en este dia, y en los asaltos pasados."--Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 448.

Marmol, while he admits that not a man was spared, estimates the number of women and children saved at three times that given in the text.

[236] "Si Africa llora, España no rie."

[237] For the account of the final assault, as told by the various writers, with sufficient inconsistency in the details, compare Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 244-249; Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 266-268; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 114, 115; Hevia, ap. Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 429 et seq.; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 630, 631; Bleda, Cronica, p. 734; Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 143, 144.

[238] "Tanto le crecia la ira, pensando en el daño que aquellos hereges habian hecho."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 248.

[239] "Solo dar gracias á Dios y á la gloriosa virgen Maria, encomendandoles el Catholico Rey aquel negocio, por ser de calidad, que deseaba mas gloria de la concordia y paz, que de la vitoria sangrienta."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 249.

[240] "Cela faict, par sa renommée qui voloit par le monde, tant des chrestiens que des infidelles, il fut faict general de la saincte ligue."--Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. i. p. 326.

[241] "Qué es esto, Españoles? de qué huis? dónde está la honra de España? No teneis delante á Don Juan de Austria, vuestro capitan? de qué temeis? Retiraos con orden como hombres de guerra con el rostro al enemigo."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 257.

[242] "Acudiendo á todas las necesidades con peligro de su persona, porque le dieron un escopetazo en la cabeza sobre una celada fuerte que llevaba, que á no ser tan buena, le matáran."--Ibid. p. 258.

[243] Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 19 de Febrero, 1570, MS.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 253 et seq.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 273.--Villafañe, Vida de Magdalena de Ulloa.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 116, 117.

[244] "Conforme á esto entenderá V. M. la poca costancia y aficion que tienen á la guerra, estos que la dejan al mejor tiempo sin poderles reprimir galeras, ni horca ni cuantas diligencias se hacen. Y plega á Dios que el amor de los hijos y parientes sea la causa y no miedo de los enemigos."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 19 de Febrero, 1570, MS.

[245] Ibid.

[246] "Que cada uno ha de hacer su oficio y no el general de soldado, ni el soldado el de general."--Carta del Rey á D. Juan de Austria, 24 de Febrero, 1570, MS.

[247] One evidence of this is afforded by the frankness of his friend, Ruy Gomez de Silva. "La primera," he writes to Don John, "que por cuanto V. Ex.ª está reputado de atrevido y de hombre que quiere mas ganar crédito de soldado que de general, que mude este estilo y se deje gobernar."--(Carta de 4 de Marzo, 1570, MS.) It is to Don John's credit that, in his reply, he thanks Ruy Gomez warmly for his admonition, and begs his monitor to reprove him without hesitation, whenever he deems it necessary, since, now that his guardian is gone, there is no other who can take this liberty.--Carta de D. Juan de Austria á Ruy Gomez de Silva, MS.

[248] According to Villafañe, Doña Magdalena left Madrid on learning her husband's illness, and travelled with such despatch that she arrived in time to receive his last sighs. Hita also speaks of her presence at his bedside. But as seven days only elapsed between the date of the knight's wound and that of his death, one finds it difficult to believe that this could have allowed time for the courier who brought the tidings, and for the lady afterwards, whether in the saddle or litter, to have travelled a distance of over four hundred and fifty miles, along execrable roads, with much of the way lying through the wild passes of the Alpujarras.

[249] "Creemos piadosamente que el alma de D. Luis subiria al ciclo con el oloroso incienso que se quemó en los altares de S. Gerónimo, porque siempre habia empleado la vida en pelear contra enemigos de nuestra santa fé, y por último murió batallando con ellos como soldado valeroso."--Hita, Guerras de Granada, tom. ii. p. 487.

[250] Carta del Rey á D. Juan de Austria, 3 de Marzo, 1570, MS.

[251] The letter is translated by Stirling from a manuscript, entitled "Joannis Austriaci Vita, auctore Antonio Ossorio," in the National Library at Madrid.--See Cloister Life of Charles the Fifth (Am. ed.), p. 286.

[252] Tijola is the scene of the story, familiar to every lover of Castilian romance, and better suited to romance than history, of the Moor Tuzani and his unfortunate mistress, the beautiful Maleha. It forms the most pleasing episode in Hita's second volume (pp. 523-540), and is translated with pathos and delicacy by Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 345 et seq.

[253] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 290-320, 340-346.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 119 et seq.--Ferreras Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 170 et seq.

[254] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 271 et seq.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 283-289, 303-315, 321 et seq.

In a letter without date, of the duke of Sesa, forming part of a mass of correspondence which I was so fortunate as to obtain from the collection at Holland House, he insists on starvation as a much more effectual means of reducing the enemy than the sword. "Esta guerra parece que no puede acabarse por medio mas cierto que el de la hambre que necesitará á los enemigos á rendirse ó perecer, y esta los acabará primero que el espada."--MS.

[255] "Con estas cosas y otras particulares que El Habaqui pidió para Aben Aboo, y para los amigos, y para sí mismo, que todas se le concedieron."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 360.

[256] "Misericordia, Señor, misericordia nos conceda vuestra Alteza en nombre de su Magestad, y perdon de nuestras culpas, que conocemos haber sido graves."--Ibid. p. 361.

[257] The fullest account of these proceedings is to be found in Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 355-362.

[258] "Predicando en los púlpitos publicamente contra la benignidad y clemencia que V. M. ha mandado usar con esta gente."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 7 de Junio, 1570, MS.

[259] "Que los religiosos que habrían de interceder con V. M. por estos miserables, que cierto la mayor parte ha pecado con ignorancia, hagan su esfuerzo en reprender la clemencia."--Ibid.

[260] "The wise king," as Bleda tells us, "did not forget Deza's eminent services. He became one of the richest cardinals, passing the remainder of his days in Rome, where he built a sumptuous palace for his residence."--(Cronica de España, p. 753.) Unfortunately this happy preferment did not take place till some time later--too late for the poor Moriscoes to profit by it.

[261] "Que El Habaqui habia mirado mal por el bien comun, contendandose con lo que solamente Don Juan de Austria le habia querido conceder, y procurando el bien y provecho para si y para sus deudos."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 390.

[262] "En lo que á esto toca, no tengo mas prendas que la palabra del Habaqui, el cual me podria engañar; pero certifico á V. M. que en su manera de proceder ma paresce hombre que tracta verdad, y tal fama tiene."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria al Rey, 21 de Mayo, 1570, MS.

[263] "Que quando Aben Aboo de su voluntad no lo hiciese, le llevaria él atado á la cola de su caballo."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 392.

[264] "Lo hizo ahogar secretamente, y mandó echar el cuerpo en un muladar envuelto en un zarzo de cañas, donde estuvo mas de treinta dias sin saberse de su muerte."--Ibid. p. 393.

[265] "Que quando no quedase otro sino él en la Alpuxarra con sola la camisa que tenia vestida, estimaba mas vivir y morir Moro, que todas quantas mercedes el Rey Filipe le podia hacer; y que fuese cierto, que en ningun tiempo, ni por ninguna manera, se pondria en su poder."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 410.

[266] It is the language of Marmol, who will not be suspected of exaggerating the cruelties of his countrymen. He does not seem, indeed, to regard them as cruelties. "Unos enviaba el Comendador mayor á las galeras, otros hacia justicia de ellos, y los mas consentia que los vendiesen los soldados para que fuesen aprovechados."--Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 436.

[267] Ibid. p. 433.

[268] Circourt gives a precise enumeration of the fortresses in different districts of the country.--Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 135, 136.

[269] "Llevando cerca de sí a su hijo, mozo quasi de trece años Don Luis Ponce de Leon, cosa usada en otra edad en aquella Casa de los Ponces de Leon, criarse los muchachos peleando con los Moros, i tener a sus padres por maestros."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 318.

[270] For the celebrated description of this event by Mendoza, see Guerra de Granada, pp. 301, 302. The Castilian historian, who probably borrowed the hint of it from Tacitus (Annales, lib. i. sec. 31), has painted the scene with a consummate art that raises him from the rank of an imitator to that of a rival. The reader may find a circumstantial account of Alonso de Aguilar's disastrous expedition, in 1501, in the History of Ferdinand and Isabella, part ii. chap. 7.

[271] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 298-314.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 425-431.

[272] Circourt quotes a remarkable passage from the Ordenanzas de Granada, which well illustrates the conscientious manner in which the government dealt with the Moriscoes. It forms the preamble of the law of February 24, 1571. "The Moriscoes who took no part in the insurrection ought not to be punished. We should not desire to injure them; but they cannot hereafter cultivate their lands; and then it would be an endless task to attempt to separate the innocent from the guilty. We shall indemnify them certainly. Meanwhile their estates must be confiscated, like those of the rebel Moriscoes."--Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 148.

[273] "Que las casas fuesen y estuviesen juntas; porque aunque lo merecian poco, quiso su Magestad que se les diese esto contento."--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. p. 439.

[274] "Saquearon los soldados las casas del lugar, y tomaron todas las mugeres por esclavas; cosa que dió harta sospecha de que la desorden habia nacido de su cudicia."--Ibid. p. 444.

The better feelings of the old soldier occasionally--and it is no small praise, considering the times--triumph over his national antipathies.

[275] For the removal and dispersion of the Moriscoes, see Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 437-444; Ferraras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 227, 228; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 126.

It may well seem strange that an event of such moment as the removal of the Moriscoes should have been barely noticed, when indeed noticed at all, by the general historian. It is still more strange that it should have been passed over in silence by a writer like Mendoza, to whose narrative it essentially belonged, and who could bestow thirty pages of more on the expedition into the Serrania de Ronda. But this was a tale of Spanish glory. The haughty Castilian chronicler held the race of unbelievers in too great contempt to waste a thought on their calamities, except so far as they enabled him to exhibit the prowess of his countrymen.

[276] "Querria tambien que allá se entendiese que ya no soy mochacho, y que puedo, á Dios gracias, comenzar en alguna manera á volar sin alas ajenas, y sospecho ques ya tiempo de salir de pañales."--Carta de D. Juan de Austria á Ruy Gomez de Silva, 16 de Mayo, 1570, MS.

[277] "No teniendo el lugar y auctoridad que ha de tener hijo de tal padre, y hermano de tal hermano."--Ibid., 4 de Junio, 1570, MS.

[278] Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 449-454.--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, pp. 324-327.--Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 752.--Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 781.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 123.

[279] "Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Abenabó. Nadie la quite so pena de muerte."--Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 329.--Marmol, Rebelion de Granada, tom. ii. pp. 455, 456--Bleda, Cronica de España, p. 752.--Miniara, Hist. de España, p. 383.

[280] Ante, p. 40.

[281] Nueva Recopilacion, lib. viii. tit. ii. ley 19.

[282] "Si estos tales que se huyieren huydo, y ausentado fueren hallados en el dicho Reyno de Granada, ó dentro de diez leguas cercanas á el, caygan é incurran en pena de muerte que sea en sus personas executada."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[283] Nueva Recopilacion, lib. viii. tit. ii. ley 19.

[284] Examples of this are cited by Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 150, 151.

[285] Ibid. p. 163.

M. de Circourt has collected, from some authentic and not very accessible sources, much curious information relative to this part of his subject.

[286] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 227.

[287] "Ils représentèrent que ce recensement allait leur révéler la secret de leur nombre effrayant; qu'ils fourmillaient."--Circourt, Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 164.

[288] "Qu'ils accapareaint tous les métiers, teut le commerce."--Ibid. loc. cit.

[289] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 239, 240.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 641.--Zuñiga, Anales de Sevilla, pp. 536-538.

The chroniclers paint in glowing colours the splendours of the royal reception at Seville, which, enriched by the Indian trade, took its place among the great commercial capitals of Christendom in the sixteenth century. It was a common saying,

"Quien no ha visto á Sevilla No ha visto á maravilla."

[290] Herrera, Historia General, tom. i. p. 798 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. vi. cap. 17.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 277.

[291] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 667.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 277.

[292] A copy of the treaty in Latin, dated May 25, 1571, exists in the library of the Academy of History, at Madrid. Señor Rosell has transferred it to the appendix of his work, Historia del Combate Naval de Lepanto (Madrid, 1853), pp. 180-189.

[293] A copy from the first draft of the treaty, as prepared in 1570, is incorporated in the Documentos Inéditos (tom. iii. pp. 337 et seq.). The original is in the library of the duke of Ossuna.

[294] Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 56.

[295] Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 120 et seq.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. pp. 14, 15.

[296] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 22.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. pp. 247, 248.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 152.

[297] "No poco se maravillaron los curiosos, viéndole, ó por casualidad ó bien de intento, terciar llanamente en la conversacion, contra las etiquetas hasta entonces observadas."--Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 59.

[298] "Y concede dozientos años de perdon á los presentes."--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 152.

[299] "De las mejores que jamas se han visto,"--"among the best galleys that were ever seen,"--says Don John in a letter, from Messina, to Don Garcia de Toledo.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 15.

The earlier part of the third volume of the Documentos Inéditos is taken up with the correspondence between John of Austria and Garcia de Toledo, in which the former asks information and advice in respect to the best mode of conducting the war. Don Garcia de Toledo, fourth marquis of Villafranca, was a man of high family, and of great sagacity and experience. He had filled some of the highest posts in the government, and, as the reader may remember, was viceroy of Sicily at the time when Malta was besieged by the Turks. The coldness which on that occasion he appeared to show to the besieged, excited general indignation; and I ventured to state, on an authority which I did not profess to esteem the best, that in consequence of this he fell into disgrace, and was suffered to pass the remainder of his years in obscurity. (Ante, vol. ii. circ. fin.) An investigation of documents which I had not then seen shows this to have been an error. The ample correspondence which both Philip the Second and Don John carried on with him, gives undeniable proofs of the confidence which he continued to enjoy at court, and the high deference which was paid to his opinion.

[300] Authorities differ as usual as to the precise number both of vessels and troops. I have accepted the estimate of Rosell, who discreetly avoids the extremes on either side.

[301] Vanderhammen has been careful to transcribe this precious catalogue.--Don Juan de Austria, fol. 156 et seq.

[302] Ibid. fol. 159 et seq.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 251.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. p. 15 et seq.

[303] "Luego su Alteza, el Coro, y Pueblo dixeron con musica, vozes, y alegria; Amen."--Vanderhammen, Juan de Austria, fol. 159.

[304] For a minute account of these arches and their manifold inscriptions, see Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 160-162.

[305] Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 84.

[306] Don John, in his correspondence with his friend Don Garcia de Toledo, speaks with high disgust of the negligence shown in equipping the Venetian galleys. In a letter dated Messina, August 30, he says: "Póneme cierta congoja ver que el mundo me obliga á hacer alguna cosa de momento, contando las galeras pro número y no por cualidad."--Documentos Ineditos, tom. iii. p. 18.

[307] Rosell, Combate Naval de Lepanto, p. 82.

The clearest and by far the most elaborate account of the battle of Lepanto is to be found in the memoir of Don Cayetan Rosell, which received the prize of the Royal Academy of History of Madrid, in 1853. It is a narrative which may be read with pride by Spaniards, for the minute details it gives of the prowess shown by their heroic ancestors on that memorable day. The author enters with spirit into the stormy scene he describes. If his language may be thought sometimes to betray the warmth of national partiality, it cannot be denied that he has explored the best sources of information, and endeavoured to place the result fairly before the reader.

[308] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica de Guerra que ha acontescido en Italia y partes de Levante y Berberia desde 1570 en 1574 (Çaragoça, 1579), fol. 54.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 165 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. lx. cap. 23.

[309] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 64.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 173.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 149.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval que entre Christianos y Turcos hubo el año 1571, MS.--Otra Relacion, Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 365.

[310] Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 143, 144.--"Despues hizo que lo degollassen vivo, y lleno el pellejo de paja lo hizo colgar de la entena de una galeota, y desta manera lo llevo pol toda la ribera de la Suria."--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 45.

[311] Ibid. fol. 44, 45.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 130-144.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, pp. 283-289.

[312] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 65.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 241.--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, pp. 93, 94.

[313] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 53.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. p. 30.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, pp. 95, 99, 100.

[314] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 67 et seq.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Otras Relaciones, Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. pp. 242, 262.

[315] Most of the authorities notice this auspicious change of the wind. Among others, see Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.; Relacion escrita por Miguel Servia, confesor de Don Juan, Documentos Inéditos, tom. xi. p. 368: Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 75. The testimony is that of persons present in the action.

[316] Amidst the contradictory estimates of the number of the vessels and the forces to the Turkish armada to be found in the different writers, and even in official relations, I have conformed to the statement given in Señor Rosell's Memoria, prepared after a careful comparison of the various authorities.--Historia del Combate Naval, p. 94.

[317] "Si hoy es vuestro dia, Dios os lo dé; pero estad ciertos que si gano la jornada, os daré libertad: por lo tanto haced lo que debeis á las obras que de mi habeis recebido."--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 101.

For the last pages see Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 150, 151; Sagrado, Monarcas Othomanos, p. 292; Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 65, 66; Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

[318] This fact is told by most of the historians of the battle. The author of the manuscript so often cited by me further says, that it was while the fleet was thus engaged in prayer for aid from the Almighty that the change of wind took place. "Y en este medio, que en la oracion se pedia á Dios la victoria, estaba el mar alterado de que nuestra armada recibia gran daño y antes que se acabase la dicha oracion el mar estuvo tan quieto y sosegado que jamas se a visto, y fué fuerça á la armada enemiga amainar y venir al remo."

[319] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 71.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 156.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 688.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Otra Relacion, Documentos Inéditos, tom. xi. p. 368.

The inestimable collection of the Documentos Inéditos contains several narratives of the battle of Lepanto by contemporary pens. One of these is from the manuscript of Fray Miguel Servia, the confessor of John of Austria, and present with him in the engagement. The different narratives have much less discrepancy with one another than is usual on such occasions.

[320] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 72.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

The last-mentioned manuscript is one of many left us by parties engaged in the fight. The author of this relation seems to have written it on board one of the galleys, while lying at Petala, during the week after the engagement. The events are told in a plain, unaffected manner, that invites the confidence of the reader. The original manuscript, from which my copy was taken, is to be found in the library of the University of Leyden.

[321] A minute description of the Ottoman standard, taken from a manuscript of Luis del Marmol, is given in the Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. pp. 270 et seq.

[322] Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 265; tom. xi. p. 368.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 70.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 156, 157.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

[323] Herrera notices one galley, "La Piamontesa de Saboya degollada en ella toda la gente de cabo y remo y despedazado con once heridas D. Francisco de Saboya." Another, "La Florencia," says Rosell, "perdió todos los soldados, chusma, galeotes y caballeros de San Esteban que en ella habia, excepto su capitan Tomás de Médicis y diez y seis hombres más, aunque todos heridos y estropeados."--Historia del Combate Naval, p. 113.

[324] "Tomo una Alabarda o Pertesana, y ligando en ella el Sancto Crucifixo, verdadera pendon, se puso delante de todos assi desarinado como estava, y fue el primero que entro en la Galera Turquesca, haziendo con su Alabarda cosas que ponian admiracion."--Torres y Aguilera, Chronicas, fol. 75.

[325] "Vivió hasta que sabiendo que la vitoria era ganada dijo: que daba gracias á Dios que lo hubiese guardado tanto que viese vencida la batalla y roto aquel comun enemigo que tanto deseó ver destruido."--Herrera, Relacion de la Guerra de Cipro, Documentos Inéditos, tom. xxi. p. 360.

[326] Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Herrera, Hist. General, tom. ii. p. 33.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, pp. 157, 158.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 244.

Torres y Aguilera tells a rather extraordinary anecdote respecting the great standard of the League in the Real. The figure of Christ emblazoned on it was not hit by ball or arrow during the action, notwithstanding every other banner was pierced in a multitude of places. Two arrows, however, lodged on either side of the crucifix, when a monkey belonging to the galley ran up the mast, and, drawing out the weapons with his teeth, threw them overboard! (Chronica, fol. 75) Considering the number of ecclesiastics on board the fleet, it is remarkable that no more miracles occurred on this occasion.

[327] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 72 et seq.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 182.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 247 et seq.--Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 160.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. ix. cap. 25, 26.

"Dó el estandarte bárbaro abatido la Cruz del Redentor fue enarbolada con un triunfo solene y grande gloria, cantando abiertamente la vitoria."

Ercilla, La Araucana, par. ii. canto 24.

[328] The loss of the Moslems is little better than matter of conjecture, so contradictory are the authorities. The author of the Leyden MS. dismisses the subject with the remark, "La gente muerta de Turcos no se ha podido saber por que la que se hecho en la mar fuera de los degollados fueron infinitos." I have conformed, as in my other estimates, to those of Señor Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 118.

[329] Rosell computes the total loss of the allies at not less than seven thousand six hundred; of whom one thousand were Romans, two thousand Spaniards, and the remainder Venetians.--Ibid. p. 113.

[330] Ibid. ubi supra.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 74 et seq.--Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. pp. 246-249; tom. xi. p. 370.--Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, pp. 295, 296.--Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

[331] Relacion de la Batalla Naval, MS.

Don John notices this achievement of his gallant kinsman in the first letter which he wrote to Philip after the action. The letter, dated at Petala, October 10, is published by Aparici, Documentos Inéditos relativos á la Batalla de Lepanto, p. 26.

[332] Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes (Madrid, 1819), p. 19.

Cervantes, in the prologue to the second part of "Don Quixote," alluding to Lepanto, enthusiastically exclaims, that, for all his wounds, he would not have missed the glory of being present on that day. "Quisiera antes haberme hallado en aquella faccion prodigiosa, que sano ahora de mis heridas, sin haberme hallado en ella."

[333] This humane conduct of Don John is mentioned, among other writers, by the author of the Relacion de la Batalla Naval, whose language shows that his manuscript was written on the spot: "El queda visitando los heridos y procurando su remedio haziendoles merced y dandoles todo lo que aviase menester."--MS.

[334] "Lo qual toda esta corte tuvo á gran gentileza, y no hazen sino alabar la virtud y grandeza de vuestra Alteza."

The letter of Fatima is to be found in Torres y Aguilera, Chronica (fol. 92). The chronicler adds a list of the articles sent by the Turkish princess to Don John, enumerating, among other things, robes of sable, brocade, and various rich stuffs, fine porcelain, carpets, and tapestry, weapons curiously inlaid with gold and silver, and Damascus blades ornamented with rubies and turquoises.

[335] "El presente que me embio dexe de rescibir, y le huvo el mismo Mahamet Bey, no por no preciarle como cosa venida de su mano, sino por que la grandeza de mis antecessores no acostumbra rescibir dones de los necessitados de favor, sino darios y hazeries gracias."--Ibid. fol. 94.

[336] According to some, Don John was induced, by the persuasion of his friends, to make these advances to the Venetian admiral. (See Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 75; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 123.) It is certain he could not erase the memory of the past from his bosom, as appears from more than one of his letters, in which he speaks of the difficulty he should find, in another campaign, in acting in concert with a man of so choleric a temper. In consequence the Venetian government was induced, though very reluctantly, to employ Veniero on another service. In truth, the conduct which had so much disgusted Don John and the allies seems to have found favour with Veniero's countrymen, who regarded it as evidence of his sensitive concern for the honour of his nation. A few years later they made ample amends to the veteran for the slight put on him, by raising him to the highest dignity in the republic. He was the third of his family who held the office of doge, to which he was chosen in 1576, and in which he continued till his death.

[337] The spoil found on board the Turkish ships was abandoned to the captors. There was enough of it to make many a needy adventurer rich. "Assi por la victoria havida como porque muchos venian tan ricos y prosperados que no havia hombre que se preciasse de gastar moneda de plata sino Zequies, ni curasse de regatear en nada que comprasse."--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 79.

[338] For the preceding pages see Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 186; Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 79; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 696; Herrera, Historia General, tom. ii. p. 37; Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 261.

[339] An old romance thus commemorates this liberal conduct of Don John:--

"Y ansi seda como de oro Ninguna cosa ha querido Don Juan, como liberal, Por mostrar do ha descendido, Sino que entre los soldados Fuese todo repartido En premio de sus trabajos Pues lo habian merecido."

Duran, Romancero General (Madrid, 1851), tom. ii. p. 185.

[340] Lorea, Vida de Pio Quinto, cap. xxiv. § ii.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 80.--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, pp. 124, 125.

[341] Philip, in a letter to his brother, dated from the Escorial in the following November, speaks of his delight at receiving this trophy from the hands of Figueroa. (See the letter, ap. Rosell, Hist. del Combate Naval, Apénd. No. 15.) The standard was deposited in the Escorial, where it was destroyed by fire in the year 1671.--Documentos Inéditos tom. iii. p. 256.

[342] "Y S. M. no se alteró, ni demudó, ni hizo sentimiento alguno, y se estuvo con el semblante y serenidad que antes estaba, con el qual semblante estuvo hasta que se acabaron de cantar las vísperas."--Memorias de Fray Juan de San Gerónimo, Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 258.

[343] The third volume of the Documentos Inéditos contains a copious extract from a manuscript in the Escorial written by a Jeronymite monk. In this the writer states that Philip received intelligence of the victory from a courier despatched by Don John, while engaged at vespers in the palace monastery of the Escorial. This account is the one followed by Cabrera (Filipe Segundo, p. 696) and by the principal Castilian writers. Its inaccuracy, however, is sufficiently attested by two letters written at the time to Don John of Austria, one by the royal secretary Alzamora, the other by Philip himself. According to their account, the person who first conveyed the tidings was the Venetian minister; and the place where they were received by the king was the private chapel of the palace of Madrid, while engaged at vespers on All-Saints eve. It is worthy of notice, that the secretary's letter contains no hint of the nonchalance with which Philip is said to have heard the tidings. The originals of these interesting despatches still exist in the National Library at Madrid. They have been copied by Señor Rosell for his memoir (Apénd. Nos. 13, 15). One makes little progress in history before finding that it is much easier to repeat an error than to correct it.

[344] "Y ansi á vos (despues de Dios) se ha de dar el parabien y las gracias della, como yo os las doy, y á mi de que por mano de persona que tanto me toca como la vuestra, y á quien yo tanto quiero, se haya hecho un tan gran negocio, y ganado vos tanta honra y gloria con Dios y con todo el mundo."--Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, Apénd. No. 15.

[345] Carta del secretario Alzamora á Don Juan de Austria, Madrid, Nov. 11, 1571, ap. Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, Apénd. No. 13.

[346] See Ford, Handbook for Spain, vol. ii. p. 697.

[347] Ercilla has devoted the twenty-fourth canto of the Araucana to the splendid episode of the battle of Lepanto. If Ercilla was not, like Cervantes, present in the fight, his acquaintance with the principal actors in it makes his epic, in addition to its poetical merits, of considerable value as historical testimony.

[348] The letter, which is dated Brussels, Nov. 17, 1571, is addressed to Juan de Zuñiga, the Castilian ambassador at the court of Rome. A copy from a manuscript of the sixteenth century, in the library of the duke of Ossuna, is inserted in the Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. pp. 292-303.

[349] "Ya havreis entendido la órden que se os ha dado de que inverneís en Meçina, y las causas dello."--Carta del Rey á su hermano, ap. Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, Apénd. No. 15.

[350] See Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 157; Lafuente, Historia de España (Madrid, 1850), tom. xiii. p. 538. Ranke, who has made the history of the Ottoman empire his particular study, remarks: "The Turks lost all their old confidence after the battle of Lepanto. They had no equal to oppose to John of Austria. The day of Lepanto broke down the Ottoman supremacy."--Ottoman and Spanish Empires (Eng. tr.), p. 23.

[351] "Su Santidad ha de querer que de gane Constantinopla y la Casa Santa, y que tendrá muchos que le querrán adular con facilitárselo, y que no faltarán entre estos algunos quo hacen profesion de soldados y que como su Beatitud no pueden entender estas cosas."--Carta del Duque de Alba, ap. Documentos Inédites, tom. iii. p. 300.

[352] Ranke, History of the Popes (Eng. tr.), vol i. p. 384.

[353] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiii. p. 530.

[354] "Breves de fuego."--Ibid, p. 529.

[355] "E si è veduto, che quando gli fu data la gran rotta, in sei mesi rifabbricò canto venti galere, oltre quelle che si trovavano in essere, cosa che essendo preveduta e scritta da me, fu giudicata piuttosto impossibile che creduta."--Relazione di Marcantino Barbaro 1573, Alberi, Relazioni Venete, tom. iii, p. 306.

[356] For the preceding pages see Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 87-89; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. x. cap. 5; Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 159 et seq.; Paruta, Guerra di Cipro, p. 206 et seq.; Sagredo, Monarcas Othomanos, pp. 301, 302.

[357] It is Voltaire's reflection: "Il semblait que les Turques eussent gagné la bataille de Lépante."--Essais sur les Moeurs, chap. 160.

[358] The treaty is to be found in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. v. par. 1 pp. 218, 219.

[359] Rosell, Historia del Combate Naval, p. 149.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 747.--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 95.

[360] Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 172.

[361] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 765.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 174, 175--Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 103 et seq.--The author last cited who was present at the capture of Tunis, gives a fearful picture of the rapacity of the soldiers.

[362] The Castilian writers generally speak of it as the peremptory command of Philip. Cabrera, one of the best authorities, tells us: "Mandió el Rey Catolico a Don Juan de Austria enplear su armada en la conquista de Tunez, i que le desmantelase, i la Goleta." But soon after he remarks: "Olvidando el buen acuerdo del Rey, por consejo de lisongeros determinó de conservar la ciudad." (Filipe Segundo, pp. 763, 764.) From this qualified language we may infer that the king meant to give his brother his decided opinion, not amounting, however, to such an absolute command as would leave him no power to exercise his discretion in the matter. This last view is made the more probable by the fact that in the following spring a correspondence took place between the king and his brother, in which the former, after stating the arguments both for preserving and for dismantling the fortress of Tunis, concludes by referring the decision of the question to Don John himself. "Representadas todas estas dificultades, manda remitir S. M. al Señor Don Juan que él tome la resolucion que mas convenga."--Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 139.

[363] "Porque la gentileza de la tierra i de las damas en su conservacion agradaba a su gallarda edad."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 755.--Also Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 176.

[364] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. x. p. 286.--Vanderhammen, Don Juan de Austria, fol. 178.

[365] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 116 et seq.--Relacion particular de Don Juan Sanogera, MS.

Vanderhammen states the loss of the Moslems at thirty-three thousand slain. (Don Juan de Austria, fol. 189.) But the arithmetic of the Castilian is little to be trusted as regards the infidel.

[366] For a brief but very perspicuous view of the troubles of Genoa, see San Migual, Hist. de Flipe Segundo (tom. ii. cap. 36). The care of this judicious writer to acquaint the reader with contemporary events in other countries, as they bore more or less directly on Spain, is a characteristic merit of his history.

[367] Torres y Aguilera, Chronica, fol. 113.

[368] The principal cause of Granvelle's coldness to Don John, as we are told by Cabrera (Filipe Segundo, p. 794), echoed, as usual, by Vanderhammen (Don Juan de Austria, fol. 184), was envy of the fame which the hero of Lepanto had gained by his conquests both in love and in war. "La causa principal era el poco gasto que tenia de acudir á Don Juan, invidioso de sus favores de Marte i Venus." Considering the cardinal's profession, he would seem to have had no right to envy any one's success in either of these fields.

[369] "Questa oppinione, che di lui si hà, rende le sue leggi più sacrosancte et inviolabili."--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[370] A manuscript, entitled "Origen de los Consejos," without date or the name of the author, in the library of Sir Thomas Phillips, gives a minute account of the various councils under Philip the Second.

[371] "Sono XI.; il consiglio dell' Indie, Castiglia, d'Aragona, d'inquisitione, di camera, dell' ordini, di guerra, di hazzienda, dl giustizia, d'Italia, et di stato."--Sommario del' ordine che si tiene alla corte di Spagna circa il governo delli stati del Ré Catholico, MS.

[372] Ibid. The date of this manuscript is 1570.

[373] Relazione di Badoer, MS.

[374] Instead of "Ruy Gomez," Badoer tells us they punningly gave him the title of "Rey Gomez," to denote his influence over the king. "Il titolo principal che gli vien dato è di Rey Gomez e non Ruy Gomez, perchè pare che non sia stato mai alcun privato con principe del mondo di tanta autorità e cosi stimato dal signor suo come egli è da questa Maestà."--Relazione, MS.

[375] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 712, 713.

Cabrera has given us, in the first chapter of the tenth book of his history, a finished portrait of Ruy Gomez, which for the niceness of its discrimination and the felicity of its language may compare with this best compositions of the Castilian chroniclers.

[376] "El señor Ruy Gomez no fué de los mayores consejeros que ha habido, pero del humor y natural de los reyes le roconozco por tan gran maestro, que todos los que por aqui dentro andamos tenemos la cabeza donde pensamos que traemos los pies."--Bermudez de Castro, Antonio Perez (Madrid, 1841), p. 28.

[377] "Fue Rui Gomez el primero piloto que en trabajos tan grandes viviò y muriò seguro, tomando sienpre el mejor puerto."--Cabrera, p. 713.

[378] "Vivo conservò la gracia de su Rey, muerto le doliò su falta, i la llorò su Reyno, que en su memoria le à conservado paro exemplo de fieles vasallos i prudentes privados de los mayores Principes."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[379] "Puede ser, pero el Cardenal Espinosa me consultô en saliendo del consejo, i proveí la plaça."--Cabrera, p. 700.

[380] "Que en principe tan zeloso de su immunidad i oficio pareciò increible su tolerancia hasta alli."--Ibid. ubi supra.

[381] The anonymous author of a contemporary relation speaks of the king as a person little subject to passions of any kind. The language is striking: "E questo Re poco soggetto alle pasioni, venga ció, o per inclinazione naturale, o per costume; e quasi non appariscono in lui i primi movimenti nè dell' allegrezza, nè del dolore, nè dell' ira ancora."--MS.

[382] "El Rey le hablò tan asperamente sobre el afinar una verdad, que le matò brevemente," says Cabrera emphatically.--Filipe Segundo, p. 699.

[383] "Perché chi vuole il favore del duoa d'Alva perde quello di Ruy Gomez, e chi cerca il favore di Ruy Gomez, non ha quello del duca d'Alva."--Relazione di Soriano, MS.

[384] Ranke has given some pertinent examples of this in an interesting sketch which he has presented of the relative positions of these two statesmen in the cabinet of Philip.--Ottoman and Spanish Empires (Eng. trans.), p. 38.

[385] "Non si trova mai S.M. presente alle deliberationi ne i consigli, ma deliberato chiama una delle tre consulte.... alla qual sempre si ritrova, onde sono lette le risolutioni del consiglio."--Relazione di Tiepolo, MS.

[386] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 32.

[387] "El dia que iva à caça bolvia con ansias de bolver al trabajo, como un oficial pobre que huviera de ganar la comida con ello."--Los Dichos y Hechos, del Rey Phelipe II. (Brusselas, 1666), p. 214.--See also Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[388] Relazione di Vandramino, MS.--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

"Distribuia las horas del dia, se puede decir, todas en los negocios, quando yo lo conocí; porque aunque las tenia de oçio ú ocupaciones forçosas de su persona, las gastava con tales criados elegidos tan à proposito que quanto hablava venia à ser informarse mucho, descanso en lo que à otro costara nota y fatiga."--MS. Anon. in the Library of the dukes of Burgundy.

[389] Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., pp. 339, 340.

[390] "A estos estando turbados, y desalentados, los animava diziendoles, Sossegaos."--Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 40.

[391] "Diziendole si lo traeis escrito, lo verè, y os harè despachar."--Ibid. p. 41.

[392] "Quando esce di Palazzo, suole montare in un cocchio coperto di tela incerata, et serrata a modo che non si vede..... Suole quando va in villa ritornare la sera per le porte del Parco, senza esser veduto da alcuno."--Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[393] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 32.

Inglis speaks of seeing this work in the library when he visited the Escorial.--Spain in 1830, vol. i. p. 348.

[394] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 33.

[395] See ante, vol. ii. circ. fin.

[396] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiv. p. 44.

The historian tells us he has seen the original letter with the changes made in it by Philip.

[397] "Chi comincia a servirlo può tener per certa la remunerazione, se il difetto non vien da rei."--Relazione Anon. MS.

[398] Relazione della Corte di Spagna, MS.--Relazione di Badoer, MS.--Etiquetas de Palacio, MS.

[399] Relazione di Badoer, MS.

[400] "Ha tre guardie die 100 persone l'una; la più honorata è di Borgognoni e Fiamminghi, che hanno ad esser ben nati e servono a cavallo, e si dicono Arcieri accompagnando bene il Re per la città a piede non in fila, ma alla rinfusa intorno alla persona reale; l'altri sono d'Albardieri 100 di nazion tedesca, et altri e tanti Spagnuoli."--Relazione della Corte di Spagna, MS.

[401] Raumer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. i. p. 106.

[402] Ibid. p. 105.

[403] Cortes of 1558, peticion 4.

[404] "Questi habiti sempre sono nuovi et puliti, perche ogni mese se gli muta, et poi gli dona quando ad uno, e quando ad un altro."--Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[405] Gachard cites a passage from one of Granvelle's unpublished letters, in which he says, "Suplico á V. M., con la humildad qua devo, que considerando quanto su vida importa al principe nuestro señor, á todos sus reynos y Estados, y vasallos suyos, y aun á toda la christiandad, mirando en que miserando estado quedaría sin V. M., sea servido mirar adelante más por su salud, descargandose de tan grande y continuo trabajo, que tanto daño le haze."--Rapport prefixed to the Correspondance de Philippe II. (tom. i. p. li.), in which the Belgian scholar, with his usual conscientiousness and care, enters into an examination of the character and personal habits of Philip.

[406] "Habiendo en otra ocasion avisado á vuestra magestad de la publica querella y desconsuelo que habia del estilo que vuestra magestad habia tomado de negociar, estando perpetuamente asido á los papeles, por tener mejor título para huir de la gente, ademas de no quererse fiar de nadie."--Carta que escrivio al Señor Rey Felipe Segundo Don Luis Manrique, su limosnero mayor, MS.

[407] "No embio Dios á vuestra magestad y á todos los otros Reyes, que tienen sus veces en la tierra, para que se extravien leyendo ni escribiendo ni aun contemplando ni rezando, si no para que fuesen y sean publicos y patentes oraculos á donde todos sus subditos vengan por sus respuestas.... Y si á algun Rey en el mundo dió Dios esta gracia, es á vuestra magestad y por eso es mayor la culpa de no manifestarse á todos."--Ibid.

A copy of this letter is preserved among the Egerton MSS. in the British Museum.

[408] Nota di tutti li Titolati di Spagna con li loro casate et rendite, &c. fatta nel 1581, MS.

[409] Ibid.

The Spanish aristocracy, in 1581, reckoned twenty-three dukes, forty-two marquises, and fifty-six counts. All the dukes and thirteen of the inferior nobles were grandees.

[410] "La corte è muta; in publico non si ragiona di nuove, et chi pure le sa, se le trace."--Relazione di Pigafetta, MS.

[411] "Sono d'animo tanto elevato... che è cosa molto difficile da credere.... e quando avviene che incontrino o nunzi del pontefice o ambasciadori di qualehe testa cororata o d'altro stato, pochissimi son quelli che si levin la berreta."--Relazione di Badoero, MS.

[412] "Non si attende à lettere, ma la Nobilità è a maraviglia ignorante e ritirata, mantenenda una certa sua alterigia, ehe loro clriamano sussiego, che vuol dire tranquillità et sicurezza, et quasi serenità."--Relazione di Pigafette, MS.

[413] "Non si convita, non si cavalca, si giuoca, et si fa all' amore."--Ibid.

See also the Relazioni of Badoero and Contarini.

[414] Dr. Salazar y Mendoza takes a very exalted view of the importance of this right to wear the hat in the presence of the king,--"a prerogative," he remarks, "so illustrious in itself and so admirable in its effects, that it alone suffices to stamp its peculiar character on the dignity of the grandee."--Dignidades de Castilla, p. 34.

[415] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 57.

[416] Relazione di Tiepolo, MS.--Relazione Anon. MS.--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[417] "Che per contrario affligiono i loro proprii sudditi ende incorrono nel loro odio."--Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[418] "Temono Sua Maesta, dove, quando si governassero prudentemente, sarieno da essa per le loro forze temuti."--Ibid.

[419] "Que bastarán para conquistar y ganar un reyno."--Cortes of Valladolid of 1558, pet. 4.

[420] Cortes of Toledo of 1559, pet. 3.

[421] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiii. p. 118.

[422] Ibid. tom. xiv. p. 397.

[423] Cortes of Valladolid of 1558, pet. 12.

[424] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiii. p. 125.

[425] The history of luxury in Castile, and of the various enactments for the restraint of it, forms the subject of a work by Sempere y Guarinos, containing many curious particulars, especially in regard to the life of the Castilians at an earlier period of their history.--Historia del Luxo (Madrid, 1788, 2 tom. 12mo.).

[426] "Anssi mismo mandamos que ninguna persona de ninguna condicion ni calidad que sea, no pueda traer ni traya en ropa ni en vestido, ni en calzas, ni jubon, ni en gualdrapa, ni guarnicion de mula ni de cavallo, ningun genero de bordado ni recamado, ni gandujado, ni entorchado, ni chapería de oro ni de plata, ni de oro de cañutillo, ni de martillo, ni ningun genero de trenza ni cordon ni cordoncillo, ni franja, ni pasamano, ni pespunte, ni perfil de oro ni plata ni seda, ni otra cosa, aunque el dicho oro y plata sean falsos," &c.--Pracmatica expedida á peticion de la Cortes de Madrid de 1563.

[427] "Ocupados en este oficio y género de vivienda de coser, que habia de se para las mugeres, muchos hombres que podrian servir á S. M. en la guerra dejaban de ir á ella, y dejaban tambien de labrar los campos."--Cortes of 1573, pet. 75, ap. Lafuente, Hist. de España, tom. xiv. p. 407.

[428] Cortes of 1573, pet. 75, ap. Lafuente, Hist. de España, tom. xiv. p. 408.

[429] Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 59.

[430] "Que cada semana ó cada mes se nombren en los ayuntamientos de cada ciudad ó villa destos Reynos, dos Regidores, los quales se hallen á la vision y visitas de la carcel."--Cortes of Toledo of 1559, 1560, pet. 102.

[431] Provision real para que los mesones del reyno esten bien proveidos de los mantenimientos necesarios para los caminantes, Toledo, 20 de Octubre de 1560.

[432] "Como los mancebos y las donzellas por su ociosidad se principalmente ocupan en aquello [leer libros de mentiras y vanidades], desvanecense y aficionanse en cierta manera á los casos que leen en aquellos libros haver acontescido, ansi da amores como de armas y otras vanidades: y afficionados, quando se offrece algun caso semejante, danse á el mas á rienda suelta que si no lo huviessen leydo."--Cortes of 1558, pet. 107, cited by Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 60.

[433] Pracmatica para que ningun natural de estos reynos vaya á estudiar fuera de ellos, Aranjuez, 22 de Noviembre de 1559.

[434] Marina, Teoria de las Cortes, tom. ii. p. 219.

[435] See the "Pragmaticas del Reyno," first printed at Alcalá de Henares, at the close of Isabella's reign, in 1503. This famous collection was almost wholly made up of the ordinances of Ferdinand and Isabella. After passing through several editions, it was finally absorbed in the "Nueva Recopilacion" of Philip the Second.

[436] Relazione di Contarini, MS.

[437] "Vos ni yo no avenios de subir donde los Sacerdotes."--Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 96.

[438] Catrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 894.

[439] L. Marineo Siculo, Cosas Memorabiles, fol. 23.

[440] Nota di tutti li Titolati di Spagna, MS.

[441] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiv. p. 416.

[442] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiii. p. 261.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, pp. 432, 433.

[443] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. xi. cap. 11; lib. xii. cap. 21.--Relazione Anon. 1588, MS.

[444] "Otras vezes presentaba para Obispos Canonigos tan particulares i presbiteros tan apartados no solo de tal esperança, mas pensamiento en si mismos, i en la comun opinion, que la cedula de su presentacion no admitia su rezelo de ser engañados ó burlados. Eligia á quien no pedia, i merecia."--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 891.

[445] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. xi. cap. 11.

[446] Relazione di Contarini, MS.--Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 61.

[447] The document alluded to is a letter, without date or signature, but in the handwriting of the sixteenth century, and purporting to be written by a person entrusted with the task of drafting the necessary legal instruments or the foundation of the convent. He inquires whether in the preamble he shall make mention of his majesty's vow. "El voto que S. M. hijo, si S. M. no lo quiere poner ni declarar, bien puede, porque no hay para que; pero si S. M. quisiere que se declare en las escrituras, avisemelo v. m."--Documentos Inéditos, tom. xxviii. p. 567.

[448] Examples equally ancient, of both forms of spelling the name, may be found; though Escorial, now universal in the Castilian, seems to have been also the more common from the first. The word is derived from scoriæ, the dross of iron-mines, found near the spot.--See Ford, Handbook for Spain (3rd edition), p. 751.

[449] A letter of the royal founder, published by Siguença, enumerates the objects to which the new building was to be specially devoted.--Historia de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 534.

[450] "The Escorial is placed by some geographers in Old Castile; but the division of the provinces is carried on the crest of the Sierra which rises behind it."--Ford, Handbook for Spain, p. 750.

[451] Siguença, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 549.--Memorias de Fray Juan de San Geronimo, Documentos Inéditos, tom. vii. p. 22.

[452] "Tenia de ordinario una banquetilla de tres pies, batísima y grosera, por silla, y cuando iba á misa porque estuviese con algun decencia se le ponia un paño viejo francés de Almaguer el contador, que ya de gastado y deshilado hacia harto lugar por sus agujeros á los que querian ver á la Persona Real."--Memorias de Fray Juan de San Geronimo, Documentos Inéditos, tom. vii. p. 22.

[453] "Jurábame muchas veces llorando el dicho fray Antonio que muchas veces alzando cautamente los ojos vió correr por los de S. M. lágrimas; tanta era su devocion mezclada con el alegría de verse en aquella pobreza y ver trás esto aquella alta idea que en su mente traia de la grandeza á que pensaba levantar aquella pequeñez del divino culto."--Ibid., ubi supra.

[454] "Para levantar tanta fábrica menester eran actos de humildad tan profunda!"--Ibid., p. 23.

[455] Ibid., p. 25 et seq.--Siguença, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 546.

[456] "Tenia tanta destreça en disponer las traças de Palacios, Castillos, Jardines, y otras cosas, que quando Francisco de Mora mi Tio Traçador mayor suyo, y Juan de Herrara su Antecessor le traian la primera planta, assi mandava quitar, ò poner, ò mudar, como si fuera on Vitrubio."--Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 181.

[457] Lafuente, Historia de España, tom. xiii. p. 253.

[458] "Sabese de cierto que se negociava aqui mas en un dia que en Madrid en quatro."--Siguenca, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 575.

[459] "El buen Duque de Alba, aunque su vejez y gota no le daban lugar, se subió á lo alto de la torre á dar ánimo y esfuerzo á los oficiales y gente;.... y esto lo hacia S.E. como diestro capitan y como quien se habia visto en otros mayores peligros en la guerra."--Memorias de Fray Juan de San Geronimo, Documentos Inéditos, tom. vii. p. 197.

[460] Memorias de Fray Juan de San Geronimo, Documentos Inéditos, tom. vii. p. 201.

[461] Siguença, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 596.--Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 289.--Lafuente, Hist. de España, tom. xiv. p. 427.

[462] Stirling, Annals of the Artists of Spain, tom. i. p. 211.

[463] Stirling, Annals of the Artists of Spain, tom. i. p. 203.

[464] Dichos y Hechos de Phelipe II., p. 81.

[465] One of its historians, Father Francisco de los Santos, styles it on his title-page, "Unica Maravilla del Mundo."--Descripcion del Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de el Escorial (Madrid, 1698).

[466] Los Santos, Descripcion del Escorial, fol. 116.

[467] Siguença, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, tom. iii. p. 862.

[468] The enthusiasm of Fray Alonso de San Geronimo carries him so far, that he does not hesitate to declare that the Almighty owes a debt of gratitude to Philip the Second for the dedication of so glorious a structure to the Christian worship! "Este Templo, Señor, deve á Filipo Segundo vuestra Grandeza; con que gratitud le estará mirando, en el Impireo, vuestra Divinidad!"

This language, so near akin to blasphemy, as it would be thought in our day, occurs in a panegyric delivered at the Escorial on the occasion of a solemn festival in honour of the hundredth anniversary of its foundation. A volume compiled by Fray Luis de Santa Maria is filled with a particular account of the ceremonies, under the title of "Octava sagradamente culta, celebrada en la Octava Maravilla," &c. (Madrid, 1664, folio).

[469] Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. ii. p. 905.

[470] Ibid. p. 908.

[471] "Realzada con gracia por el mismo trage del camino, sombrero alto matizado con plumas, capotillo de terciopelo carmesí, bordado de oro á la moda Bohema."--Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. ii. p. 907.

[472] Ibid., ubi supra.

[473] Ante, vol. i. circ. fin.

[474] Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. ii. p. 908.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, p. 661.

[475] "En el sarao bailaron Rey y Reyna, estando de pie toda la Corte."--Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. ii. p. 908.

[476] "El efecto dijo, que oyó Dios su oracion: pues mejorando el Rey, cayó mala la Reyna."--Ibid., p. 913.

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History of The Reign of Philip The Second
by William H. Prescott

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