Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti--Cecco Bibboni--Ambrogio Tremazzi--Lodovico dall'Armi--Brigandage--Piracy--Plagues--The Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont--Persecution of the Untori--Moral State of the Proletariate--Witchcraft--Its Italian Features--History of Giacomo Centini.
The stories related in the foregoing chapter abundantly demonstrate the close connection between the aristocracy and their accomplices--bravos and bandits. But it still remains to consider this connection from the professional murderer's own point of view. And for this purpose, I will now make use of two documents vividly illustrative of the habits, sentiments, and social status of men who undertook to speculate in bloodshed for reward. They are both autobiographical; and both relate tragedies which occupied the attention of all Italy.
Cecco Bibboni.
The first of these documents is the report made by Cecco Bibboni concerning his method adopted for the murder of Lorenzino de'Medici at Venice in 1546. Lorenzino, by the help of a bravo called Scoroncolo, had assassinated his cousin Alessandro, Duke of Florence, in 1537. After accomplishing this deed, which gained for him the name of Brutus, he escaped from the city; and a distant relative of the murdered and the murderer, Cosimo de'Medici, was chosen Duke in Alessandro's stead. One of the first acts of his reign was to publish a ban of outlawry against Lorenzino. His portrait was painted according to old Tuscan usage head downwards, and suspended by one foot, upon the wall of Alessandro's fortress. His house was cut in twain from roof to pavement, and a narrow passage was driven through it, which received the name of Traitor's Alley, Chiasso del Traditore. The price put upon his head was enormous--four thousand golden florins, with a pension of one hundred florins to the murderer and his heirs in perpetuity. The man who should kill Lorenzino was, further, to enjoy amnesty from all offenses and to exercise full civic rights; he was promised exemption from taxes, the privilege of carrying arms with two attendants in the whole domain of Florence, and the prerogative of restoring ten outlaws at his choice. If he captured Lorenzino and brought him alive to Florence, the reward would be double in each item. There was enough here to raise cupidity and stir the speculative spirit. Cecco Bibboni shall tell us how the business was brought to a successful termination.[225]
[Footnote 225: For the Italian text see _Lorenzino de'Medici_, Daelli, Milano, 1862. The above is borrowed from my Italian Byways.]
'When I returned from Germany,' begins Bibboni, 'where I had been in the pay of the Emperor, I found at Vicenza Bebo da Volterra, who was staying in the house of M. Antonio da Roma, a nobleman of that city. This gentleman employed him because of a great feud he had; and he was mighty pleased, moreover, at my coming, and desired that I too should take up my quarters in his palace.'
Bibboni proceeds to say how another gentleman of Vicenza, M. Francesco Manente, had at this time a feud with certain of the Guazzi and the Laschi, which had lasted several years, and cost the lives of many members of both parties and their following. M. Francesco, being a friend of M. Antonio, besought that gentleman to lend him Bibboni and Bebo for a season; and the two bravi went together with their new master to Celsano, a village in the neighborhood. 'There both parties had estates, and all of them kept armed men in their houses, so that not a day passed without feats of arms, and always there was some one killed or wounded. One day, soon afterwards, the leaders of our party resolved to attack the foe in their house, where we killed two, and the rest, numbering five men, entrenched themselves in a ground-floor apartment; whereupon we took possession of their harquebusses and other arms, which forced them to abandon the villa and retire to Vicenza; and within a short space of time this great feud was terminated by an ample peace.' After this Bebo took service with the Rector of the University in Padua, and was transferred by his new patron to Milan. Bibboni remained at Vicenza with M. Galeazzo della Seta, who stood in great fear of his life, notwithstanding the peace which had been concluded between the two factions. At the end of ten months he returned to M. Antonio da Roma and his six brothers, 'all of whom being very much attached to me, they proposed that I should live my life with them, for good or ill, and be treated as one of the family; upon the understanding that if war broke out and I wanted to take part in it, I should always have twenty-five crowns and arms and horse, with welcome home, so long as I lived; and in case I did not care to join the troops, the same provision for my maintenance.'
From these details we comprehend the sort of calling which a bravo of Bibboni's species followed. Meanwhile Bebo was at Milan. 'There it happened that M. Francesco Vinta, of Volterra, was on embassy from the Duke of Florence. He saw Bebo, and asked him what he was doing in Milan, and Bebo answered that he was a knight errant.' This phrase--derived, no doubt, from the romantic epics then in vogue--was a pretty euphemism for a rogue of Bebo's quality. The ambassador now began cautiously to sound his man, who seems to have been outlawed from the Tuscan duchy, telling him he knew a way by which he might return with favor to his home, and at last disclosing the affair of Lorenzino. Bebo was puzzled at first, but when he understood the matter, he professed his willingness, took letters from the envoy to the Duke of Florence, and, in a private audience with Cosimo, informed him that he was ready to attempt Lorenzino's assassination. He added that 'he had a comrade fit for such a job, whose fellow for the business could not easily be found.'
Bebo now traveled to Vicenza, and opened the whole matter to Bibboni, who weighed it well, and at last, being convinced that the Duke's commission to his comrade was _bonâ fide_, determined to take his share in the undertaking. The two agreed to have no accomplices. They went to Venice, and 'I,' says Bibboni, 'being most intimately acquainted with all that city, and provided there with many friends, soon quietly contrived to know where Lorenzino lodged, and took a room in the neighborhood, and spent some days in seeing how we best might rule our conduct.' Bibboni soon discovered that Lorenzino never left his palace; and he therefore remained in much perplexity, until, by good luck, Ruberto Strozzi arrived from France in Venice, bringing in his train a Navarrese servant, who had the nickname of Spagnoletto. This fellow was a great friend of the bravo. They met, and Bibboni told him that he should like to go and kiss the hands of Messer Ruberto, whom he had known in Rome. Strozzi inhabited the same palace as Lorenzino. 'When we arrived there, both Messer Ruberto and Lorenzino were leaving the house, and there were around them so many gentlemen and other persons, that I could not present myself, and both straightway stepped into the gondola. Then I, not having seen Lorenzino for a long while past, and because he was very quietly attired, could not recognize the man exactly, but only as it were between certainty and doubt. Wherefore I said to Spagnoletto, "I think I know that gentleman, but don't remember where I saw him." And Messer Ruberto was giving him his right hand. Then Spagnoletto answered, "You know him well enough; he is Messer Lorenzino. But see you tell this to nobody. He goes by the name of Messer Dario, because he lives in great fear for his safety, and people don't know that he is now in Venice." I answered that I marveled much, and if I could have helped him, would have done so willingly. Then I asked where they were going, and he said, to dine with Messer Giovanni della Casa, who was the Pope's Legate. I did not leave the man till I had drawn from him all I required.'
Thus spoke the Italian Judas. The appearance of La Casa on the scene is interesting. He was the celebrated author of the Capitolo del Forno, the author of many sublime and melancholy sonnets, who was now at Venice prosecuting a charge of heresy against Pier Paolo Vergerio, and paying his addresses to a noble lady of the Quirini family. It seems that on the territory of San Marco he made common cause with the exiles from Florence, for he was himself by birth a Florentine, and he had no objection to take Brutus-Lorenzino by the hand.
After the noblemen had rowed off in their gondola to dine with the Legate, Bibboni and his friend entered their palace, where he found another old acquaintance, the house-steward, or spenditore of Lorenzino. From him he gathered much useful information. Pietro Strozzi, it seems, had allowed the tyrannicide one thousand five hundred crowns a year, with the keep of three brave and daring companions (_tre compagni bravi e facinorosi_), and a palace worth fifty crowns on lease. But Lorenzino had just taken another on the Campo di San Polo at three hundred crowns a year, for which swagger (_altura_) Pietro Strozzi had struck a thousand crowns off his allowance. Bibboni also learned that he was keeping house with his uncle, Alessandro Soderini, another Florentine outlaw, and that he was ardently in love with a certain beautiful Barozza. This woman was apparently one of the grand courtesans of Venice. He further ascertained the date when he was going to move into the palace at San Polo, and, 'to put it briefly, knew everything he did, and, as it were, how many times a day he spit.' Such were the intelligences of the servants' hall, and of such value were they to men of Bibboni's calling.
In the Carnival of 1546 Lorenzino meant to go masqued in the habit of a gypsy woman to the square of San Spirito, where there was to be a joust. Great crowds of people would assemble, and Bibboni hoped to do his business there. The assassination, however, failed on this occasion, and Lorenzino took up his abode in the palace he had hired upon the Campo di San Polo. This Campo is one of the largest open places in Venice, shaped irregularly, with a finely curving line upon the western side, where two of the noblest private houses in the city are still standing. Nearly opposite these, in the south-western angle, stands, detached, the little old church of San Polo. One of its side entrances opens upon the square; the other on a lane which leads eventually to the Frari. There is nothing in Bibboni's narrative to make it clear where Lorenzino hired his dwelling. But it would seem from certain things which he says later on, that in order to enter the church his victim had to cross the square. Meanwhile Bibboni took the precaution of making friends with a shoemaker, whose shop commanded the whole Campo, including Lorenzino's palace. In this shop he began to spend much of his time; 'and oftentimes I feigned to be asleep; but God knows whether I was sleeping, for my mind, at any rate, was wide awake.'
A second convenient occasion for murdering Lorenzino soon seemed to offer. He was bidden to dine with Monsignor della Casa; and Bibboni, putting a bold face on, entered the Legate's palace, having left Bebo below in the loggia, fully resolved to do the business. 'But we found,' he says, 'that they had gone to dine at Murano, so that we remained with our tabors in their bag.' The island of Murano at that period was a favorite resort of the Venetian nobles, especially of the more literary and artistic, who kept country-houses there, where they enjoyed the fresh air of the lagoons and the quiet of their gardens.
The third occasion, after all these weeks of watching, brought success to Bibboni's schemes. He had observed how Lorenzino occasionally so far broke his rules of caution as to go on foot, past the church of San Polo, to visit the beautiful Barozza; and he resolved, if possible, to catch him on one of these journeys. 'It so chanced on February 28, which was the second Sunday of Lent, that having gone, as was my wont, to pry out whether Lorenzino would give orders for going abroad that day, I entered the shoemaker's shop, and stayed awhile, until Lorenzino came to the window with a napkin round his neck--for he was combing his hair --and at the same moment I saw a certain Giovan Battista Martelli, who kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's person, enter and come forth again. Concluding that they would probably go abroad, I went home to get ready and procure the necessary weapons, and there I found Bebo asleep in bed, and made him get up at once, and we came to our accustomed post of observation, by the church of San Polo, where our men would have to pass.' Bibboni now retired to his friend the shoemaker's, and Bebo took up his station at one of the side doors of San Polo: 'and, as good luck would have it, Giovan Battista Martelli came forth, and walked a piece in front, and then Lorenzino came, and then Alessandro Soderini, going the one behind the other, like storks, and Lorenzino, on entering the church, and lifting up the curtain of the door, was seen from the opposite door by Bebo, who at the same time noticed how I had left the shop, and so we met upon the street as we had agreed, and he told me that Lorenzino was inside the church.'
To any one who knows the Campo di San Polo, it will be apparent that Lorenzino had crossed from the western side of the piazza and entered the church by what is technically called its northern door. Bebo, stationed at the southern door, could see him when he pushed the heavy stoia or leather curtain aside, and at the same time could observe Bibboni's movements in the cobbler's shop. Meanwhile Lorenzino walked across the church and came to the same door where Bebo had been standing. 'I saw him issue from the church and take the main street; then came Alessandro Soderini, and I walked last of all; and when we reached the point we had determined on, I jumped in front of Alessandro with the poignard in my hand, crying, "Hold hard, Alessandro, and get along with you, in God's name, for we are not here for you!" He then threw himself around my waist, and grasped my arms, and kept on calling out. Seeing how wrong I had been to try to spare his life, I wrenched myself as well as I could from his grip, and with my lifted poignard struck him, as God willed, above the eyebrow, and a little blood trickled from the wound. He, in high fury, gave me such a thrust that I fell backward, and the ground besides was slippery from having rained a little. Then Alessandro drew his sword, which he carried in its scabbard, and thrust at me in front, and struck me on the corselet, which for my good fortune was of double mail. Before I could get ready I received three passes, which, had I worn a doublet instead of that mailed corselet, would certainly have run me through. At the fourth pass I had regained my strength and spirit, and closed with him, and stabbed him four times in the head, and being so close he could not use his sword, but tried to parry with his hand and hilt, and I, as God willed, struck him at the wrist below the sleeve of mail, and cut his hand off clean, and gave him then one last stroke on his head. Thereupon he begged for God's sake spare his life, and I, in trouble about Bebo, left him in the arms of a Venetian nobleman, who held him back from jumping into the canal.'
Who this Venetian nobleman, found unexpectedly upon the scene, was, does not appear. Nor, what is still more curious, do we hear anything of that Martelli, the bravo, 'who kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's person.' The one had arrived accidentally, it seems. The other must have been a coward and escaped from the scuffle.
'When I turned,' proceeds Bibboni, 'I found Lorenzino on his knees. He raised himself, and I in anger, gave him a great cut across the head, which split it in two pieces, and laid him at my feet, and he never rose again.'
Bebo, meanwhile, had made off from the scene of action. And Bibboni, taking to his heels, came up with him in the little square of San Marcello. They now ran for their lives till they reached the traghetto di San Spirito, where they threw their poignards into the water, remembering that no man might carry these in Venice under penalty of the galleys. Bibboni's white hose were drenched with blood. He therefore agreed to separate from Bebo, having named a rendezvous. Left alone, his ill luck brought him face to face with twenty constables (_sbirri_). 'In a moment I conceived that they knew everything, and were come to capture me, and of a truth I saw that it was over with me. As swiftly as I could I quickened pace and got into a church, near to which was the house of a Compagnia, and the one opened into the other, and knelt down and prayed commending myself with fervor to God for my deliverance and safety. Yet while I prayed, I kept my eyes well opened and saw the whole band pass the church, except one man who entered, and I strained my sight so that I seemed to see behind as well as in front, and then it was I longed for my poignard, for I should not have heeded being in a church.' But the constable, it soon appeared, was not looking for Bibboni. So he gathered up his courage, and ran for the Church of San Spirito, where the Padre Andrea Volterrano was preaching to a great congregation. He hoped to go in by one door and out by the other, but the crowd prevented him, and he had to turn back and face the sbirri. One of them followed him, having probably caught sight of the blood upon his hose. Then Bibboni resolved to have done with the fellow, and rushed at him, and flung him down with his head upon the pavement, and ran like mad, and came at last, all out of breath to San Marco.
It seems clear that before Bibboni separated from Bebo they had crossed the water, for the Sestiere di San Polo is separated from the Sestiere di San Marco by the Grand Canal. And this they must have done at the traghetto di San Spirito. Neither the church nor the traghetto are now in existence, and this part of the story is therefore obscure.[226]
[Footnote 226: So far as I can discover, the only church of San Spirito in Venice was a building on the island of San Spirito, erected by Sansavino, which belonged to the Sestiere di S. Croce, and which was suppressed in 1656. Its plate and the fine pictures which Titian painted there were transferred at that date to S. M. della Salute. I cannot help inferring that either Bibboni's memory failed him, or that his words were wrongly understood by printer or amanuensis. If for S. Spirito, we substitute S. Stefano, the account would be intelligible.]
Having reached San Marco, he took a gondola at the Ponte della Paglia, where tourists are now wont to stand and contemplate the Ducal Palace and the Bridge of Sighs. First, he sought the house of a woman of the town who was his friend; then changed purpose, and rowed to the palace of the Count Salici da Collalto. 'He was a great friend and intimate of ours, because Bebo and I had done him many and great services in times past. There I knocked; and Bebo opened the door, and when he saw me dabbled with blood, he marveled that I had not come to grief and fallen into the hands of justice; and, indeed, had feared as much because I had remained so long away.' It appears, therefore, that the Palazzo Collalto was their rendezvous. 'The Count was from home; but being known to all his people, I played the master and went into the kitchen to the fire, and with soap and water turned my hose, which had been white, to a grey color.' This is a very delicate way of saying that he washed out the blood of Alessandro and Lorenzino!
Soon after the Count returned, and 'lavished caresses' upon Bebo and his precious comrade. They did not tell him what they had achieved that morning, but put him off with a story of having settled a sbirro in a quarrel about a girl. Then the Count invited them to dinner; and being himself bound to entertain the first physician of Venice, requested them to take it in an upper chamber. He and his secretary served them with their own hands at table. When the physician arrived, the Count went downstairs; and at this moment a messenger came from Lorenzino's mother, begging the doctor to go at once to San Polo, for that her son had been murdered and Soderini wounded to the death. It was now no longer possible to conceal their doings from the Count, who told them to pluck up courage and abide in patience. He had himself to dine and take his siesta, and then to attend a meeting of the Council.
About the hour of vespers, Bibboni determined to seek better refuge. Followed at a discreet distance by Bebo, he first called at their lodgings and ordered supper. Two priests came in and fell into conversation with them. But something in the behavior of one of these good men roused his suspicions. So they left the house, took a gondola, and told the man to row hard to S. Maria Zobenigo. On the way he bade him put them on shore, paid him well, and ordered him to wait for them. They landed near the palace of the Spanish embassy; and here Bibboni meant to seek sanctuary. For it must be remembered that the houses of ambassadors, no less than those of princes of the Church, were inviolable. They offered the most convenient harboring-places to rascals. Charles V., moreover, was deeply interested in the vengeance taken on Alessandro de'Medici's murderer, for his own natural daughter was Alessandro's widow and Duchess of Florence. In the palace they were received with much courtesy by about forty Spaniards, who showed considerable curiosity, and told them that Lorenzino and Alessandro Soderini had been murdered that morning by two men whose description answered to their appearance. Bibboni put their questions by and asked to see the ambassador. He was not at home. 'In that case,' said Bibboni, 'take us to the secretary. Attended by some thirty Spaniards, 'with great joy and gladness,' they were shown into the secretary's chamber. He sent the rest of the folk away, 'and locked the door well, and then embraced and kissed us before we had said a word, and afterwards bade us talk freely without any fear.' When Bibboni had told the whole story, he was again embraced and kissed by the secretary, who thereupon left them and went to the private apartment of the ambassador. Shortly after he returned and led them by a winding staircase into the presence of his master. The ambassador greeted them with great honor, told them he would strain all the power of the empire to hand them in safety over to Duke Cosimo, and that he had already sent a courier to the Emperor with the good news.
So they remained in hiding in the Spanish embassy; and in ten days' time commands were received from Charles himself that everything should be done to convey them safely to Florence. The difficulty was how to smuggle them out of Venice, where the police of the Republic were on watch, and Florentine outlaws were mounting guard on sea and shore to catch them. The ambassador began by spreading reports on the Rialto every morning of their having been seen at Padua, at Verona, in Friuli. He then hired a palace at Malghera, near Mestre, and went out daily with fifty Spaniards, and took carriage or amused himself with horse exercise and shooting. The Florentines, who were on watch, could only discover from his people that he did this for amusement. When he thought that he had put them sufficiently off their guard, the ambassador one day took Bibboni and Bebo out by Canaregio to Malghera, concealed in his own gondola, with the whole train of Spaniards in attendance. And though on landing, the Florentines challenged them, they durst not interfere with an ambassador or come to battle with his men. So Bebo and Bibboni were hustled into a coach, and afterwards provided with two comrades and four horses. They rode for ninety miles without stopping to sleep, and on the day following this long journey reached Trento, having probably threaded the mountain valleys above Bassano, for Bibboni speaks of a certain village where the people talked half German. The Imperial Ambassador at Trento forwarded them next day to Mantua; from Mantua they came to Piacenza; thence passing through the valley of the Taro, crossing the Apennines at Cisa, descending on Pontremoli, and reaching Pisa at night, the fourteenth day after their escape from Venice.
When they arrived at Pisa, Duke Cosimo was supping. So they went to an inn, and next morning presented themselves to his Grace. Cosimo welcomed them kindly, assured them of his gratitude, confirmed them in the enjoyment of their rewards and privileges, and swore that they might rest secure of his protection in all parts of his dominion. We may imagine how the men caroused together after this reception. As Bibboni adds, 'We were now able for the whole time of life left us to live splendidly, without a thought or care.' The last words of his narrative are these: 'Bebo, from Pisa, at what date I know not, went home to Volterra, his native town, and there finished his days; while I abode in Florence, where I have had no further wish to hear of wars, but to live my life in holy peace.'
So ends the story of the two bravi. We have reason to believe, from some contemporary documents which Cantù has brought to light, that Bibboni exaggerated his own part in the affair. Luca Martelli, writing to Varchi, says that it was Bebo who clove Lorenzino's skull with a cutlass. He adds this curious detail, that the weapons of both men were poisoned, and that the wound inflicted by Bibboni on Soderini's hand was a slight one. Yet, the poignard being poisoned, Soderini died of it. In other respects Martelli's brief account agrees with that given by Bibboni, who probably did no more, his comrade being dead, than claim for himself, at some expense of truth, the lion's share of their heroic action.
Ambrogio Tremazzi.[227]
[Footnote 227: The text is published, from Florentine Archives, in Gnoli's Vittoria Accoramboni, pp. 404-414.]
In illustration of this narrative, and in evidence that it stands by no means solitary on the records of that century, I shall extract some passages from the report made by Ambrogio Tremazzi of Modigliana concerning the assassination of Troilo Orsini. Troilo it will be remembered, was the lover of the Medicean Duchess of Bracciano. After the discovery of their amours, and while the lady was being strangled by her husband, with the sanction of her brother Troilo escaped to France. Ambrogio Tremazzi knowing that his murder would be acceptable to the Medici, undertook the adventure; moved, as he says, 'solely by the desire of bringing myself into favorable notice with the Grand Duke; for my mind revolted at the thought of money payments, and I had in view the acquisition of honor and praise rather, being willing to risk my life for the credit of my Prince, and not my life only, but also to incur deadly and perpetual feud with a powerful branch of the Orsini family.' On his return from France, having successfully accomplished the mission, Ambrogio Tremazzi found that the friends who had previously encouraged his hopes, especially the Count Ridolfo Isolami, wished to compromise his reward by the settlement of a pension on himself and his associate. Whether he really aimed at a more honorable recognition of his services, or whether he sought to obtain better pecuniary terms, does not appear. But he represents himself as gravely insulted; 'seeing that my tenor of life from boyhood upwards has been always honorable, and thus it ever shall be.' After this exordium in the form of a letter addressed to one Signor Antonio [Serguidi], he proceeds to render account of his proceedings. It seems that Don Piero de'Medici gave him three hundred crowns for his traveling expenses; after which, leaving his son, a boy of twelve years, as hostage in the service of Piero, he set off and reached Paris on August 12, 1577. There he took lodgings at the sign of the Red Horse, near the Cordeilliers, and began at once to make inquiries for Troilo. He had brought with him from Italy a man called Hieronimo Savorano. Their joint investigations elicited the fact that Troilo had been lately wounded in the service of the King of France, and was expected to arrive in Paris with the Court. It was not until the eve of All Saints' day that the Court returned. Soon afterwards, Ambrogio was talking at the door of a house with some Italian comedians, when a young man, covered with a tawny-colored mantle, passed by upon a brown horse, bearing a servant behind him on the crupper. This was Troilo Orsini; and Ambrogio marked him well. Troilo, after some minutes' conversation with the players, rode forward to the Louvre. The bravo followed him and discovered from his servant where he lodged. Accordingly, he engaged rooms in the Rue S. Honoré, in order to be nearer to his victim.
Some time, however, elapsed before he was able to ascertain Troilo's daily habits. Chance at last threw them together. He was playing primiero one evening in the house of an actress called Vittoria, when Troilo entered, with two gentlemen of Florence. He said he had been absent ten days from Paris. Ambrogio, who had left his harquebuss at home, not expecting to meet him, 'was consequently on that occasion unable to do anything.' Days passed without a better opportunity, till, on November 30, 'the feast of S. Andrew, which is a lucky day for me, I rose and went at once to the palace, and, immediately on my arrival, saw him at the hour when the king goes forth to mass.' Ambrogio had to return as he went; for Troilo was surrounded by too many gentlemen of the French Court; but he made his mind up then and there 'to see the end of him or me.' He called his comrade Hieronimo, posted him on a bridge across the Seine, and proceeded to the Court, where Troilo was now playing racquets with princes of the royal family. Ambrogio hung about the gates until Troilo issued from the lodgings of Monseigneur de Montmorenci, still tracked by his unknown enemy, and thence returned to his own house on horseback attended by several servants. After waiting till the night fell, Troilo again left home on horseback preceded by his servants with torches. Ambrogio followed at full speed, watched a favorable opportunity, and stopped the horse. When I came up with him, I seized the reins with my left hand and with my right I set my harquebuss against his side, pushing it with such violence that if it had failed to go off it would at any rate have dislodged him from his seat. The gun took effect and he fell crying out "Eh! Eh!" In the tumult which ensued, I walked away, and do not know what happened afterwards.' Ambrogio then made his way back to his lodgings, recharged his harquebuss, ate some supper and went to bed. He told Hieronimo that nothing had occurred that night. Next day he rose as usual, and returned to the Court, hoping to hear news of Troilo. In the afternoon, at the Italian theatre, he was informed that an Italian had been murdered, at the instance, it was thought, of the Grand Duke of Florence. Hieronimo touched his arm, and whispered that he must have done the deed; but Ambrogio denied the fact. It seems to have been his object to reserve the credit of the murder for himself, and also to avoid the possibility of Hieronimo's treachery in case suspicion fell upon him. Afterwards he learned that Troilo lay dangerously wounded by a harquebuss. Further details made him aware that he was himself suspected of the murder, and that Troilo could not recover. He therefore conferred upon the matter with Hieronimo in Notre Dame, and both of them resolved to leave Paris secretly. This they did at once, relinquishing clothes, arms, and baggage in their lodgings, and reached Italy in safety.
_Lodovico dall'Armi_.
The relations of trust which bravi occasionally maintained with foreign Courts, supply some curious illustrations of their position in Italian society. One characteristic instance may be selected from documents in the Venetian Archives referring to Lodovico dall'Armi.[228] This man belonged to a noble family of Bologna; and there are reasons for supposing that his mother was sister to Cardinal Campeggi, famous in the annals of the English Reformation. Outlawed from his native city for a homicide, Lodovico adopted the profession of arms and the management of secret diplomacy. He first took refuge at the Court of France, where in 1541 he obtained such credit, especially with the Dauphin, that he was entrusted with a mission for raising revolt in Siena against the Spaniards.[229] His transactions in that city with Giulio Salvi, then aspiring to its lordship, and in Rome with the French ambassador, led to a conspiracy which only awaited the appearance of French troops upon the Tuscan frontier to break out into open rebellion. The plot, however, transpired before it had been matured; and Lodovico took flight through the Florentine territory. He was arrested at Montevarchi and confined in the fortress of Florence, where he made such revelations as rendered the extinction of the Sienese revolt an easy matter. After this we do not hear of him until he reappears at Venice in the year 1545. He was now accredited to the English ambassador with the title of Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' and enjoyed the consideration accorded to a powerful monarch's privy agent.
[Footnote 228: See Rawdon Brown's Calendar of State Papers, vol. iv.]
[Footnote 229: See Botta, Book IV., for the story of Lodovico's intrigues at Siena.]
His pension amounted to fifty crowns a month, while he kept eight captains at his orders, each of whom received half that sum as pay. These subordinates were people of some social standing. We find among them a Trissino of Vicenza and a Bonifacio of Verona, the one entitled Marquis and the other Count. What the object of Lodovico's residence in Italy might be, did not appear. Though he carried letters of recommendation from the English Court, he laid no claim to the rank of diplomatic envoy. But it was tolerably well known that he employed himself in levying troops. Whether these were meant to be used against France or in favor of Savoy, or whether, as the Court of Rome suggested, Henry had given orders for the murder of his cousin, Cardinal Pole, at Trento, remained an open question. Lodovico might have dwelt in peace under the tolerant rule of the Venetians, had he not exposed himself to a collision with their police. In the month of August he assaulted the captain of the night guard in a street brawl; and it was also proved against him that he had despatched two of his men to inflict a wound of infamy upon a gentleman at Treviso. These offenses, coinciding with urgent remonstrances from the Papal Curia, gave the Venetian Government fair pretext for expelling him from their dominions. A ban was therefore published against him and fourteen of his followers. The English ambassador declined to interfere in his behalf, and the man left Italy. At the end of August he appeared at Brussels, where he attempted to excuse himself in an interview with the Venetian ambassador. Now began a diplomatic correspondence between the English Court and the Venetian Council, which clearly demonstrates what kind of importance attached to this private agent. The Chancellor Lord Wriothesley, and the Secretary Sir William Paget, used considerable urgency to obtain a suspension of the ban against Dall'Armi. After four months' negotiation, during which the Papal Court endeavored to neutralize Henry's influence, the Doge signed a safe-conduct for five years in favor of the bravo. Early in 1546 Lodovico reappeared in Lombardy. At Mantua he delivered a letter signed by Henry himself to the Duke Francesco Gonzaga, introducing 'our noble and beloved familiar Lodovico Dall'Armi,' and begging the Duke to assist him in such matters as he should transact at Mantua in the king's service.[230] Lodovico presented this letter in April; but the Duchess, who then acted as regent for her son Francesco, refused to receive him. She alleged that the Duke forbade the levying of troops for foreign service, and declined to complicate his relations with foreign powers. It seems, from a sufficiently extensive correspondence on the affairs of Lodovico, that he was understood by the Italian princess to be charged with some special commission for recruiting soldiers against the French.
[Footnote 230: This letter is dated February 16, 1546.]
The peace between England and France, signed at Guines in June, rendered Lodovico's mission nugatory; and the death of Henry VIII. in January 1547 deprived him of his only powerful support. Meanwhile he had contrived to incur the serious displeasure of the Venetian Republic. In the autumn of 1546 they outlawed one of their own nobles, Ser Mafio Bernardo, on the charge of his having revealed state secrets to France. About the middle of November, Bernardo, then living in concealment at Ravenna, was lured into the pine forest by two men furnished with tokens which secured his confidence. He was there murdered, and the assassins turned out to be paid instruments of Lodovico. It now came to light that Lodovico and Ser Mafio Bernardo had for some time past colluded in political intrigue. If, therefore, the murder had a motive, this was found in Lodovico's dread of revelations under the event of Ser Mario's capture. Submitted to torture in the prisons of the Ten, Ser Mafio might have incriminated his accomplice both with England and Venice. It was obvious why he had been murdered by Lodovico's men. Dall'Armi was consequently arrested and confined in Venice. After examination, followed by a temporary release, he prudently took flight into the Duchy of Milan. Though they held proof of his guilt in the matter of Ser Mafio's murder, the Venetians were apparently unwilling to proceed to extremities against the King of England's man. Early in February, however, Sir William Paget surrendered him in the name of Lord Protector Somerset to the discretion of S. Mark. Furnished with this assurance that Dall'Armi had lost the favor of England, the Signory wrote to demand his arrest and extradition from the Spanish governor in Milan. He was in fact arrested on February 10. The letter announcing his capture describes him as a man of remarkably handsome figure, accustomed to wear a crimson velvet cloak and a red cap trimmed with gold. It is exactly in this costume that Lodovico has been represented by Bonifazio in a picture of the Massacre of the Innocents. The bravo there stands with his back partly turned, gazing stolidly upon a complex scene of bloodshed. He wears a crimson velvet mantle, scarlet cap and white feather, scarlet stockings, crimson velvet shoes, and rose-colored silk underjacket. His person is that of a gallant past the age of thirty, high-complexioned, with short brown beard, spare whiskers and moustache. He is good to look at, except that the sharp set mouth suggests cynical vulgarity and shallow rashness. On being arrested in Milan, Lodovico proclaimed himself a privileged person _(persona pubblica)_, bearing credentials from the King of England; and, during the first weeks of his confinement, he wrote to the Emperor for help. This was an idle step. Henry's death had left him without protectors, and Charles V. felt no hesitation in abandoning his suppliant to the Venetians. When the usual formalities regarding extradition had been completed, the Milanese Government delivered Lodovico at the end of April into the hands of the Rector of Brescia, who forwarded him under a guard of two hundred men to Padua. He was hand-cuffed; and special directions were given regarding his safety, it being even prescribed that if he refused food it should be thrust down his throat. What passed in the prisons of the State, after his arrival at Venice, is not known. But on May 14, he was beheaded between the columns on the Molo.
Venice, at this epoch, incurred the reproaches of her neighbors for harboring adventurers of Lodovico's stamp. One of the Fregosi of Genoa a certain Valerio, and Pietro Strozzi, the notorious French agent, all of whom habitually haunted the lagoons, roused sufficient public anxiety to necessitate diplomatic communications between Courts, and to disquiet fretful Italian princelings. Banished from their own provinces, and plying a petty Condottiere trade, such men, when they came together on a neutral ground, engaged in cross-intrigues which made them politically dangerous. They served no interest but that of their own egotism, and they were notoriously unscrupulous in the means employed to effect immediate objects. At the same time, the protection which they claimed from foreign potentates withdrew them from the customary justice of the State. Bedmar's conspiracy in 1617-18 revealed to Venice the full extent of the peril which this harborage of ruffians involved; for though grandees of the distinction of the Duke of Ossuna were involved in it, the main agents, on whose ambition and audacity all depended, sprang from those French, English, Spanish, and Italian mercenaries, who crowded the low quarters of the city, alert for any mischief, and inflamed with the wildest projects of self-aggrandizement by policy and bloodshed. Nothing testifies to the social and political decrepitude of Italy in this period more plainly than the importance which folk like Lodovico Dall'Armi acquired, and the revolutionary force which a man like Jaffier commanded.
_Brigands, Pirates, Plague_.
After collecting these stories, which illustrate the manners of the upper classes in society and prove their dependence upon henchmen paid to subserve lawless passions, it would be interesting to lay bare the life of the common people with equal lucidity. This, however, is a more difficult matter. Statistics of dubious value can indeed be gathered regarding the desolation of villages by brigands, the multitudes destroyed by pestilence and famine, and the inroads of Mediterranean pirates. I propose, therefore, to touch lightly upon these points, and especially to use our records of plague in different Italian districts as tests for contrasting the condition of the people at this epoch with that of the same people in the Middle Ages.
Brigandage, though this was certainly a curse of the first magnitude to Central and Southern Italy, cannot be paralleled, either for the miseries it inflicted, or for the ferocity it stimulated, with the municipal warfare of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In those internecine struggles whole cities disappeared, and fertile districts were periodically abandoned to wolves. The bands of an Alfonso Piccolomini or a Sciarra Colonna plundered villages, exacted black mail, and held prisoners for ransom.[231] But their barbarities were insignificant, when compared with those commonly perpetrated by wandering companies of adventure before the days of Alberigo da Barbiano; nor did brigands cost Italy so much as the mercenary troops, which, after the Condottiere system had been developed, became a permanent drain upon the resources of the country. The raids of Tunisian and Algerian Corsairs were more seriously mischievous; since the whole sea-board from Nice to Reggio lay open to the ravages of such incarnate fiends as Barbarossa and Dragut, while the Adriatic was infested by Uscocchi, and the natives of the Regno not unfrequently turned pirates in emulation of their persecutors.[232]
[Footnote 231: See Mutinelli, Storia Arcana, vol. ii. p. 167, for the pillage of Lucera by Pacchiarotto.]
[Footnote 232: Sarpi's History of the Uscocchi may be consulted for this singular episode in the Iliad of human savagery. See Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 182, on the case of the son and heir of the Duke of Termoli joining them; and _ibid._ p. 180 on the existence of pirates at Capri.]
Yet even these injuries may be reckoned light, when we consider what Italy had suffered between 1494 and 1527 from French, Spanish, German and Swiss troops in combat on her soil. The pestilences of the Middle Ages notably the Black Death of 1348, of which Boccaccio has left an immortal description, exceeded in virulence those which depopulated Italian cities during the period of my history. But plagues continued to be frequent; and some of these are so memorable that they require to be particularly noticed. At Venice in 1575-77, a total of about 50,000 persons perished; and in 1630-31, 46,490 were carried off within a space of sixteen months in the city, while the number of those who died at large in the lagoons amounted to 94,235.[233] On these two occasions the Venetians commemorated their deliverance by the erection of the Redentore and S. Maria della Salute, churches which now form principal ornaments of the Giudecca and the Grand Canal. Milan was devastated at the same periods by plagues, of which we have detailed accounts in the dispatches of resident Venetian envoys.[234] The mortality in the second of these visitations was terrible. Before September 1629, fourteen thousand had succumbed; between May and August 1630, forty-five thousand victims had been added to the tale.[235]
[Footnote 233: Mutinelli, Annali Urbani di Venezia, pp. 470-483,549-550.]
[Footnote 234: Mutinelli, Storia Arcana, vol. i. p. 310-340, and vol. xiv. pp. 30-65.]
[Footnote 235: It is worth mentioning that Ripamonte calculates the mortality from plague in Milan in 1524 at 140,000.]
At Naples in the year 1656, more than fifty thousand perished between May and July; the dead were cast naked into the sea, and the Venetian envoy describes the city as _'non più città ma spelonca di morti_.'[236] In July his diary is suddenly interrupted, whether by departure from the stricken town, or more probably by death, we know not. Savoy was scourged by a fearful pestilence in the years 1598-1600. Of this plague we possess a frightfully graphic picture in the same accurate series of the State documents.[237] Simeone Contarini, then resident at Savigliano, relates that more than two-thirds of the population in that province had been swept away before the autumn of 1598, and that the evil was spreading far and wide through Piedmont. In Alpignano, a village of some four hundred inhabitants, only two remained. In Val Moriana, forty thousand expired out of a total of seventy thousand. The village of San Giovanni counted but twelve survivors from a population of more than four thousand souls. In May 1599, the inhabitants of Turin were reduced by flight and death to four thousand; and of these there died daily numbers gradually rising through the summer from 50 to 180. The streets were encumbered with unburied corpses, the houses infested by robbers and marauders. Some incidents reported of this plague are ghastly in their horror. The infected were treated with inhuman barbarity, and retorted with savage fury, battering their assailants with the pestiferous bodies of unburied victims.
[Footnote 236: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. in. pp. 229-233. Botta has given an account of this plague in the twenty-sixth book of his History.]
[Footnote 237: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 287-307.]
To the miseries of pestilence and its attendant famine were added lawlessness and license, raging fires, and what was worst of all, the dark suspicion that the sickness had been introduced by malefactors. This belief appears to have taken hold upon the popular mind during the plague of 1598 in Savoy and in Milan.[238] Simeone Contarini reports that two men from Geneva confessed to having come with the express purpose of disseminating infection. He also gives curious particulars of two who were burned, and four who were quartered at Turin in 1600 for this offense.[239] 'These spirits of hell,' as he calls them, indicated a wood in which they declared that they had buried a pestilential liquid intended to be used for smearing houses. The wood was searched, and some jars were discovered. A surgeon at the same epoch confessed to having meant to spread the plague at Mondovi. Other persons, declaring themselves guilty of a similar intention, described a horn filled with poisonous stuff collected from the sores of plague-stricken corpses, which they had concealed outside the walls of Turin. This too was discovered; and these apparent proofs of guilt so infuriated the people that every day some criminals were sacrificed to judicial vengeance.
[Footnote 238: See Mutinelli, _op. cit._ p. 241 and p. 289. We hear of the same belief at Milan in 1576, _op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 311-315.]
[Footnote 239: _Ibid._ p. 309. See also vol. iii. p. 254 for a similar narration.]
The name given to the unfortunate creatures accused of this diabolical conspiracy was Untori or the Smearers. The plague of Milan in 1629-30 obtained the name of 'La Peste degli Untori' (as that of 1576 had been called 'La Peste di S. Carlo'), because of the prominent part played in it by the smearers.[240] They were popularly supposed to go about the city daubing walls, doors, furniture, choir-stalls, flowers, and articles of food with plague stuff. They scattered powders in the air, or spread them in circles on the pavement. To set a foot upon one of these circles involved certain destruction. Hundreds of such untori were condemned to the most cruel deaths by justice firmly persuaded of their criminality. Exposed to prolonged tortures, the majority confessed palpable absurdities. One woman at Milan said she had killed four thousand people. But, says Pier Antonio Marioni, the Venetian envoy, although tormented to the utmost, none of them were capable of revealing the prime instigators of the plot. So thoroughly convinced was he, together with the whole world, of their guilt, that he never paused to reflect upon the fallacy contained in this remark. The rack-stretched wretches could not reveal their instigators, because there were none; and the acts of which they accused themselves were the delirious figments of their own torture-fretted brains. We possess documents relating to the trial of the Milanese untori, which make it clear that crimes of this sort must have been imaginary. As in cases of witchcraft, the first accusation was founded upon gossip and delation. The judicial proceedings were ruled by prejudice and cruelty. Fear and physical pain extorted confessions and complicated accusations of their neighbors from multitudes of innocent people.[241] Indeed the parallel between these unfortunate smearers and no less wretched witches is a close one. I am inclined to think that, as some crazy women fancied they were witches, so some morbid persons of this period in Italy believed in their power of spreading plague, and yielded to the fascination of malignity. Whether such moral mad folk really extended the sphere of the pestilence to any appreciable extent remains a matter for conjecture; and it is quite certain that all but a small percentage of the accused were victims of calumny.
After taking brigandage, piracy, and pestilence into account, the decline of Italy must be attributed to other causes. These I believe to have been the extinction of commercial republics, the decay of free commonwealths, iniquitous systems of taxation, the insane display of wealth by unproductive princes, and the diversion of trade into foreign channels. Florence ceased to be the center of wool manufacture, Venice lost her hold upon the traffic between East and West.[242] Stagnation fell like night upon the land, and the population suffered from a general atrophy.
[Footnote 240: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 51-65.]
[Footnote 241: Cantù's _Ragionamenti sulla Storia Lombarda del Secolo XVII._ Milano, 1832. The trial may also be read in Mutinelli, Storm Arcana, vol. iv. pp. 175-201. Mutinelli inclines to believe in the Untori. So do many grave historians, including Nani and Botta. See Cantù, Storia degli Italiani, Milano, 1876, vol. ii. p. 215.]
[Footnote 242: Mr. Ruskin has somewhere maintained that the decline of Venice was not due to this cause, but to fornication. He should read the record given by Mutinelli (Diari Urbani, p. 157), of Venetian fornication in 1340, at the time when the Ducal Palace was being covered with its sculpture. The public prostitutes were reckoned then at 11,654. Adulteries, rapes, infanticides were matters of daily occurrence. Yet the Renaissance had not begun, and the expansion of Venice, which roused the envious hostility of Europe, had yet to happen.]
The Proletariate.
In what concerns social morality it would be almost impossible to define the position of the proletariate, tillers of the soil, and artisans, at this epoch. These classes vary in their goodness and their badness, in their drawbacks and advantages, from age to age far less than those who mold the character of marked historical periods by culture. They enjoy indeed a greater or a smaller immunity from pressing miseries. They are innocent or criminal in different degrees. But the ground-work of humanity in them remains comparatively unaltered; and their moral qualities, so far as these may be exceptional, reflect the influences of an upper social stratum. It is clear from the histories related in this chapter that members of the lowest classes were continually mixing with the nobles and the gentry in the wild adventures of that troubled century. They, like their betters, were undergoing a tardy metamorphosis from mediaeval to modern conditions, retaining vices of ferocity and grossness, virtues of loyalty and self-reliance, which belonged to earlier periods. They, too, were now infected by the sensuous romance of pietism, the superstitious respect for sacraments and ceremonial observances which had been wrought by the Catholic Revival into ecstatic frenzy. They shared those correlative yearnings after sacrilegious debauchery, felt those allurements of magic arts, indulged that perverted sense of personal honor which constituted psychological disease in the century which we are studying. It can, moreover, be maintained that Italian society at no epoch has been so sharply divided into sections as that of the feudalized races. In this period of one hundred years, from 1530 to 1630, when education was a privilege of the few, and when Church and princes combined to retard intellectual progress, the distinction between noble and plebeian, burgher and plowman, though outwardly defined, was spiritually and morally insignificant. As in the Renaissance, so now, vice trickled downwards from above, infiltrating the masses of the people with its virus. But now, even more decidedly than then, the upper classes displayed obliquities of meanness, baseness, intemperance, cowardice, and brutal violence, which are commonly supposed to characterize villeins.
I had thought to throw some light upon the manners of the Italian proletariate by exploring the archives of trials for witchcraft. But I found that these were less common than in Germany, France, Spain, and England at a corresponding period. In Italy witchcraft, pure and simple, was confined, for the most part, to mountain regions, the Apennines of the Abruzzi, and the Alps of Bergamo and Tyrol.[243] In other provinces it was confounded with crimes of poisoning, the procuring of abortion, and the fomentation of conspiracies in private families. These facts speak much for the superior civilization of the Italian people considered as a whole. We discover a common fund of intelligence, vice, superstition, prejudice, enthusiasm, craft, devotion, self-assertion, possessed by the race at large. Only in districts remote from civil life did witchcraft assume those anti-social and repulsive features which are familiar to Northern nations. Elsewhere it penetrated, as a subtle poison, through society, lending its supposed assistance to passions already powerful enough to work their own accomplishment. It existed, not as an endemic disease, a permanent delirium of maddened peasants, but as a weapon in the arsenal of malice on a par with poisons and provocatives to lust.
I might illustrate this position by the relation of a fantastic attempt made against the life of Pope Urban VIII.[244]
[Footnote 243: Dandolo's Streghe Tirolesi, and Cantù's work on the Diocese of Como show how much Subalpine Italy had in common in Northern Europe in this matter.]
[Footnote 244: See Rassegna Settimanale, September 18, 1881.]
Giacomo Centini, the nephew of Cardinal d'Ascoli, fostered a fixed idea, the motive of his madness being the promotion of his uncle to S. Peter's Chair. In 1633 he applied to a hermit, who professed profound science in the occult arts and close familiarity with demons. The man, in answer to Giacomo's inquiries, said that Urban had still many years to live, that the Cardinal d'Ascoli would certainly succeed him, and that he held it in his power to shorten the Pope's days. He added that a certain Fra Cherubino would be useful, if any matter of grave moment were resolved on; nor did he reject the assistance of other discreet persons. Giacomo, on his side, produced a Fra Domenico; and the four accomplices set at work to destroy the reigning Pope by means of sorcery. They caused a knife to be forged, after the model of the Key of Solomon, and had it inscribed with Cabalistic symbols. A clean virgin was employed to spin hemp into a thread. Then they resorted to a distant room in Giacomo's palace, where a circle was drawn with the mystic thread, a fire was lighted in the center, and upon it was placed an image of Pope Urban formed of purest wax. The devil was invoked to appear and answer whether Urban had deceased this life after the melting of the image. No infernal visitor responded to the call; and the hermit accounted for this failure by suggesting that some murder had been committed in the palace. As things went at that period, this excuse was by no means feeble, if only the audience, bent on unholy invocation of the power of evil, would accept it as sufficient. Probably more than one murder had taken place there, of which the owner was dimly conscious. The psychological curiosity to note is that avowed malefactors reckoned purity an essential element in their nefarious practice. They tried once more in a vineyard, under the open heavens at night. But no demon issued from the darkness, and the hermit laid this second mischance to the score of bad weather. Giacomo was incapable of holding his tongue. He talked about his undertaking to the neighbors, and promised to make them all Cardinals when he should become the Papal nephew. Meanwhile he pressed the hermit forward on the path of folly; and this man, driven to his wits' end for a device, said that they must find seven priests together, one of whom should be assassinated to enforce the spell. It was natural, while the countryside was being raked for seven convenient priests by such a tattler as Giacomo, that suspicions should be generated in the people. Information reached Rome, in consequence of which the persons implicated in this idiotic plot were conveyed thither and given over to the mercies of the Holy Office. The upshot of their trial was that Giacomo lost his head, while the hermit and Fra Cherubino were burned alive, and Fra Domenico went to the galleys for life. Several other men involved in the process received punishments of considerable severity. It must be added in conclusion that the whole story rests upon the testimony of Inquisitorial archives, and that the real method of Giacomo Centini's apparent madness yet remains to be investigated. The few facts that we know about him, from his behavior on the scaffold and a letter he wrote his wife, prejudice me in his favor.
Enough, and more than enough, perhaps, has been collected in this chapter, to throw light upon the manners of Italians during the Counter-Reformation. It would have been easy to repeat the story of the Countess of Cellant and her murdered lovers, or of the Duchess of Amalfi strangled by her brothers for a marriage below her station. The massacres committed by the Raspanti in Ravenna would furnish a whole series of illustrative crimes. From the deeds of Alfonso Piccolomini, Sciarra and Fabrizio Colonna details sufficient to fill a volume with records of atrocious savagery could be drawn. The single episode of Elena Campireali, who plighted her troth to a bandit, became Abbess of the Convent at Castro, intrigued with a bishop, and killed herself for shame on the return of her first lover, would epitomize in one drama all the principal features of this social discord. The dreadful tale of the Baron of Montebello might be told again, who assaulted the castle of the Marquis of Pratidattolo, and, by the connivance of a sister whom he subsequently married, murdered the Marquis with his mother, children, and relatives. The hunted life of Alessandro Antelminelli, pursued through all the States of Europe by assassins, could be used to exemplify the miseries of proscribed exiles. But what is the use of multiplying instances, when every pedigree in Litta, every chronicle of the time, every history of the most insignificant township, swarms with evidence to the same purpose? We need not adopt the opinion that society had greatly altered for the worse. We must rather decide that mediaeval ferocity survived throughout the whole of that period which witnessed the Catholic Revival, and that the piety which distinguished it was not influential in curbing vehement passions.
The conclusions to be drawn from the facts before us seem to be in general these. The link between government and governed in Italy had snapped. The social bond was broken, and the constituents that form a nation were pursuing divers aims. On the one hand stood Popes and princes, founding their claims to absolute authority upon titles that had slight rational or national validity. These potentates were ill-combined among themselves, and mutually jealous. On the other side were ranged disruptive forces of the most heterogeneous kinds--remnants from antique party-warfare, fragments of obsolete domestic feuds, new strivings after freer life in mentally down-trodden populations, blending with crime and misery and want and profligacy to compose an opposition which exasperated despotism. These anarchical conditions were due in large measure to the troubles caused by foreign campaigns of invasion. They were also due to the Spanish type of manners imposed upon the ruling classes, which the native genius accepted with fraudulent intelligence, and to which it adapted itself by artifice. We must further reckon the division between cultured and uncultured people, which humanism had effected, and which subsisted after the benefits conferred by humanism had been withdrawn from the race. The retirement of the commercial aristocracy from trade, and their assumption of princely indolence in this period of political stagnation, was another factor of importance. But the truest cause of Italian retrogression towards barbarism must finally be discerned in the sharp check given to intellectual evolution by the repressive forces of the Counter-Reformation.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
INDEX.
A
ACADEMIES, Italian, the flourishing time of, i. 52.
ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto, i. 33.
ACCOLTI, Benedetto, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
ACCORAMBONI, Claudio (father of Vittoria), i. 356.
---Marcello (brother of Vittoria): intrigues for the marriage of his sister with the Duke of Bracciano, i. 358 _sqq._; procures the murder of her husband, 362; employs a Greek enchantress to brew love-philters, 365; his death, 372.
---Tarquinia (mother of Vittoria), i. 356.
---Vittoria, the story of, i. 355 _sqq._; her birth and parentage, 356; marriage with Felice Peretti, 357; intrigue with the Duke of Bracciano, 360; the murder of her husband, 362; her marriage with Bracciano, 364; annulled by the Pope, 364, 366; the union renounced by the Duke, 365; put on trial for the murder of Peretti, _ib._; their union publicly ratified by the Duke, 366; flight from Rome, _ib._; death of Bracciano, 367; her murder procured by Lodovico Orsini, 369.
'ACTS of Faith,' i. 107, 176, 187.
ADMINISTRATOR, the (Jesuit functionary), i. 273.
'ADONE,' Marino's: its publication, ii. 264; critique of the poem, 266 _sqq._
ALBANI, Francesco, Bolognese painter, ii. 355, 358.
ALEXANDER VI., Pope, parallel between, and Pope Paul IV., i. 106.
ALFONSO II., Duke of Ferrara: sketch of his Court, ii. 28 _sqq._; his second marriage, 30; treatment of Tasso, 38, 51, 53, 58, 60 _sqq._; his third marriage, 66; estimate of the reasons why he imprisoned Tasso, 66 _sqq._
ALFONSO the Magnanimous: arrangements under his will, i. 4.
ALIDOSI, Cardinal Francesco, murder of, i. 36.
ALLEGORY, hypocrisy of the, exemplified in Tasso, ii. 44; in Marino, 272; in Ortensi's moral interpretations of Bandello's Novelle, 272 _n._
ALTEMPS, Cardinal d' (Mark of Hohen Ems), legate at Trent, i. 119 _n._
ALVA, Duke of, defeat of the Duke of Guise by, i. 103.
'AMADIS of Gaul,' the favorite book of Loyola in his youth, i. 232.
AMIAS, Beatrice, mother of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
'AMINTA,' Tasso's pastoral drama, first production of, ii. 39; its style, 114.
ANGELUZZO, Giovanni, Tasso's first teacher, ii. 12.
ANIMA Mundi, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 177.
ANTONIANO, a censor of the Gerusalemme Liberata, ii. 43.
---Silvio, a boy improvvisatore, anecdote of, ii. 328.
AQUAVIVA, the fifth General of the Jesuits, i. 248.
AQUITAINE, Duke of, Guercino's painting of in Bologna, ii. 367.
ARAGONESE Dynasty, the, in Italy, i. 4.
ARBUES, Peter, Saint of the Inquisition in Aragon, i. 161, 178.
ARETINO, Pietro, i. 42, 70; satire of on Paul IV., 108.
'ARIE Divote,' Palestrina's, ii. 335.
ARISTOTLE'S Axiom on Taste, ii. 371, 374.
ARMADA, Spanish, i. 149.
ARMI, Lodovico dall', a bravo of noble family, i. 409; accredited at Venice as Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' 410; his career of secret diplomacy, 411; negotiations between Lord Wriothesley and Venice regarding the ban issued against him, 412; his downfall, 413; personal appearance, 414; execution, 415.
ARNOLFINI, Massimiliano, paramour of Lucrezia Buonvisi, i. 331; procures the assassination of her husband, 332; flight from justice, 332; outlawed, 336; his wanderings and wretched end, 339.
ART of Memory, Bruno's, ii. 139.
ART of Poetry, Tasso's Dialogues on the, ii. 22, 24; influence of its theory on Tasso's own work, 25.
ASSISTANTS, the (Jesuit functionaries), i. 273.
ASTORGA, Marquis of, i. 22.
AURORA, the Ludovisi fresco of, ii. 368.
AVILA, Don Luigi d', i. 128.
B
BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i. 46.
BAINI'S Life of Palestrina, ii. 316 _sqq._
BALBI, Cesare, on Italian decadence, ii. 3.
BANDITTI, tales illustrative of, i. 388 _sqq._
'BANDO' (of outlawry), recitation of the terms of a, i. 328.
BARBIERI, Giovanni Francesco, see IL GUERCINO.
BARCELONA, the Treaty of, i. 15.
BARNABITES, Order of the: their foundation, i. 80.
BAROCCIO, Federigo, ii. 349.
BAROZZA, a Venetian courtezan, i. 394, 396.
BASEL, Council of, i. 94.
BEARD, unshorn, worn in sign of mourning, i. 36.
BEDELL, William (Bishop of Kilmore), on Fra Paolo and Fra Fulgenzio, ii. 231.
BEDMAR'S conspiracy, ii. 186.
BELLARMINO, Cardinal, on the inviolability of the Vulgate, i. 212; relations of, with Fra Paolo Sarpi, ii. 213, 222; his censure of the Pastor Fido, 251.
BELRIGUARDO, the villa of, Tasso at, ii. 53.
BEMBO, Pietro, i. 30, 41.
BENDEDEI, Taddea, wife of Guarini, ii. 245.
BENTIVOGLI, the semi-royal offspring of King Enzo of Sardinia, ii. 304.
BIBBONI, Cecco: his account of how he murdered Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 488 _sqq._; his associate, Bebo, details of the life of a bravo, 389; tracking an outlaw, 392; the wages of a tyrannicide, 394; the _bravo's_ patient watching, 395; the murder, 397; flight of the assassins, 399; their reception by Count Collalto, 401; they seek refuge at the Spanish embassy, 402; protected by Charles V.'s orders, 403; conveyed to Pisa, 404; well provided for their future life, _ib._
BITONTO. Pasquale di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
BLACK garments of Charles V., the, i. 43.
BLACK Pope, the, i. 275.
BLOIS, Treaty of, i. 12.
BOBADILLA, Nicholas, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240; his work as a Jesuit in Bavaria, 258.
BOLOGNA and Modena, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
BOLOGNESE school of painters, the, ii. 343 _sqq._; why their paintings are now neglected, 375 _sqq._; mental condition of Bolognese art, 376.
BONELLI, Michele, nephew of Pius V., i. 147.
BONIFAZIO of Montferrat, Marquis, one of the Paleologi, i. 23.
BORGIA, Francis (Duke of Gandia), third General of the Jesuits, i. 256; prevented by Loyola from accepting a Cardinal's hat, 260.
BORROMEO, Carlo: his character, i. 115; a possible successor to Pius IV., 135; ruled in Rome by the Jesuits, 142; his intimacy with Sarpi, ii. 194.
---Federigo, i. 115; letter of, forbidding soldiers' visits to convents, 316 _n._
BRANCACCIO, Diana, treachery of, towards the Duchess of Palliano, i. 378; her murder, 379.
'BRAVI,' maintenance of by Italian nobles, i. 313; tales illustrative of, 388 _sqq._; relations of trust between bravi and foreign Courts, 409.
BRIGANDAGE in Italy, i. 416.
BROWN, Mr. H.F., his researches in the Venetian archives, i. 189 _n._
BRUCCIOLI, Antonio, translator of the Bible into Italian, i. 76.
BRUNO, Giordano: his birth, and training as a Dominican, ii. 129; early speculative doubts, 130; Il Candelajo, 131, 183; early studies, 133; prosecution for heresy, 134; a wandering student, 135; at Geneva, 136; Toulouse, 137; at the Sorbonne, 138; the Art of Memory, 139, 154; De Umbris Idearum, _ib._; relations with Henri III., 140; Bruno's person and conversation, 141; in England, _ib._; works printed in London, 142; descriptions of London life, _ib._; opinion of Queen Elizabeth, 143; lecturer at Oxford, 144; address to the Vice-Chancellor, 146; academical opposition, 147; the Ash-Wednesday Supper, _ib._; in the family of Castelnau, 148; in Germany, 149; Bruno's opinion of the Reformers, _ib._; the De Monade and De Triplici Minimo, 150; Bruno in a monastery at Frankfort, 151; invited to Venice, 153; a guest of Mocenigo there, 154; his occupations, 156; denounced by Mocenigo and imprisoned by the Inquisition, 157; the heads of the accusation, 157 _sqq._; trial, 159; recantation, 160; estimate of Bruno's apology, 161; his removal to and long imprisonment at Rome, 163; his execution, 164; evidence of his martyrdom, 164 _sqq._; Schoppe's account, 165; details of Bruno's treatment in Rome, 167; the burning at the stake, 167 _sq._; Bruno a martyr, 168; contrast with Tasso, 169; Bruno's mental attitude, 170 _sq._; his championship of the Copernican system, 172; his relation to modern science and philosophy, 173; conception of the universe, 173 _sqq._; his theology, 175; the Anima Mundi, 177; anticipations of modern thought, 178, 182; his want of method, 180; the treatise on the Seven Arts, 182; Bruno's literary style, 182 _sqq._; his death contrasted with that of Sarpi, 239 _n._
BRUSANTINI, Count Alessandro (Tassoni's 'Conte Culagna'), ii. 301, 306.
BUCKET, the Bolognese, ii. 305.
BUONCOMPAGNO, Giacomo, bastard, son of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
---Ugo, see GREGORY XIII.
BUONVISI, Lucrezia, story of, i. 330; intrigue with Arnolfini, 331; murder of her husband, 332; Lucrezia suspected of complicity, 334; becomes a nun (Sister Umilia), _ib._; the case against her, 338; amours of inmates of her convent, 340; Umilia's intrigue with Samminiati, _ib._; discovery of their correspondence, 341; trial and sentences of the nuns, 344; Umilia's last days, 345.
---Lelio, assassination of, i. 332.
BURGUNDIAN diamond of Charles the Bold, the, i. 38.
C
CALCAGNINI, Celio, letter of, on religious controversies, i. 74.
CALVAERT, Dionysius, a Flemish painter in Bologna, ii. 355.
CALVETTI, Olimpio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
CALVIN, i. 73; his relation to modern civilization, ii. 402.
CAMBRAY, Treaty of (the Paix des Dames), i. 9, 15.
CAMERA Apostolica, the, venality of, i. 140.
CAMERINO, Duchy of, i. 86.
CAMPANELLA, on the black robes of the Spaniards in Italy, i. 44.
CAMPEGGI, Cardinal Lorenzo, i. 21.
CAMPIREALI, Elena, the tale of, i. 428.
CANELLO, U.A., on Italian society in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _n._
CANISIUS, lieutenant of Loyola in Austria, i. 259; appointed to the administration of the see of Vienna, 260.
CANOSSA, Antonio, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
CAPELLO, Bianca, the story of, i. 382.
CAPPELLA, Giulia (Rome), school for training choristers, ii. 316.
CARACCI, the, Bolognese painters, ii. 345, 349 _sqq._
CARAFFA, Cardinal, condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
---Giovanni Pietro (afterwards Pope Paul IV.), causes the rejection of Contarini's arrangement with the Lutherans, i. 78; helps to found the Theatines, 79; made Cardinal by Paul III., 88; hatred of Spanish ascendency, 89; becomes Pope Paul IV., 102; quarrel with Philip II., 102 _sqq._; opens negotiations with Soliman, 103; reconciliation with Spain, 104; nepotism, _ib._; indignation against the misdoings of his relatives, 106; ecclesiastical reforms, 107 _sq._; zeal for the Holy Office, 107 _n._; personal character, 108; his death, _ib._; his earlier relations with Ignatius Loyola, 242.
CARAFFESCHI, evil character of the, i. 105; four condemned to death by Pius IV., 115, 318.
CARAVAGGIO, Michelangelo Amerighi da, Italian Realist painter, ii. 363 _n._
CARDINE, Aliffe and Leonardo di (Caraffeschi), condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
CARDONA, Violante de (Duchess of Palliano), story of, i. 373 _sqq._; her accomplishments, 374; character, _ib._; passion of Marcello Capecce for her, _ib._; her character compromised through Diana Brancaccio, 378; murder of Marcello and Diana by the Duke, _ib._; death of Violante at the hands of her brother, 380.
CARLI, Orazio: description of his being put to the torture, i. 333 _sq._
CARLO Emmanuele of Savoy, Italian hopes founded on, ii. 246, 286; friend of Marino, 262; kindness to Chiabrera, 290; treatment of Tassoni, 298.
CARNESECCHI, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
CARPI, attached to Ferrara, i. 40.
CARRANZA, Archbishop of Toledo, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
CASA, Giovanni della (author of the _Capitolo del Forno_), i. 393, 395.
CASTELNAU, Michel de, kindness of towards Giordano Bruno, ii. 141, 148.
---Marie de, Bruno's admiration for, ii. 148.
---Pierre de, the first Saint of the Inquisition, i. 161.
CATALANI, Marzio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
CATEAU Cambrésis, the Peace of, i. 48.
CATHOLIC Revival, the inaugurators of, at Bologna, i. 16; transition from the Renaissance to, 65; new religious spirit in Italy, 67; the Popes and the Council of Trent, 96 _sqq._; a Papal triumph, 130; the Catholic Reaction generated the Counter-Reformation, 133; its effect on social and domestic morals, 301 _sqq._
CELEBRITY, vicissitudes of, ii. 368.
CELIBACY, clerical, the question of, at Trent, i. 123.
CELLANT, Contessa di, the model of Luini's S. Catherine, ii. 360 _n._
'CENA delle Ceneri, La,' Bruno's, i. 85 _n._; ii. 140, 142, 183.
CENCI, Beatrice, examination of the legend of, i. 351 _sqq._
---Francesco: bastard son of Cristoforo Cenci, i. 346; his early life, _ib._; disgraceful charges against him, 348; compounds by heavy money payment for his crimes, _ib._; violent deaths of his sons, _ib._; severity towards his children, 349; his assassination procured by his wife and three children, 350; the murderers denounced, _ib._; their trial and punishments, 351.
---Msgr. Christoforo, father of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
CENTINI, Giacomo: story of his attempts by sorcery on the life of Urban VIII., i. 425.
CESI, Msgr., invites Tasso to Bologna, ii. 22.
CHARLES V., his compact with Clement VII., i. 15; Emperor Elect, 16; relations with Andrea Doria, 17; at Genoa, 18; his journey to Bologna, 20; his reception there, 22; the meeting with Clement, 23; mustering of Italian princes, 25; negotiations on Italian affairs, 26 _sqq._; a treaty of peace signed, 31; the difficulty with Florence, 32; the question of the two crowns, 34 _sqq._; description of the coronation, 37 _sqq._; the events that followed, 39 _sqq._; the net results of Charles's administration of Italian affairs, 45 _sqq._; his relations with Paul III., 100; his abdication, 102; he protects the assassins of Lorenzino de'Medici, 403.
CHARLES VIII., of France: his invasion of Italy, i. 8.
CHIABRERA, Gabriello: his birth, ii. 287; educated by the Jesuits, _ib._; his youth, 288; the occupations of a long life, 289; courtliness, 290; ode to Cesare d'Este, 291; Chiabrera's aim to remodel Italian poetry on a Greek pattern. 292 _sqq._; would-be Pindaric flights, 296; comparison with Marino and Tassoni, _ib._
CIOTTO, Giambattista, relations of, with Giordano Bruno, ii. 152 _sqq._
CISNEROS, Garcia de, author of a work which suggested S. Ignatius's Exercitia, i. 236.
CLEMENT VII.: a prisoner in S. Angelo, i. 14; compact with Charles V., 15; their meeting at Bologna, 16 _sqq._; negotiations with the Emperor Elect, 26 _sqq._; peace signed, 31.
CLEMENT VIII.: his Concordat with Venice, i. 193; Index of Prohibited Books issued by him, _ib._; his rules for the censorship of books, 198 _sqq._; he confers a pension on Tasso, ii. 76.
CLOUGH, Mr., lines of, on 'Christianized' monuments in Papal Rome, i. 154.
COADJUTORS, Temporal and Spiritual (Jesuit grades), i. 271.
COLLALTO, Count Salici da, patron of the bravo Bibboni, i. 400.
COLONNA, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
---Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, i. 77.
---Vittoria, i. 77; letter to, from Tasso in his childhood, ii. 15.
COMANDINO, Federigo, Tasso's teacher, ii. 19.
COMPANY OF JESUS, see JESUITS.
CONCLAVES, external influences on, in the election of Popes, i. 134.
CONFEDERATION between Clement VII. and Charles V., i. 31.
'CONFIRMATIONS,' Fra Fulgenzio's, ii. 201.
CONSERVATISM and Liberalism, necessary contest between, ii. 386.
'CONSIDERATIONS on the Censures,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
CONSTANCE, Council of, i. 92.
CONTARINI, Gasparo: his negotiations between Catholics and Protestants, i. 30; treatment of his writings by Inquisitors, 31; suspected of heterodoxy, 72; intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, 76; his concessions to the Reformers repudiated by the Curia, 78; memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79.
---Simeone: his account of a plague at Savigliano, i. 419 _sq._
'CONTRIBUTIONS of the Clergy, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 221.
COPERNICAN system, the, Bruno's championship of, ii. 172.
COREGLIA, one of the assassins of Lelio Buonvisi, i. 333 _sqq._
CORONATION of Charles V., description of, i. 34 _sqq._; notable people present at, 39 _sqq._
CORSAIRS, Tunisian and Algerian, raids of, on Italian coasts, i. 417.
COSCIA, Giangiacopo, guardian of Tasso's sister, ii. 16.
COSIMO I. of Tuscany, the rule of, i. 46, 47.
COSTANTINI, Antonio, Tasso's last letter written to, ii. 77; sonnet on the poet, 78.
COTERIES, religious, in Rome, Venice, Naples, i. 75 _sqq._
COUNTER-REFORMATION: its intellectual and moral character, i. 63; the term defined, 64 _n._; decline of Renaissance impulse, 65; criticism and formalism in Italy, _ib._; contrast with the development of other European races, 66; transition to the Catholic Revival, 67; attitudes of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71; free-thinkers, 73; the Oratory of Divine Love, 76; the Moderate Reformers, _ib._; Gasparo Contarini, 78; new Religious Orders, 79; the Council of Trent, 97, 119; Tridentine Reforms, 107, 134; asceticism fashionable in Rome, 108, 142; active hostilities against Protestantism, 148; the new spirit of Roman polity, 149 _sqq._; work of the Inquisition, 159 _sqq._; the Index, 195 _sqq._; twofold aim of Papal policy, 226; the Jesuits, 229 _sqq._; an estimate of the results of the Reformation and of the Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
COURIERS, daily post of, between the Council of Trent and the Vatican, i. 121.
COURT life in Italy, i. 20, 37, 41, 51; ii. 17, 29, 65, 201, 251.
CRIMES of violence, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _sqq._
CRIMINAL procedure, of Italian governments in the sixteenth century, i. 308 _sqq._
CRITICISM, fundamental principles of, ii. 370; the future of, 374.
CROWNS, the iron and the golden, of the Emperor, i. 34.
CULAGNA, Conte di, see BRUSANTINI.
CURIA, the, complicity of, with the attempts on Sarpi's life, ii. 213.
D
'DATATARIO:' amount and sources of its income, i. 140.
DATI, Giovanbattista, amount of, with nuns, i. 341 _sq._
'DECAMERONE,' Boccaccio's expurgated editions of, issued in Rome, i. 224 _sq._
DELLA CRUSCANS, the, attack of, on Tasso's poetry, ii. 35, 72, 117 _n._
'DE Monade,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
DEPRES, Josquin, the leader of the contrapuntal style in music, ii. 316.
'DE Triplici Minimo,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
'DE Umbris Idearum,' Bruno's, ii. 139.
DEZA, Diego, Spanish Inquisitor, i. 182.
DIACATHOLICON, the, meaning of the term as used by Sarpi, i. 231; ii. 202.
DIALOGUES, Tasso's, ii. 22, 112.
DIRECTORIUM, the (Lainez' commentary on the constitution of the Jesuits), i. 249.
DIVINE Right of sovereigns, the: why it found favor among Protestants, i. 296.
DOMENICHINO, Bolognese painter, ii. 355; critique of Mr. Ruskin's invectives against his work, 359 _sqq._
DOMINICANS, the, ousted as theologians by the Jesuits at Trent, i. 101; their reputation for learning, ii. 130.
DOMINIS, Marcantonio de, publishes in England Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent, ii. 223.
DONATO, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, ii. 198.
DORIA, Andrea: his relations with Charles V., i. 18.
---Cardinal Girolamo, i. 21.
E
ECLECTICISM in painting, ii. 345 _sqq._, 375 _sqq._
ECONOMICAL stagnation in Italy, i. 423.
ELIZABETH, Queen (of England), Bruno's admiration of, ii. 143.
EMANCIPATION of the reason, retarded by both the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
EMIGRANTS from Italy, regulations of the Inquisition regarding, i. 227.
ENZO, King (of Sardinia), a prisoner at Bologna, ii. 304.
EPIC poetry, Italian speculations on, ii. 24; Tasso's Dialogues on, 26.
'EROICI Furori, Gli,' Bruno's, ii. 142, 183.
ESPIONAGE, system of among the Jesuits, i. 273.
ESTE, Alfonso d' (Duke of Ferrara), relations of, with Charles V., i. 40.
---Cardinal Ippolito d', i. 127 _sq._
---Cardinal Luigi d', Tasso in the service of, ii. 12, 27.
---Don Cesare d', Chiabrera's Ode to, ii. 291.
---House of, their possessions in Italy, i. 45. 48.
---Isabella d', at the coronation of Charles V.. i. 21.
---Leonora d', the nature of Tasso's attachment to, ii. 31 _sqq._, 36, 40, 51, 54 _n._, 56, 68; her death, 71.
---Lucrezia d', Tasso's attachment to, ii. 32, 39; her marriage, 35; her death, 40 _n._
EVOLUTION in relation to Art, ii. 371 _sqq._
'EXERCITIA Spiritualia' (Loyola's), i. 236; manner of their use, 267 _sqq._
EXTINCTION of republics in Italy, i. 45 _sqq._
F
FABER, Peter, associate of Loyola, i. 239; his work as a Jesuit in Spain, 258.
FARNESE, Alessandro, see PAUL III.
---Giulia, mistress of Alexander VI., i. 81.
---Ottavio (grandson of Paul III.), Duke of Camerino, i. 86.
---Pier Luigi (son of Paul III.), Duke of Parma, i. 86.
FEDERATION, Italian, the five members of the, i. 3 _sqq._; how it was broken up, 11.
FERDINAND, Emperor, successor of Charles V., i. 102, 118; his relations with Canisius and the Jesuits, 259.
FERRARA, i. 7; settlement of the Duchy of, by Charles V., i. 40; life at the Court of, ii. 29, 65, 247, 251.
FERRUCCI, Francesco, i. 46.
FESTA, Costanzo, the Te Deum of, ii. 329.
FINANCES of the Papacy under Sixtus V., i. 152.
FIORENZA, Giovanni di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
FLAMINIO, Marcantonio, i. 76.
FLEMISH musicians in Rome, ii. 316 _sqq._
FLORENCE: condition of the Republic in 1494, i. 10; Siege of the town (1530), 30 _sq._; capitulation, 46; under the rule of Spain, _ib._; extinction of the Republic, 47; the rule of Cosimo I., 49.
FORMALISM, the development of, i. 66.
FOSCARI, Francesco, the dogeship of, i. 9.
FRANCIS I.: his capture at Pavia, i. 9, 13.
FRECCI, Maddalò de', the betrayer of Tasso's love-affairs, ii. 51.
FREDERICK II., Emperor: his edicts against heresy, i. 163.
FREETHINKERS, Italian, i. 73 _sq._
FULGENZIO, Fra, the preaching of at Venice, ii. 207; his biography of Sarpi, _ib._
FULKE GREVILLE, a supper at the house of, described by Giordano Bruno, ii. 142, 147.
G
GALLICAN CHURCH, the: its interests in the Council of Trent, i. 126.
GALLUZZI'S record of Jesuit attempts to seduce youth, i. 284.
GATTINARA, Cardinal, Grand Chancellor of the Empire, i. 31.
GAMBARA, Veronica, i. 41.
GENERAL Congregation of the Jesuits, functions of the, i. 273.
GENERAL of the Jesuits, position of, in regard to the Order, i. 272.
GENOA, becomes subject to Spain, i. 18.
GENTILE, Valentino, i. 73.
GERSON'S Considerations upon Papal Excommunications, translated by Sarpi, ii. 200.
'GERUSALEMME Conquistata,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 114 _sq._, 124.
'GERUSALEMME Liberata:' at first called Gottifredo, ii. 35; its dedication, 38, 47 _sq._; submitted by Tasso to censors, 43; their criticisms, 43 _sq._, 50; successful publication of the poem, 71; its subject-matter, 92; the romance of the epic, 93; Tancredi, the hero, 94; imitations of Dante and Virgil, 95 _sqq._; artificiality, 100; pompous cadences, 101; oratorical dexterity, 102; the similes and metaphors, _ib._; Armida, the heroine, 106.
GHISLIERI, Michele, see PIUS V.
---Paolo, a relative of Pius V., i. 147.
GIBERTI, Gianmatteo, Bishop of Verona, i. 19.
GILLOT, Jacques, letter from Sarpi to, on the relations of Church and State, ii. 203.
GIOVANNI FRANCESCO, Fra, an accomplice in the attacks on Sarpi, ii. 214.
'GLI ETEREI,' Academy of, at Padua, ii. 26.
GOLDEN crown, the, significance of, i. 34.
GONGORISM, i. 66.
GONZAGA, Cardinal Ercole, ambassador from Clement VII. to Charles V., i. 19.
---Cardinal Scipione, a friend of Tasso, ii. 26, 42, 46, 67, 73.
---Don Ferrante, i. 25.
---Eleanora Ippolita, Duchess of Urbino, i. 37.
---Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, i. 26.
---Vincenzo, obtains Tasso's release, ii. 73; the circumstances of his marriage, i. 386.
'GOTTIFREDO.' Tasso's first title for the Gerusalemme Liberata, ii. 35.
GOUDIMEL, Claude: his school of music at Rome, ii. 323.
GRANADA, Treaty of, i. 12.
GRAND style (in art), the so-called, ii. 379.
GREGORY XIII., Pope (Ugo Buoncompagno): his early career and election, i. 149; manner of life, 150; treatment of his relatives, 151; revival of obsolete rights of the Church, 152; consequent confusion in the Papal States, _ib._
GRISON mercenaries in Italy, i. 103 _n._
GUARINI, on the death of Tasso, ii. 69 _n._; publishes a revised edition of Tasso's lyrics, 72; Guarini's parentage, 244; at the Court of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, 245; a rival of Tasso, _ib._; engaged on foreign embassies, 246; appointed Court poet, 247; domestic troubles, 249; his last years, 251; his death, _ib._; argument of the Pastor Fido, _ib._; satire upon the Court of Ferrara, 254; critique of the poem, 255; its style, 256; comparison with Tasso's Aminta, 275.
GUELF and Ghibelline contentions: how they ended in Italy, i. 57.
GUICCIARDINI, Francesco, i. 33.
GUISE, Duke of: his defeat by Alva, i. 103; his murder, 129.
GUZMAN, Domenigo de (S. Dominic), founder of the Dominican Order, i. 162.
H
HEGEMONY, Spanish, economical and social condition of the Italians under, i. 50; the evils of, 61.
HENCHENEOR, Cardinal William, i. 36.
HENRI III., favor shown to Giordano Bruno by, ii. 139.
HENRI IV., the murder of, i. 297.
HENRY VIII.: his divorce from Katharine of Aragon, i. 44.
HEROICO-comic poetry, Tassoni's Secchia Rapita, the first example of, ii. 303.
'HISTORY of the Council of Trent,' Sarpi's, ii. 222 _sqq._
HOLY Office, see INQUISITION.
HOLY Roman Empire, the, ii. 393.
HOMATA, Benedetta, attempted murder of by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
HOMICIDE, lax morality of the Jesuits in regard to, i. 306 _n._
HOSIUS, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
HUMANISM, the work of, ii. 385, 391; what it involved, 392; Rationalism, its offspring, 404.
HUMANITY, the past and future of, ii. 408 _sqq._
I
IL BORGA, a censor of the Gerusalemme Liberata, ii. 43.
'IL Candelajo,' Giordano Bruno's comedy, ii. 131, 183.
IL GUERCINO (G.F. Barbieri), Bolognese painter, ii. 365; his masterpieces, 367.
'IL PADRE di Famiglio,' Tasso's Dialogue, ii. 63.
'IL Pentito,' Tasso's name as one of Gli Eterei, ii. 26.
INGEGNERI, Antonio, a friend of Tasso, ii. 64; publishes the Gerusalemme, 71.
INDEX Expurgatorius: its first publication at Venice, i. 192; effects on the printing trade there, 193; the Index in concert with the Inquisition, 194; origin of the Index, 195; local lists of prohibited books, _ib._; establishment of the Congregation of the Index, 197; Index of Clement VIII., 198; its preambles, _ib._; regulations, 199 _sq._; details of the censorship and correction of books, 201; rules as to printers, publishers, and booksellers, 203; responsibility of the Holy Office, 204; annoyances arising from delays and ignorance on the part of censors, 205; spiteful delators of charges of heresy, 207; extirpation of books, 208; proscribed literature, 209; garbled works by Vatican students, 210; effect of the Tridentine decree about the Vulgate, 212; influence of the Index on schools and lecture-rooms, 213; decline of humanism, 218; the statutes on the Ratio Status, 220; their object and effect, 221; the treatment of lewd and obscene publications, 223; expurgation of secular books, 224.
INQUISITION, the, i. 159 _sqq._; the first germ of the Holy Office, 161; developed during the crusade against the Albigenses, _ib._; S. Dominic its founder, 162; introduced into Lombardy, etc., 164; the stigma of heresy, 165; three types of Inquisition, 166; the number of victims, 166 _n._; the crimes of which it took cognizance, 167; the methods of the Apostolical Holy Office, 168; treatment of the New Christians in Castile, 169, 171; origin of the Spanish Holy Office, 170; opposition of Queen Isabella, 171; exodus of New Christians, 172; the punishments inflicted, _ib._; futile appeals to Rome, 173; constitution of the Inquisition, 174; its two most formidable features, 175; method of its judicial proceedings, 176; the sentence and its execution, 177; the holocausts and their pageant, _ib._; Torquemada's insolence, 179; the body-guard of the Grand Inquisitor, 180; number of Torquemada's victims, 181; exodus of Moors from Castile, 182; victims under Torquemada's successors, _ib._; an Aceldama at Madrid, 184; the Roman Holy Office, _ib._; remodelled by Giov. Paolo Caraffa, 185; 'Acts of Faith' in Rome, 186; numbers of the victims, 187; in other parts of Italy, 188; the Venetian Holy Office, 190; dependent on the State, _ib._; Tasso's dread of the Inquisition, ii. 42, 45, 49, 51; the case of Giordano Bruno, 134, 157 _sqq._; Sarpi denounced to the Holy Office, 195.
INTELLECTUAL and social activity in Italian cities, i. 51.
INTERDICT of Venice (1606), ii. 198 _sqq._; the compromise, 205.
INVASION, wars of, in Italy, i. 11 _sqq._
IRON crown, the, sent from Monza to Bologna, i. 36.
'ITALIA Liberata,' Trissino's, ii. 24, 303.
ITALIA Unita, ii. 407.
ITALY: its political conditions in 1494, i. 2 _sqq._; the five members of its federation, 3; how the federation was broken up, 11; the League between Clement VII. and Charles V., 31; review of the settlement of Italy effected by Emperor and Pope, 45 _sqq._; extinction of republics, 47; economical and social condition of the Italians under Spanish hegemony, 48; intellectual life, 51; predominance of Spain and Rome, 53 _sqq._; Italian servitude, 58; the evils of Spanish rule, 59 _sqq._; seven Spanish devils in Italy, 61; changes wrought by the Counter-Reformation, 64 _sqq._; criticism and formalism, 65; transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival, _ib._; attitude of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71.
J
JESUITS, Order of: its importance in the Counter-Reformation, i. 229; the Diacatholicon, 231; works on the history of the Order, 231 _n._; sketch of the life of Ignatius Loyola, 231 _sqq._; the first foundation of the Exercitia, 236; Peter Faber and Francis Xavier, 239; the vows taken by Ignatius and his neophytes at Paris, 240; their proposed mission to the Holy Land, 241; their visits to Venice and Rome, 242 _sq._; the name of the Order, 244; negotiations in Rome, 245; the fourth vow, 246; the constitutions approved by Paul III., 247; the Directorium of Lainez, 249; the original limit of the number of members, _ib._; Loyola's administration, 250; asceticism deprecated, 251; worldly wisdom of the founder, 253; rapid spread of the Order, 254; the Collegium Romanum, 255; Collegium Germanicum, _ib._; the Order deemed rivals by the Dominicans in Spain, _ib._; successes in Portugal, 256; difficulties in France, 257; in the Low Countries, _ib._; in Bavaria and Austria, 258; Loyola's dictatorship, 259; his adroitness in managing distinguished members of his Order, 260; statistics of the Jesuits at Loyola's death, _ib._; the autocracy of the General, 261; Jesuit precepts on obedience, 263 _sq._; addiction to Catholicism, 266; the spiritual drill of the Exercitia Spiritualia, 267; materialistic imagination, 268; psychological adroitness of the method, 269; position and treatment of the novice, 270; the Jesuit Hierarchy, 271; the General, 272; five sworn spies to watch him, 273; a system of espionage through the Order, 274; position of a Jesuit, _ib._; the Black Pope, 275; the working of the Jesuit vow of poverty, 275 _sq._; revision of the Constitutions by Lainez, 277; the question about the Monita Secreta, 277 _sqq._; estimate of the historical importance of the Jesuits, 280 _sq._; their methods of mental tyranny, 281; Jesuitical education, 282; desire to gain the control of youth, 283; their general aim the aggrandizement of the Order, 284; treatment of _études fortes_, _ib._; admixture of falsehood and truth, 285; sham learning and sham art, 286; Jesuit morality, 287; manipulation of the conscience, 288; casuistical ethics, 290; system of confession and direction, 293; political intrigues and doctrines, 294 _sqq._; the theory of the sovereignty of the people, 296; Jesuit connection with political plots, 297; suspected in regard to the deaths of Popes, 298; the Order expelled from various countries, 299 _n._; relations of Jesuits to Rome, 299; their lax morality in regard to homicide, 306 _n._, 314; their support of the Interdict of Venice, ii. 198 _sqq._
JEWS, Spanish, wealth and influence of, i. 169; adoption of Christianity, _ib._; attacked by the Inquisition, 170; the edict for their expulsion, 171; its results, 172.
JULIUS II.: results of his martial energy, i. 7.
---III., Pope (Giov. Maria del Monte), i. 101.
K
KEPLER, high opinion of Bruno's speculations held by, ii. 164.
KINGDOMS and States of Italy in 1494, enumeration of, i. 3.
L
'LA Cuccagna,' a satire by Marino, ii. 263.
LAINEZ, James, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240; his influence on the development of the Jesuits, 248; his commentary on the Constitutions (the Directorium), 249; his work in Venice, etc., 254; abject submission to Loyola, 262.
LATERAN, Council of the, i. 95.
LATIN and Teutonic factors in European civilization, ii. 393 _sqq._
LATINI, Latino, on the extirpation of books by the Index, i. 208.
LEGATES, Papal, at Trent, i. 97 _n._, 119.
LE JAY, Claude, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240; his work as a Jesuit at Ferrara, 254; in Austria. 258.
LEONI, Giambattista, employed by Sarpi to write against the Jesuits, ii. 200.
LEPANTO, battle of, i. 149.
LESCHASSIER, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229, 235.
'LE Sette Giornate,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 115, 124.
LEYVA, Antonio de, at Bologna, i. 22.
---Virginia Maria de (the Lady of Monza): birth and parentage, i. 317; a nun in a convent of the Umiliate, 318; her seduction by Gianpaolo Osio, 318 _sqq._; birth of her child, 321; murder of her waiting-woman by Osio, 322; the intrigue discovered, 323; attempted murder by Osio of two of her associates, 324; Virginia's punishment and after-life, 329.
LONDON, Bruno's account of the life of the people of, ii. 142; social life in, 143.
LORENTE'S History of the Inquisition, cited, 171 _sqq._; his account of the number of victims of the Holy Office, i. 181, 183 _n._
LORRAINE, Cardinal: his influence in the Council of Trent, i. 125 _sq._
LO SPAGNOLETTO (Giuseppe Ribera), Italian Realist painter, ii. 363.
LOUISA of Savoy, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
LOUIS XII.: his descent into Lombardy, and its results, i. 9; allied with the Austrian Emperor and the King of Spain, i. 12.
LOYOLA, Ignatius, founder of the Jesuits: his birth and childhood, i. 231; his youth and early training, _ib._; illness at Pampeluna, 232; pilgrimage to Montserrat, 234; retreat at Manresa, _ib._; his romance and discipline, 235; journey to the Holy Land, 237; his apprenticeship to his future calling, _ib._; imprisoned by the Inquisition, 238; studies theology in Paris, _ib._; gains disciples there, 239; his methods with them, _ib._; with ten companions takes the vows of chastity and poverty, 240; Ignatius at Venice, 241; his relations with Caraffa and the Theatines, 242; in Rome, 243; the name of the new Order, 244; its military organization, 245; the project favored by Paul III., _ib._; the Constitution approved by the Pope, 247; his worldly wisdom, 248 _n._; Loyola's creative force, 249; his administration, 250 _sq._; dislike of the common forms of monasticism, 251; his aims and principles, 252; comparison with Luther, 253; rapid spread of the Order, 254; special desire of Ignatius to get a firm hold on Germany, 258; his dictatorship, 259; adroitness in managing his subordinates, 260; autocratic administration, 261; insistence on the virtue of obedience, 263; devotion to the Roman Church, 265; the Exercitia Spiritualia, 267 _sqq._; Loyola's dislike of asceticism, 270; his interpretation of the vow of poverty, 275; his instructions as to the management of consciences, 287 _sq._; his doctrine on the fear of God, 304 _n._
LUCERO EL TENEBROSO, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 180.
LUINI'S picture of S. Catherine, ii. 360.
LULLY, Raymond: his Art of Memory and Classification of the Sciences, adapted by Giordano Bruno, ii. 139.
LUNA, Don Juan de, i. 47.
LUTHER, Bruno's high estimate of, ii. 149; his relation to modern civilization, 402.
LUTHERAN soldiers in Italy, i. 44.
LUTHERANISM in Italy, i. 185.
M
MACAULAY, Lord, on Sarpi's religious opinions, ii. 227 _n._; critique of his survey of the Catholic Revival, 400 _sqq._
MAIN events in modern history, the, ii. 383 _sqq._
MALATESTA, Roberto, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
MALIPIERO, Alessandro, a friend of Sarpi, ii. 210.
MALVASIA, Count C.C., writings of, on the Bolognese painters, ii. 350 _n._
MANRESA, Ignatius Loyola at, i. 234.
MANRIQUE, Thomas, Master of the Sacred Palace, an expurgated edition of the Decamerone issued by, i. 224.
MANSO, Marquis: his Life of Tasso, ii. 54, 56, 58, 64, 70, 115; friend of Marino in his youth, 261.
MANTUA, raised to the rank of a duchy, i. 27.
MANUZIO, Aldo (the younger), ill-treatment of, in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
---Paolo: works produced at his press in Rome, i. 220; a friend of Chiabrera, ii. 287.
MARCELLUS II., Pope (Marcello Cervini), i. 97, 101.
MARGARET of Austria, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
MARIANAZZO, a robber chief, refusal of pardon by, i. 309.
MARIGNANO, Marquis of (Gian Giacomo Medici), i. 109, 115.
MARINISM, i. 66; ii. 299, 302.
MARINO, Giovanni Battista: his birth and parentage, ii. 260; escapades of his youth in Naples, 261; at the Court of Carlo Emanuele, 262; his life in Turin, _ib._; at the Court of Maria de'Medici, 263; successful publication of the Adone, 264; return to Naples, 265; critique of the Adone, 266 _sq._; the Epic of Voluptuousness, 268; its effeminate sensuality, 268 _sq._; cynical hypocrisy, 270; the character of Adonis, 272; ugliness and discord, 273; Marino's poetic gifts, 274; great variety of episodes, 276; unity of theme, 277; purity of poetic style rarely attained, 279; false rhetoric, 280; Marinism, 281; verbal fireworks, 282; Marino's real inadequacy, 285; the _Pianto d'Italia_, 286; comparison of Marino with Chiabrera, 296.
MARTELLI, Giovan Battista, a bravo attendant on Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 396.
MARTUCCIA, a notorious Roman courtesan, i. 375.
MASANIELLO, cause of the rising of, in Naples, i. 49.
MASSACRE of S. Bartholomew, i. 55, 149.
MASSIMI, Eufrosina (second wife of Lelio Massimi), the murder of, i. 354 _sq._
---Lelio: violent deaths of the five sons whom he cursed, i. 355 _sq._
'MATERIE Beneficiarie, Delle,' Sarpi's, ii. 219.
MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, allied against Venice with Louis XII., i. 12.
MAZZOLA, Francesco (Il Parmigianino), i. 42.
MEDA, Caterina da (waiting-woman of Virginia de Leyva), murder of, i. 322.
MEDIAEVAL habits, survival of, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 306.
MEDICI, de', family of: their advances towards Despotism, i. 10; violent deaths of members, 382 _sqq._; eleven murdered in a half-century, 387.
---Alessandro, Duke of Florence, i. 19, 46, 388.
---Cosimo, i. 46; made Grand Duke of Tuscany, 47.
---Giovanni, i. 11.
---Ippolito, i. 19.
---Lorenzino, assassination of his cousin Alessandro (Duke of Florence) by, i. 388; details of his own murder, 389 _sqq._
---Lorenzo, i. 10.
---Maria, the Court of, as Regent of France, ii. 263.
---Piero, i. 10.
MEDICI, Gian Giacomo (brother of Pius IV.), i. 50, 109.
---Giovanni Angelo, see PIUS IV.
---Margherita (sister of Pius IV.), mother of Carlo Borromeo, i. 115 _n._
MENDOZA, Don Hurtado de, i. 47.
MERSENNE, evidence of, as to the burning of Giordano Bruno, ii. 164 _n._
METAPHYSICAL speculators in Italy, i. 73.
METAURUS, the, Tasso's ode to, ii. 63.
METEMPSYCHOSIS, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 160.
MEXICO, the early Jesuits in, i. 260.
MIANI, Girolamo, founder of the congregation of the Somascans, i. 79; his relations with Loyola, 242.
MICANZI, Fulgenzio, see FULGENZIO, FRA.
MILAN, Duchy of: its state in 1494, i. 8.
MOCENIGO, Giovanni: his character, ii. 152; invites Giordano Bruno to Venice, 153; the object of the invitation, 154; their intercourse, 155; Bruno denounced to the Inquisition by Mocenigo, 157.
---Luigi, on the relations between Pius IV. and Cardinal Morone, i. 110 _n._
MODENA and Bologna, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
MONOPOLIES, system of, in Italy, i. 49.
MONTALTO, Cardinal, nephew of Sixtus V., i. 157.
MONTEBELLO, Baron, the tale of, i. 428.
MONTECATINO, Antonio, an enemy of Tasso at Ferrara, ii. 48, 50, 60, 62; his downfall, 66.
MONTE OLIVETO, the monastery of, Tasso at, ii, 74.
MONZA, the Lady of, see LEYVA, VIRGINIA MARIA DE.
MORALS, social and domestic, in Italy, effect of the Catholic Revival on, i. 301 _sqq._; outcome of the Tridentine decrees, 302; hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, 303; sufferings of the lower classes, _ib._; increase of crimes of violence, 304; mistrust between the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie, 306; survival of mediaeval habits, _ib._; brigandage, 307; criminal procedure, 308; mutual jealousy of States afforded security to refugee homicides, 309; toleration of outlaws, 310; the Lucchese army of bandits, 311; honorable murder, 312; maintenance of bravi, _ib._; social violence countenanced by the Church, 314; sexual morality, 315; state of convents, 316; profligate fanaticism, _ib._; convent intrigues, 318 _sqq._
MORATO, Peregrino, letter from Celio Calcagnini to, i. 74.
MORNAY, Duplessis, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229.
MORONE, Cardinal, i. 26; Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._; imprisoned by Paul IV., 110; relations with Pius IV., _ib._; liberal thinkers among his associates, 111 _n._; his work in connection with the Council of Trent, 127.
---Girolamo, i. 26, 72.
MUNICIPAL wars, Italian, ii. 304.
MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 305 _sqq._
MURETUS: his difficulties as a professor in Rome, i. 214, 216.
MURTOLA, Gasparo, attempted assassination of the poet Marino by, ii. 263.
MUSIC, Italian, decadence of, in the sixteenth century, ii. 315; foreign musicians in Rome, 316; the contrapuntal style, 317; licenses allowed to performers, _ib._; the medleys prepared by composers, _ib._; disgraceful condition of Church music, 318; orchestral ricercari, 320 _n._; Savonarola's opinion of the Church music of his time, _ib._; musical aptitude of the people, 322; lack of a controlling element of correct taste, _ib._; advent of Palestrina, _ib._; the Congregation for the Reform of Music, 325; rise of the Oratorio, 334; music in England in the sixteenth century, 338; rise of the Opera, 340.
MUSICIANS, Italian, of the seventeenth cenutry, ii. 243.
N
NAPLES, kingdom of, separated from Sicily, i. 4; its extent, _ib._; in the hands of Spain, 12.
NASSAU, Count of, i. 38.
NATURE, the study of, among Italian philosophers, ii. 128.
NEPOTISM, Papal: the Caraffas, i. 104 _sq._; the Borromeos, 115; the Ghislieri, 147; Gregory XIII.'s relatives, 151; estimate of the incomes of Papal nephews, 156 _sqq._
NEW Christians, the, in Spain, see JEWS.
NOBILI, Flaminio de', a censor of the Gerusalemme Liberata, ii. 43.
NOLA, survival of Greek customs in, ii. 132.
NOVICES, Jesuit, position of, i. 271.
NUNNERIES, state of, in the sixteenth century, i. 315 _sqq._
O
OMERO, Fuggiguerra, sobriquet chosen by Tasso in his wanderings, ii. 64.
OPERA, rise of the, in Florence, ii. 341.
ORANGE, Prince of, leader of the Spanish army in the siege of Florence, i. 18.
ORATORIO (Musical), the: its origins in Rome, ii. 334.
ORATORY of Divine Love, the, i. 76.
ORSINI, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
---Paolo Giordano (Duke of Bracciano): his passion for Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 358; his gigantic stature and corpulence, 359; poisons his first wife, 360; treatment by Sixtus V., 363; secret marriage with Vittoria, 364; renounces the marriage, 365; ratifies the union by public marriage, 366; flight from Rome, _ib._: death of the Duke, 367.
---Prince Lodovico: procures the murder of Vittoria Accoramboni and her brother, i. 368; siege of his palace, 370; his violent death, 371.
---Troilo, lover of the Duchess of Bracciano, i. 360; details of his murder by Ambrogio Tremazzi, 405 _sqq._
OSIO, Gianpaolo: his intrigue with Virginia de Leyva, i. 318 _sqq._; murders her waiting-woman, 322; attempts to murder two other nuns, 324; his letter of defence to Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, 326; condemned to death and outlawed, 327; terms of the Bando, 328; his end, 329.
OSORIO, Don Alvaro, Grand Marshal of Spain, i. 22.
OUTLAWRY in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 307 _sqq._
OXFORD, Giordano Bruno's reception at, ii. 144.
P
PACHECO, Cardinal, the foe of the Caraffeschi, i. 105.
PADUAN school of scepictism, the, influence of, on Tasso, ii. 20.
PAGANELLO, Conte, assassin of Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 371.
PAINTING in the late years of the sixteenth century, ii. 344; Eclecticism, 345; influence of the Tridentine Council, 347; the Mannerists, 348; Baroccio, 349; the Caracci, 350 _sqq._; studies of the Bolognese painters, 352; academical ideality, 354; Guido, Albani, Domenichino, 355 _sqq._; criticism of Domenichino's work, 359; the Italian Realists, 363 _sqq._; Lo Spada, 364; Il Guercino, 365; critical reaction against the Eclectics, 368; fundamental principles of criticism, 370 _sqq._
PAIX des Dames, i. 9, 16.
PALAZZO Vernio, Academy (musical) of the, ii. 340; distinguished composers of its school, 341.
PALEARIO, Aonio: his opinion of the Index, i. 197, 214.
PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pier Luigi: his birth and early musical training, ii. 323; uneventful life of the Princeps Musicae, 324; relations with the Congregation for Musical Reform, 325; the legend and the facts about Missa Papae Marcelli, 326 _sqq._, 331 _n._; Palestrina's commission, 331; the three Masses in competition, 332; the award by the Congregation and the Pope, 334; Palestrina's connection with S. Filippo Neri, 334; Arie Divote composed for the Oratory, 335 _sq._; character of the new music, 335; influence of Palestrina on Italian music, 336; estimate of the general benefit derived by music from him, 337 _sq._
PALLAVICINI, on Paul IV.'s seal for the Holy Office, i. 107 _n._
PALLAVICINO, Matteo, murder of, by Marcello Accoramboni, i. 358.
PALLIANO, Duchess of, see CARDONA, VIOLANTE DE.
---Duke of (nephew of Paul IV.), murders committed by, i. 379; his execution, 380.
PANCIROLI, Guido, Tasso's master in the study of law, ii. 20.
PAPACY, the, its position after the sack of Rome, i. 13; tyranny of, arising from the instinct of self-preservation, 54; dislike of, for General Councils, 90; manipulation of the Council of Trent, 97 _sqq._, 119 _sqq._; its supremacy founded by that Council, 131; later policy of the Popes, 149 _sqq._, 226.
PAPAL States, the: their condition in 1447, i. 5; attempts to consolidate them into a kingdom, 6.
PARMA and Piacenza, creation of the Duchy of, by Paul III., i. 86.
PARMA, Duchy of, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
PARMIGIANINO, Il, painting of Charles V. by, i. 42.
PARRASIO, Alessandro, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
PART-SONGS, French Protestant, influence of, on Palestrina, ii. 324.
PASSARI, Pietro, amours of, with the nuns of S. Chiara, Lucca, i. 340 _sq._
'PASTOR Fido,' Guarini's, critique of, ii. 252 _sqq._
PAUL III., Pope, sends Contarini to the conference at Rechensburg, i. 78; receives a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79; establishes the Roman Holy Office, 80; sanctions the Company of Jesus, _ib._; his early life and education, 81; love of splendor, 82; peculiarity of his position, _ib._; the Pope of the transition, 84; jealous of Spanish ascendency in Italy, 85; creates the Duchy of Parma for his son, 86 _sqq._; members of the moderate reforming party made Cardinals, 88; his repugnance to a General Council, 90; indiction of a Council to be held at Trent, 97; difficulties of his position, 100; his death, 101; his connection with the founding of the Jesuit Order, 245.
PAUL IV., Pope, see CARAFFA, GIOV. PIETRO.
PAUL V., Pope: details of his nepotism, i. 157 _n._; places Venice under an interdict, ii. 198.
PAVIA, the battle of, 13.
PELLEGRINI, Cammillo, panegyrist of Tasso, ii. 72.
PEPERARA, Laura, Tasso's relations with, ii. 31.
PERETTI, Felice (nephew of Sixtus V.), husband of Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 357; his murder, 358.
PESCARA, Marquis of, husband of Vittoria Colonna, i. 25.
'PESTE di S. Carlo, La,' i. 421.
'PETRARCA, Considerazioni sopra le Rime, del,' Tassoni's, ii. 298, 300.
PETRONI, Lucrezia, second wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 348 _sq._
PETRONIO, S., Bologna, reception of Charles V. by Clement VII. at, i. 23; the Emperor's coronation at, 37 _sqq._
PETRUCCI, Pandolfo, seduction of two sons of, by the Jesuits, i. 284.
PHILIP II. of Spain: his quarrel with Paul IV., i. 102; the reconciliation, 104.
PHILOSOPHERS of Southern Italy in the sixteenth century, ii. 126 _sqq._
PIACENZA, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
PICCOLOMINI, Alfonso, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
'PIETRO Soave Polano,' anagram of 'Paolo Sarpi Veneto,' ii. 223.
PIGNA (secretary to the Duke of Ferrara), a rival of Tasso, ii. 34, 45, 48.
PINDAR, the professed model of Chiabrera's poetry, ii. 291, 294.
PIRATES, raids of, on Italy, i. 417.
PISA, first Council of, i. 92; the second, 95.
PIUS IV., Pope (Giov. Angelo Medici): his parentage, i. 109; Caraffa's antipathy to him, 110; makes Cardinal Morone his counsellor, _ib._; negotiations with the autocrats of Europe, 111; his diplomatic character, 112; the Tridentine decrees, _ib._; keen insight into the political conditions of his time, 113; independent spirit, 115; treatment of his relatives, _ib._; his brother's death helped him to the Papacy, _ib._; the felicity of his life, 116; the religious condition of Northern Europe in his reign, 117; re-opening of the Council of Trent, 119; his management of the difficulties connected with the Council, 127 _sqq._; use of cajoleries and menaces, 129; success of the Pope's plans, 130; his Bull of ratification of the Tridentine decrees, 131; his last days, 132; estimate of the work of his reign, 133 _sqq._; his lack of generosity, 142; coldness in religious exercises, 144; love of ease and good companions, 147.
PIUS V., Pope (Michele Ghislieri): his election, i. 137; influence of Carlo Borromeo on him, 137, 145, 147; ascetic virtues, 145; zeal for the Holy Office, 145; edict for the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146; his exercise of the Papal Supremacy, 148; his Tridentine Profession of Faith, _ib._; advocates rigid uniformity, 148; promotes attacks on Protestants, _ib._
PLAGUES: in Venice, i. 418; at Naples and in Savoy, _ib._; statistics of the mortality, 418 _n._; disease supposed to be wilfully spread by malefactors, 420.
POETRY, Heroic, the problem of creating, in Italy, ii. 80.
POLAND, the crown of, sought by Italian princes, ii. 246.
POLE, Cardinal Reginald, i. 76; Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._
POMA, Ridolfo, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
POMPONIUS LAETUS, the teacher of Paul III., i. 81, 82.
POPULAR melodies employed in Church music in the sixteenth century, ii. 318.
PORTRAIT of Charles V. by Titian, i. 42.
'PRESS, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
'PRINCEPS Musicae,' the title inscribed on Palestrina's tomb, ii. 325.
PRINTING: effects of the Index Expurgatorius on the trade in Venice, i. 192; firms denounced by name by Paul IV., 198, 208.
PROFESSED of three and of four vows (Jesuit grades), i. 271 _sq._
PROLETARIATE, the Italian, social morality of in the sixteenth century, i. 224 _sqq._
PROSTITUTES, Roman, expulsion of by Pius V., i. 146.
PROTESTANT Churches in Italy, persecution of, i. 186.
PROTESTANTISM in Italy, i. 71.
PROVINCES, Jesuit, enumeration of the, i. 161.
PUNCTILIO in the Sei Cento, ii. 288.
PURISTS, Tuscan, Tassoni's ridicule of, ii. 308.
PUTEO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 119.
Q
QUEMADERO, the Inquisition's place of punishment at Seville, i. 178.
QUENTIN, S., battle of, i. 103.
QUERRO, Msgr., an associate of the Cenci family, i. 349, 350, 352.
R
'RAGGUAGLI di Parnaso,' Boccalini's, ii. 313.
RANGONI, the, friends of Tasso and of his father, ii. 6, 23.
'RATIO Status,' statutes of the Index on the, i. 220.
RATIONALISM, the real offspring of Humanism, ii. 404.
RAVENNA, exarchate of, i. 7.
REALISTS, Italian school of painters, ii. 363 _sqq._
RECHENSBURG, the conference at, i. 78, 88
'RECITATIVO,' Claudio Monteverde the pioneer of, ii. 341.
REFORMATION, the: position of Italians towards its doctrines, i. 72.
REFORMING theologians in Italy, i. 76 _sq._
RELIGIOUS Orders, new, foundation of, in Italy, i. 79 _sq._
RELIGIOUS spirit of the Italian Church in the sixteenth century, i. 71.
RENAISSANCE and Reformation: the impulses of both simultaneously received by England, ii. 388.
RENÉE of France, Duchess of Ferrara, i. 77.
RENI, Guido, Bolognese painter, ii. 355; his masterpieces, 358.
REPUBLICAN governments in Italy, i. 5.
RETROSPECT over the Renaissance, ii. 389 _sqq._
REYNOLDS, Sir Joshua, admiration of, for the Bolognese painters, ii. 359, 375.
RIBERA, Giuseppe, see LO SPAGNOLETTO.
RICEI, Ottavia, attempted murder of, by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
'RICERCARI,' employment of, in Italian music, ii. 343.
RINALDO, Tasso's, first appearance of, ii. 22; its preface, 82; its subject-matter, 84; its religious motive, 86; its style, 86 _sqq._
RODRIGUEZ d'Azevedo, Simon, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240; his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256, 262.
ROMAN University, the, degraded condition of, in the sixteenth century, i. 216.
ROME, fluctuating population of, i. 137; eleemosynary paupers, 139; reform of Roman manners after the Council of Trent, 141; expulsion of prostitutes, 146; Roman society in Gregory XIII.'s reign, 152; the headquarters of Catholicism, ii. 397; relations with the Counter-Reformation, 398; the complicated correlation of Italians with Papal Rome, 399; the capital of a regenerated people, 408.
RONDINELLI, Ercole, Tasso's instructions to, in regard to his MSS., ii. 35.
ROSSI, Bastiano de', a critic of the Gerusalemme Liberata, ii. 72.
---Porzia de' (mother of Torquato Tasso): her parentage, ii. 5, 7; her marriage, 7; her death, probably by poison, 9; her character, 12; Torquato's love for her, 15.
---Vittorio de': his description of the ill-treatment of Aldo Manuzio in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
ROVERE, Francesco della (Duke of Urbino), account of, i. 36.
RUBBIERA, a fief of the Empire, i. 40.
RUSKIN, Mr., on the cause of the decline of Venice, i. 423 _n._; invectives of, against Domenichino's work, ii. 359.
S
SACRED Palace, the Master of the: censor of books in Rome, i. 201.
SALMERON, Alfonzo, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240; in Naples and Sicily, 254.
SALUZZO ceded to Savoy, i. 56.
SALVIATI, Leonardo, a critic of the Gerusalemme Liberata, ii. 72.
SAMMINIATI, Tommaso, intrigue and correspondence of, with Sister Umilia (Lucrezia Buonvisi), i. 341 _sqq._; banished from Lucca, 344.
S. ANNA, the hospital of, Tasso's confinement at, ii. 66 _sqq._
SAN BENITO, the costume of persons condemned by the Inquisition, i. 177.
SANSEVERINO, Amerigo, a friend of Bernardo Tasso, ii. 14.
---Ferrante di, Prince of Salerno, i. 38; ii. 6 _sqq._
SANTA CROCE, Ersilia di, first wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 347.
SANVITALE, Eleonora, Tasso's love-affair with, ii. 48.
SARDINIA, the island of, a Spanish province, i. 45.
SARPI, Fra Paolo: his birth and parentage, ii. 185; his position in the history of Venice, 186; his physical constitution, 189; moral temperament, 190; mental perspicacity, 191; discoveries in magnetism and optics, 192; studies and conversation, 193; early entry into the Order of the Servites, _ib._; his English type of character, 194; denounced to the Inquisition, 195; his independent attitude, 196; his great love for Venice, 197; the interdict of 1606, 198; Sarpi's defence of Venice against the Jesuits, 199 _sqq._; pamphlet warfare, 201; importance of this episode, 202; Sarpi's theory of Church and State, 203; boldness of his views, 205; compromise of the quarrel of the interdict, _ib._; Sarpi's relations with Fra Fulgenzio, 207; Sarpi warned by Schoppe of danger to his life, 208; attacked by assassins, 209; the Stilus Romanae Curiae, 211; history of the assassins, 212; complicity of the Papal Court, 213; other attempts on Sarpi's life, 214 _sq._; his opinion of the instigators, 216; his so called heresy, 218; his work as Theologian to the Republic, 219; his minor writings, 221; his opposition to Papal Supremacy, _ib._; the History of the Council of Trent, 222; its sources, 223; its argument, 224; deformation, not reformation, wrought by the Council, 225; Sarpi's impartiality, 226; was Sarpi a Protestant? 228; his religious opinions, 229; views on the possibility of uniting Christendom, 230; hostility to ultra-papal Catholicism, 231; critique of Jesuitry, 233; of ultramontane education, 235; the Tridentine Seminaries, 235; Sarpi's dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome, 237; his last days, 238; his death contrasted with that of Giordano Bruno, 239 _n._; his creed, 239; Sarpi a Christian Stoic, 240.
SARPI, citations from his writings, on the Papal interpretation of the Tridentine decrees, i. 131 _n._; details of the nepotism of the Popes, 156 _n._, 157 _n._; denunciation of the Index, 197 _n._, 206, 208 _n._; on the revival of polite learning, 215; on the political philosophy of the statutes of the Index, 221; on the Inquisition rules regarding emigrants from Italy, 227 _sq._; his invention of the name 'Diacatholicon,' 231; on the deflection of Jesuitry from Loyola's spirit and intention, 248; on the secret statutes of the Jesuits, 278; denunciations of Jesuit morality, 289 _n._; on the murder of Henri IV., 297 _n._; on the instigators of the attempts on his own life, ii. 215 _n._; on the attitude of the Roman Court towards murder, 216; on the literary polemics of James I., 229; on Jesuit education and the Tridentine Seminaries, 237.
SAVONAROLA'S opinion of the Church music of his time, ii. 320 _n._
SAVOY, the house of: its connection with important events in Italy, i. 16 _n._, 38, 56; becomes an Italian dynasty, 58.
'SCHERNO DEGLI DEI,' Bracciolini's, ii. 313.
SCHOLASTICS (Jesuit grade), i. 271.
SCHOPPE (Scioppius), Gaspar: sketch of his career, ii. 165, 208; his account of Bruno's heterodox opinions, 166; description of the last hours of Bruno, 167.
'SECCHIA RAPITA, LA,' Tassoni's, ii. 301 _sqq._
SECONDARY writers of the Sei Cento, ii. 313.
SEI CENTO, the, decline of culture in Italy in, ii. 242; its musicians, 243.
SEMINARIES, Tridentine, ii. 235.
SERIPANDO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
SERSALE, Alessandro and Antonio, Tasso's nephews, ii. 72.
---Cornelia (sister of Tasso), ii. 7, 9, 15 _sq._, 55, 64; her children, 72.
SERVITES, General of the, complicity of, in the attempts on Sarpi's life, ii. 214.
SETTLEMENT of Italy effected by Charles V. and Clement VII., net results of, i. 45 _sqq._
'SEVEN Liberal Arts, On the,' a lost treatise by Giordano Bruno, ii. 156, 182.
SFORZA, Francesco Maria, his relations with Charles V., i. 28.
---Lodovico (Il Moro, ruler of Milan), invites Charles VIII. into Italy, i. 8.
SICILY, separated from Naples, i. 4.
SIENA, republic of, subdued by Florence, i. 47.
'SIGNS of the Times, The,' a lost work by Giordano Bruno, ii. 136.
SIGONIUS: his History of Bologna blocked by the Index, i. 207.
SIMONETA, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118, 121.
SIXTUS V., Pope: short-sighted hoarding of treasure by, i. 153; his enactments against brigandage, 152; accumulation of Papal revenues, _ib._; public works, 153; animosity against pagan art, _ib._; works on and about S. Peter's, 154; methods of increasing revenue, 155; nepotism, 157; development of the Papacy in his reign, 158; his death predicted by Bellarmino, 298; his behavior after the murder of his nephew (Felice Peretti), 362.
SODERINI, Alessandro, assassinated together with his nephew Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 398.
SOLIMAN, Paul IV.'s negotiations with, i. 103.
SOMASCAN Fathers, Congregation of the, i. 79.
S. ONOFRIO, Tasso's death at, ii. 78; the mask of his face at, 116.
SORANZO, on the character of Pius IV., i. 111 _n._; on Carlo Borromeo, 116 _n._; on the changes in Roman society in 1565, 143.
'SPACCIO della Bestia Trionfante, Lo,' Giordano Bruno's, ii. 132 _n._, 140, 165, 183 _sq._
SPADA, Lionello, Bolognese painter, ii. 364.
SPAIN: its position in Italy after the battle of Pavia, i. 14.
SPANIARDS of the sixteenth century, character of, i. 59.
SPERONI, Sperone: his criticism of Tasso's Gerusalemme, ii. 44; a friend of Chiabrera, 287.
SPHERE, the, Giordano Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 135, 144 _sq._
STENDHAL, De (Henri Beyle): his Chroniques et Nouvelles cited: on the Cenci, i. 351 _sq._; the Duchess of Palliano, 373.
STERILITY of Protestantism, ii. 401.
STROZZI, Filippo, i. 46.
---Piero, i. 47.
T
TASSO, Bernardo (father of Torquato), i. 38; his birth and parentage, ii. 5; the Amadigi, 7, 11, 18, 35; his youth and marriage, 7; misfortunes, _ib._; exile and poverty, 8; death of his wife, 9; his death, 10, 35; his character, _ib._; his Floridante, 35.
---Christoforo (cousin of Torquato), ii. 14.
---Torquato: his relation to his epoch, ii. 2; to the influences of Italian decadence, 4; his father's position, 6; Torquato's birth, 7; the death of his mother, 9, 15; what Tasso inherited from his father, 11; Bernardo's treatment of his son, _ib._; Tasso's precocity as a child, 12; his early teachers, _ib._; pious ecstasy in his ninth year, 13; with his father in Rome, 14; his first extant letter, 15; his education, 16; with his father at the Court of Urbino, 17; mode of life here, 18; acquires familiarity with Virgil, 19; studies and annotates the Divina Commedia, _ib._; metaphysical studies and religious doubts, 20; reaction, _ib._; the appearance of the Rinaldo, 21; leaves Padua for Bologna, _ib._; Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, 22, 24, 26; flight to Modena, 22; speculations upon Poetry, 23; Tasso's theory of the Epic, 24; he joins the Academy 'Gli Eterei' at Padua, as 'Il Pentito,' 26; enters the service of Luigi d'Este, 27; life at the Court of Ferrara, 28; Tasso's love-affairs, 31; the problem of his relations with Leonora and Lucrezia d'Este, 32 _sqq._, 48, 51; quarrel with Pigna, 34; his want of tact, _ib._; edits his Floridante, 35; visit to Paris, _ib._; the Gottifredo (_Gerusalemme Liberata_), 35, 38, 42, 48, 50; his instructions to Rondinelli, _ib._; life at the Court of Charles IX., 36; rupture with Luigi d'Este, 38; enters the service of Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, _ib._; renewed relations with Leonora, _ib._; production and success of Aminta, 39; relations with Lucrezia d'Este (Duchess of Urbino), _ib._; his letters to Leonora, 41; his triumphant career, _ib._; submits the Gerusalemme to seven censors, 43; their criticisms, _ib._; literary annoyances, 44; discontent with Ferrara, 45; Tasso's sense of his importance, _ib._; the beginning of his ruin, 46; he courts the Medici, 47; action of his enemies at Ferrara, 48; doubts as to his sanity, 49; his dread of the Inquisition, _ib._; persecution by the courtiers, 50; revelation of his love affairs by Maddalò de'Frecci, 51; Tasso's fear of being poisoned, _ib._; outbreak of mental malady, 52; temporary imprisonment, _ib._; estimate of the hypothesis that Tasso feigned madness, 53; his escape from the Convent of S. Francis, 54; with his sister at Sorrento, 55; hankering after Ferrara, 56; his attachment to the House of Este, 57; terms on which he is received back, 58; second flight from Ferrara, 61; at Venice, Urbino, Turin, 63; 'Omero Fuggiguerra,' 64; recall to Ferrara, 65; imprisoned at S. Anna, 66; reasons for his arrest, 67; nature of his malady, 69; life in the hospital, 71; release and wanderings, 73; the Torrismondo, _ib._; work on the Gerusalemme Conquistata and the Sette Giornate, 75; last years at Naples and Rome, 76; at S. Onofrio, 76; death, 78; imaginary Tassos, 79; condition of romantic and heroic poetry in Tasso's youth, 80; his first essay in poetry, 81; the preface to Rinaldo, 82; subject-matter of the poem, 84; its religious motive, 86; Latinity of diction, _ib._; weak points of style, 88; lyrism and idyll, 89; subject of the Gerusalemme Liberata, 92; its romance, 94; imitation of Virgil, 97; of Dante, 97, 99; rhetorical artificiality, 100; sonorous verses, 101; oratorical dexterity, 102; similes and metaphors, _ib._; majestic simplicity, 104; the heroine, 106; Tasso, the poet of Sentiment, 108; the Non so che, 109 _sq._; Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, 109 _sqq._; the Dialogues and the tragedy Torrismondo, 113; the Gerusalemme Conquistata and Le Sette Giornate, 115, 124; personal appearance of Tasso, 115; general survey of his character, 116 _sqq._; his relation to his age, 120; his mental attitude, 122; his native genius, 124.
TASSONI, Alessandro: his birth, ii. 297; treatment by Carlo Emmanuele, 298; his independent spirit, _ib._; aim at originality of thought, 299; his criticism of Dante and Petrarch, 300; the _Secchia Rapita_: its origin and motive, 301; its circulation in manuscript copies, 302; Tassoni the inventor of heroico-comic poetry, 303; humor and sarcasm in Italian municipal wars, 304; the episode of the Bolognese bucket, _ib._; irony of the Secchia Rapita, 306; method of Tassoni's art, _ib._; ridicule of contemporary poets, 307; satire and parody, 308; French imitators of Tasso, 310; episodes of pure poetry, 311; sustained antithesis between poetry and melodiously-worded slang, 312; Tassoni's rank as a literary artist, _ib._
TAXATION, the methods of, adopted by Spanish Viceroys in Italy, i. 49.
TENEBROSI, the (school of painters), ii. 365.
TESTI, Fulvio, Modenese poet, ii. 314.
TEUTONIC tribes, relations of with the Italians, ii. 393; unreconciled antagonisms, 394; divergence, 395; the Church, the battle-field of Renaissance and Reformation, 395.
THEATINES, foundation of the Order of, i. 79.
THEORY, Italian love of, in Tasso's time, ii. 25; critique of Tasso's theory of poetry, 26, 42.
THIENE, Gaetano di, founder of the Theatines, i. 76.
THIRTY Divine Attributes, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 139.
TINTORETTO'S picture of S. Agnes, ii. 361.
TITIAN, portrait of Charles V. by, i. 42.
TOLEDO, Don Pietro di, Viceroy of Naples, i. 38; ii. 7.
---Francesco da, confessor of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
TORQUEMADA, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 173, 179, 181.
TORRE, Delia, the family of, ancestors, of the Tassi, ii. 5.
'TORRISMONDO,' Tasso's tragedy of, ii. 73, 113 _sq._
TORTURE, cases of witnesses put to, i. 333 _sqq._
TOUCH, the sense of, Marino's praises of, ii. 270.
TOULOUSE, power of the Inquisition in, ii. 137.
TRAGIC narratives circulated in manuscript in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, i. 372.
'TREATISE on the Inquisition,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
---'on the Interdict,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
TREMAZZI, Ambrogio: his own report of how he wrought the murder of Troilo Orsini, i. 405 _sqq._; his notions about his due reward, 406.
TRENT, Council of: Indiction of, by Paul III., i. 97; numbers of its members, 97 _n._, 119 _n._; diverse objects of the Spanish, French, and German representatives, 98, 122; the articles which it confirmed, 98; method of procedure, 99, 120; the Council transferred to Bologna, 100; Paul IV.'s measures of ecclesiastical reform, 107; the Council's decrees actually settled in the four Courts, 112, 119; its organization by Pius IV., 118 _sqq._; inauspicious commencement, 119; the privileges of the Papal legates, 120; daily post of couriers to the Vatican, 121; arts of the Roman Curia, 122; Spanish, French, Imperial Opposition, 123; clerical celibacy and Communion under both forms, _ib._; packing the Council with Italian bishops, 125; the interests of the Gallican Church, 126; interference of the Emperor Ferdinand, _ib._; confusion in the Council, 126 _n._; envoys to France and the Emperor, 127; cajoleries and menaces, 129; action of the Court of Spain, 130; firmness of the Spanish bishops, 130 _n._; Papal Supremacy decreed, 131; reservation in the Papal Bull of ratification, 131 _and note_; Tridentine Profession of Faith (Creed of Pius V.), 148.
TUSCANY, creation of the Grand Duchy of, i. 47.
TWO SICILIES, the kingdom of the, i. 45.
'TYRANNY of the kiss,' the, exemplified in the Rinaldo, ii. 90; in the Pastor Fido, 255; in the Adone, 272.
U
UNIVERSAL Monarchy, end of the belief in, i. 34.
UNIVERSE, Bruno's conception of the, ii. 173 _sqq._
UNIVERSITIES, Italian, i. 51.
'UNTORI, La Peste degli,' i. 421; trial of the Untoti, 421.
URBAN VIII., fantastic attempt made against the life of, i. 425 _sq._
URBINO, the Court of, life at, ii. 17 _sq._
V
VALDES, Juan: his work _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_, i. 76.
VALORI, Baccio, i. 33.
VASTO, Marquis of, i. 25.
VENETIAN ambassadors' despatches cited: on the manners of the Roman Court in 1565, i. 142, 147; the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146.
VENICE, the Republic of, its possessions in the fifteenth century, i. 9; relations with Spain in 1530, 45; rise of a contempt for commerce in, 49; the constitution of its Holy Office, 190; Concordat with Clement VIII., 193; Tasso at, ii. 19 _sq._; its condition in Sarpi's youth, 185; political indifference of its aristocracy, 186; put under interdict by Paul V., 198.
VENIERO, Maffeo, on Tasso's mental malady, ii. 52, 63.
VERONA, Peter of (Peter Martyr), Italian Dominican Saint of the Inquisition, i. 161.
VERVINS, the Treaty of, i. 48, 56.
VETTORI, Francesco, i. 33.
VIRGIL, Tasso's admiration of, ii. 25; translations and adaptations from, 98.
VISCONTI, the dynasty of, i. 8.
---Valentina, grandmother of Louis XII. of France, i. 8.
VITELLI, Alessandro, i. 46.
VITELLOZZI, Vitellozzo, influence of, in the reform of Church music, ii. 325.
VITI, Michele, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
'VOCERO,' the, i. 332.
VOLTERRA, Bebo da, associate of Bibboni in the murder of Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 390 _sqq._
VULGATE, the: results of its being declared inviolable, i. 210.
W
WALDENSIANS in Calabria, the, i. 188.
WITCHCRAFT, chiefly confined to the mountain regions of Italy, i. 425; mainly used as a weapon of malice, _ib._; details of the sorcery practised by Giacomo Centini, 425 _sqq._
WIFE-MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 380 _sq._, 385.
X
XAVIER, Francis, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 239; his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256; his mission to the Indies, 260.
XIMENES, Cardinal, as Inquisitor General, i. 182.
Z
ZANETTI, Guido, delivered over to the Roman Inquisition, i. 145.
RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
THE CATHOLIC REACTION In Two Parts
BY
JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
_'Il mondo invecchia, E invecchiando intristisce_'
TASSO, Aminta, Act 2, sc. 2