FOOTNOTES

1. (Rhetores) quorum professio quam nullam apud maiores auctoritatem habuerit, Tac. Dial. 30.

2. C. Suetoni Tranquilli praeter Caesarum libros reliquiae. Leipzig 1860, p. 365 sq. and 469 sq.

3. There is however some doubt about the name, most editors reading L. Galba.

4. So Hild, Introd. p. xii, where reference is made to the following authorities as establishing this custom for the Jews of Asia: Joseph, xiv. 10. 17 Ἰουδαῖοι ... ἐπέδειξαν ἑαυτοὺς σύνοδον ἔχειν ἰδίαν δατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς καὶ τόπον ἴδιον, ἐν ᾧ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιλογίας κρίνουσι—the words of L. Antonius, governor of the province of Asia, A.D. 50. Cp. id. xiv. 7, 2: Act Apost. ix. 2: xxii. 19: xxvi. 11: Cor. ii. 11, 24. The privilege was maintained under the Christian emperors: see inter alia Cod. Theod. ii. 1, 10 sane si qui per compromissum, ad similitudinem arbitrorum, apud Iudaeos vel patriarchas ex consensu partium in civili duntaxat negotio putaverint litigandum, sortiri eorum iudicium iure publico non vetentur.

5. Gaius ii §274 mulier quae ab eo qui centum milia aeris census est, per legem Voconiam heres institui non potest, tamen fideicommisso relictam sibi hereditatem capere potest.

6. Hild, Introd. pp. xiii.-xiv, where passages are cited from contemporary literature describing both types. For the first cp. Martial viii. 16 Pistor qui fueras diu, Cipere, Nunc causas agis, and passim: Petronius, Sat. 46 destinavi illum artificii docere, aut tonstrinum aut praeconem aut certe causidicum ... Philero was lately a street porter: nunc etiam adversus Norbanum se extendit; litterae thesaurum est, et artificium numquam moritur: Juv. vii. 106 sqq.: Plin. v. 13, 6 sq.: vi. 29. Of the second class the best representative is Aquilius Regulus, informer and legacy-hunter, on whose account Herennius Senecio parodied Cato’s famous utterance, vir malus dicendi imperitus Plin. iv. 7, 5 and ii. 20.

7. Hild (p. xv. note) compares Juv. Sat. xiv. 44 sqq. with Quint, i. 2, 8 and Tac. Dial. 29: and especially Sat. vii. 207 with Quint, ii. 2, 4: Di, maiorum umbris tenuem et sine pondere terram Spirantesque crocos et in urna perpetuum ver, Qui praeceptorem sancti valuere parentis Esse loco! and Sumat ante omnia parentis erga discipulos suos animum (sc. praeceptor) ac succedere se in eorum locum a quibus sibi liberi tradantur existimet.

8. i. pr. §1 post impetratam studiis meis quietem quae per viginti annos erudiendis iuvenibus impenderam. The chronology is rather uncertain. It is supposed that Quintilian began his Institutio in 92 or 93 and finished it in 94 or 95. If the period of twenty years is to be interpreted rigorously, we may suppose that he is referring to his official career, as it may have been in 72 that Vespasian took the step referred to above, p. viii. Or we may understand him to be dating the period of his educational activity as extending from A.D. 70 to A.D. 90, though he did not begin to write the Institutio till 92. The latter is the more probable alternative.

9. See De Quintiliani libro qui fuit De Causis Corruptae Eloquentiae: Dissertatio Inauguralis: Augustus Reuter, Vratislaviae 1887.

10. The Declamationes may also be mentioned here, as having long been credited to Quintilian: they consist of 19 longer and 145 shorter pieces. That Quintilian practised this form of rhetorical exercise, and with success,—at least in the earlier part of his career,—is clear from such passages as xi. 2, 39: but it seems probable, from the nature of the contents of the existing collection, if not from the style, that tradition has erred in attributing to the master what must have been, in the main, the work of pupils and imitators. The popular habit of tacking on to a great name whatever seems not unworthy of it, may account for the fact that these rhetorical efforts are credited to Quintilian as early as the time of Ausonius, who says (Prof. 1, 15) Seu libeat fictas ludorum evolvere lites Ancipitem palmam Quintilianus habet. St. Jerome, on Isaiah viii. praef., speaks of his concinnas declamationes: Lactantius i. 24 quotes one which has disappeared from the collection; and lastly, Trebellius Pollio, a historian of the age of Diocletian, speaking of a certain Postumus, of Gaulish origin, adds: fuit autem ... ita in declamationibus disertus ut eius controversiae Quintiliano dicantur insertae (Trig. tyr. 4, 2): cp. ib. Quintiliano, quem declamatorem Romani generis acutissimum vel unius capitis lectio prima statim fronte demonstrat (Hild, Introd. p. xxi. note).

11. See also the Dissertatio of Albertus Trabandt, Gryphiswaldiae 1883, De Minoribus quae sub nomine Quintiliani feruntur Declamationibus.

12. iv. pr. 2 Cum vero mihi Domitianus Augustus sororis suae nepotum delegaverit curam, non satis honorem iudiciorum caelestium intellegam, nisi ex hoc oneris quoque magnitudinem metiar.

13. If they had still been under Quintilian’s care when he wrote the Introduction to the Sixth Book (where referring to his domestic losses he says that he will live henceforth not to himself but to the youth of Rome), he would almost certainly have made some reference to them.

14. In judging Quintilian we must not forget that similar extravagances have not been unknown in our own literature. His translator, Guthrie—an Aberdonian Scot, who is full of enthusiasm for his author—cries out in a note on this passage: “I will engage to point out from the works of some of the greatest and most learned men, as well as of the best poets, of England, compliments to the abilities not only of princes, but of noblemen, statesmen, nay, private gentlemen, who in this respect deserved them as little as Domitian did.”

15. The expression used in vi. pr. §4, meo casu cui tamen nihil obici nisi quod vivam potest, shows that Quintilian was quite conscious of his comfortable circumstances.—Halm (followed by Meister) reads quam quod vivam: but I find nisi in both the Bamberg (G) and the Harleian codices.

16. Some have supposed that Quintilian made a second marriage (sometime between 93 and 95), after losing his wife and two children. This theory, which is rejected now by Mommsen, Teuffel, and most authorities, was invented to account for the existence of a grown-up daughter, to whom, on the occasion of her marriage (about the year 105), Pliny gives a present of 50,000 sesterces: Ep. vi. 32. But this young lady must have been the daughter of another Quintilianus altogether. What we know of our Quintilian’s affluent circumstances is inconsistent with such liberality on Pliny’s part: the gift is offered as to a man who is comparatively poor. Moreover, the letter intimating the gift contains no such reference to the services of a former teacher as might have been expected on so interesting an occasion. And lastly it is almost inconceivable that Quintilian, after bewailing in the Introduction to Book vi. (about 93 A.D.) the bereavements that left him desolate (superstes omnium meorum), should have had twelve years afterwards a daughter of marriageable age.

17. Quibus (libris) componendis, ut scis, paulo plus quam biennium tot alioqui negotiis districtus impendi; quod tempus non tam stilo quam inquisitioni instituti operis prope infiniti et legendis auctoribus, qui sunt innumerabiles, datum est.

18. Milder references, such as those at i. 4, 5 and x. 1, 35 and 123, may have been written before the event mentioned above (the date of which is fixed by Suet. Dom. 10 and Tac. Agric. 2), and may have been allowed to stand.

19. Ipse nec habeat vitia nec ferat. Non austeritas eius tristis, non dissoluta sit comitas, ne inde odium, hinc contemptus oriatur. Plurimus ei de honesto ac bono sermo sit: nam quo saepius monuerit, hoc rarius castigabit. Minime iracundus, nec tamem eorum quae emendanda erunt dissimulator: simplex in docendo, patiens laboris, adsiduus potius quam immodicus ii. 2, 5.

20. See Oscar Browning’s ‘Educational Theories’ p. 26 sqq., for a good account of Quintilian’s system.

21. xii. 1, 3 and 4 ne futurum quidem oratorem nisi virum bonum: ... ne studio quidem operis pulcherrimi vacare mens nisi omnibus vitiis libera potest.

22. Inst. Or. xii. 11, 4-7, cited by Browning pp. 33-4: ac nescio an eum tum beatissimum credi oporteat fore, cum iam secretus et consecratus, liber invidia, procul contentionibus, famam in tuto collocarit et sentiet vivus eam, quae post fata praestari magis solet, venerationem, et quid apud posteros futurus sit videbit.

23. Dr. Reid in Encyclopaedia Britannica.

24. i. 2. §§4-8: cp. Tac. Dial. 29.

25. i. 2. §8: cp. Iuv. xiv. 44 sqq.

26. Quis enim ignorat et eloquentiam et ceteras artes descivisse ab illa vetere gloria non inopia praemiorum, sed desidia iuventutis et neglegentia parentum et inscientia praecipientium et oblivione moris antiqui?—ch. 28.

27. M. F. Quintiliani de Institutione Oratoria, Liber Primus: Paris, Firmin-Didot et Cie. 1890, pp. xiv. sqq.

28. For the identification of this manuscript see below p. lxx.

29. Admiration for him was carried to such a pitch that at Leipzig the professor of eloquence was designated Quintiliani professor. Luther was one of his greatest admirers, preferring him to almost every other writer; and Erasmus was a diligent student of his works, especially Books i and x of the Institutio.

30. Stanhope’s Life of Pitt, vol. i. p. 11.

31. To Sir Stafford Northcote: “He was very fond of Quintilian, and said it was strange that in the decadence of Roman literature, as it was called, we had three such authors as Tacitus, Juvenal, and Quintilian,” Lang’s ‘Life of Lord Iddesleigh,’ vol. ii. p. 178.

32. Dr. Reid in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.

33. See M. Samuel Rocheblave: De M. Quintiliano L. Annaei Senecae Judice, Paris (Hachette), 1890.

34. Ep. xvi. 5, 6 de compositione non constat: Ep. xix. 5, 13 oratio certam regulam non habet.

35. i Prooem. §10 sqq., especially neque enim hoc concesserim rationem rectae honestaeque vitae, ut quidam putaverunt, ad philosophos relegandam. Cp. x. 1, 35: and xii. 2, 9 Utinam ... orator hanc artem superbo nomine et vitiis quorundam bona eius corrumpentium invisam vindicet. M. Rocheblave sees in these and other passages evidence of a bias against the representatives of philosophy on the part of Quintilian, which must have worked as powerfully in the case of a teacher of youth as the more open denunciations of Juvenal and Martial. He even finds traces of Quintilian’s influence with Domitian in the banishment of the philosophers from Rome in A.D. 94. It is certainly noticeable that the tone of his references to them becomes more bitter in the later books: e.g. xi. 1, 33-35: and xii. 3, 11-12. The Prooemium to Book i. may have been written last of all: and apart from it there is nothing in Books i to x (see i. 4, 5; x. 1, 35 and 123) so acrimonious as the extracts refered to. Cp. p. xiv.

36. See ii. 5, 10-12 Ne id quidem inutile, etiam corruptas aliquando et vitiosas orationes, quas tamen plerique iudiciorum pravitate mirantar, legi palam ostendique in his quam multa impropria, obscura, tumida, humilia, sordida, lasciva, effeminata sint: quae non laudantur modo a plerisque sed, quod est peius, propter hoc ipsum quod sunt prava laudantur. With this last cp. x. 1, 127 (of Seneca) placebat propter sola vitia. So i. 8, 9 quando nos in omnia deliciarum vitia dicendi quoque ratione defluximus: ii. 5, 22 (cavendum est) ne recentis huius lasciviae flosculis capti voluptate prava deleniantur ut praedulce illud genus et puerilibus ingeniis hoc gratius quo propius est adament: with which compare x. 1, 129 corrupta pleraque atque eo perniciosissima, quod abundant dulcibus vitiis: §130 consensu potius eruditorum quam puerorum amore comprobaretur. Rocheblave cites also viii. 5, 27, 28, 30.

37. It is doubtful if the allusion in §126 (potioribus praeferri non sinebam quos ille non destiterat incessere, &c.) is exclusively to Cicero. Seneca’s extant works contain many references to Cicero which are the reverse of disparaging: Rocheblave (p. 43) cites Ep. vi. 6, 6 where he speaks of him as ‘locuples’ in the choice of words: xvi. 5, 9 where he is ‘maximus’ in philosophy: xviii. 4, 10 where he is ‘disertissimus’: see also xix. 5, 16, and xvi. 5, 7.

38. Cp. Rocheblave, p. 46 De Annaeo vero Seneca, velut olim de Catone defendebat lepidissimus consul, merito nobis dici videtur posse, quae deficiant, si minus omnia, pleraque saltem tempori esse attribuenda; quae vero emineant, ipsius scriptoris esse propria, et in primis oculos capere: p. 36 Eloquentiam non verbis, sed rebus valere, nec per se, sed propter quae docere animum possit, esse excolendam Annaeus semper professus est. Eloquentiam contra delectu verborum praecipue constare, et per se amandam et requirendam esse, nulla aut minima rerum adhibita ratione, docebant rhetores, et in primis Quintilianus: p. 38 Ergo quum in eloquentia duo sint praesertim consideranda, scilicet res verbaque, haud dubium est Annaeam pro rebus Fabium pro verbis, utrumque asperrime, egisse.

39. See note on p. 58, where an extract is given which is quoted by Diderot in his Essai sur Claude et Néron. Instead of Seneca being the ‘corruptor eloquentiae’ the truth is that ‘il ne corrompit rien. Il suivit son génie, il s’accommoda au goût de ses contemporains, il eut l’avantage de leur plaire et de s’en faire admirer; et l’envie lui fit un crime de ce qui passerait pour vrai talent dans un homme moins célèbre.’

40. Montaigne, Essais ii. ch. x.

41. Fronto, De Oration. p. 157 At enim quaedam in libris eius scite dicta, graviter quoque nonnulla. Etiam laminae interdum argentiolae cloacis inveniuntur; eane re cloacas purgandas redimemus? For Gellius see Noct Att. xii. 2.

42. “In the case of the first list, or list of Greek authors, he gives his readers fair warning that he is only repeating other people’s criticisms, not pronouncing his own. In §27 he mentions Theophrastus by name; in §52, speaking of Hesiod, he says datur ei palma, &c.; in §53 the second place is given to Antimachus by the consent of the grammatici; Panyasis is thought (putant) in eloquendo neutrius aequare virtutes, Callimachus (58) princeps habetur (elegiae), secundas confessione plurimorum Philetas occupavit. In 59 only three iambographi are mentioned, those, namely, who were allowed by Aristarchus. The novem lyrici were probably a selection of Aristarchus: in any case they are the Pindarus novemque lyrici (for this need not be taken to mean strictly ten) of Petronius’s first chapter.”—Prof. Nettleship in Journ. of Philol. xviii. p. 258.

43. Quod tempus (i.e. paulo plus quam biennium) non tam stilo quam inquisitioni instituti operis prope infiniti et legendis auctoribus, qui sunt innumerabiles datum est: Epist. ad Tryphonem.

44. Claussen, Quaestiones Quintilianeae, Leipzig 1873, p. 343 note: sententia mea, ut semel dicam, Quintilianus non omnia quae contuli opera in singulis iudiciis evolvit sed nonnullos locos memoria tenuit, adeo ut inscius interdum auctorum verba referret. This (though somewhat inconsistent with the opinion quoted p. xxxii) is a milder verdict than that of Professor Nettleship, who, after speaking of Quintilian’s ‘somewhat pretentious moral overture’ (vir bonus dicendi peritus, &c.), adds: “one would be glad to know whether he would have thought it a necessary virtue in a bonus grammaticus to read and conscientiously study the Greek authors on whom he passes formal critical judgments. For it is, alas! too plain that, whether Quintilian had or had not read them, he contents himself in many cases with merely repeating the traditional criticisms of the Greek schools upon some of the principal Greek authors.” (Journ. of Philol. xviii. p. 257.)

45. See Prof. Nettleship’s paper on ‘Literary Criticism in Latin Antiquity’ in Journ. of Philol. vol. xviii. p. 225 sqq.

46. Cp. iii. 1, 16, where he is eulogised among the Greek rhetoricians; ix. 3, 89: 4, 88 (‘similia dicit Halicarnasseus Dionysius’). Cp. the parallelism in regard to the Panegyricus of Isocrates, x. 4, 4: and for other instances see Claussen, op. cit. pp. 339-340.

47. The extant remains of this treatise have recently been edited by Usener (Bonn. 1889), with a valuable Epilogus. The scope of the work is indicated by Dionysius himself in the Epist. ad Pompeium iii. p. 776 R, Usener p. 50: τούτων ὁ μὲν πρῶτος αὐτὴν περιείληφε τὴν περὶ τῆς μιμήσεως ζήτησιν, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος περὶ τοῦ τίνας ἄνδρας μιμεῖσθαι δεῖ ποιητάς τε καὶ φιλοσόφους, ἱστοριογράφους (τε) καὶ ῥήτορας, ὁ δὲ τρίτος περὶ τοῦ πῶς δεῖ μιμεῖσθαι.

48. The standpoint from which both critics regarded this class of poetry was probably much the same as that which Dio Chrysostom applies to lyric poetry generally: μέλη δὲ καὶ ἐλεγεῖα καὶ ἴαμβοι καὶ διθύραμβοι τῷ μὲν σχολὴν ἄγοντι πολλοῦ ἄξια (cp. tunc et elegiam vacabit, &c., §58) τῷ δὲ πράττειν τε καὶ ἅμα τὰς πράξεις καὶ τοὺς λόγους αὔξειν διανοουμένῳ οὐκ ἂν εἴη πρὸς αὐτὰ σχολή (Or. xviii. 8, p. 478 R.)

49. How diverse the tradition of the various authorities came to be in regard to the epic poets may be seen from Usener’s note p. 137.

50. Cp. however Usener’s note p. 138 Aristophanis propria fuit Menandri illa admiratio quam epigramma prodit Kaibelli p. 1085 (C.I.Gr. 6083): cuius iudicii Kaibelius p. 490 in Quintiliano x. 1, 69 vestigia recte observavit.

51. See Usener, p. 123: fr. xvii. quid enim aut Herodoto dulcius aut Thucydide gravius, fr. xviii. aut Philisto brevius aut Theopompo acrius aut Ephoro mitius inveniri potest? It has been supposed that between these two fragments the words aut Xenophonte iucundius may have fallen out: cp. Quint, x. 1, 82.

52. See especially fr. xi. qua re velim dari mihi, Luculle, indicem tragicorum, ut sumam qui forte mihi desunt: and cp. note on 1 §57.

53. Cp. the note on qui parcissime x. 4, 4.

54. De Canone decem Oratorum Atticorum Quaestiones. Breslau, 1883.

55. A iudicandis poetarum carminibus olim ars grammatica initium sumpserat, fuitque ante κριτική quam γραμματική—Usener, p. 132.

56. See Prof. Nettleship, Journ. of Phil. pp. 230-231.

57. Among other traces of the use of such an abridgment by Cicero, Usener reckons his judgments on the Greek historians (Herodotus and Thucydides, Philistus, Theopompus and Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes and Timaeus) in the second book of the de Oratore (§§55-58), a work which was written ten years before the Hortensius: on Herodotus and Thucydides, Orat. §39: cp. Ep. ad Quintum fr. ii. 11 (13), 4, ad Callisthenem et ad Philistum redeo, in quibus te video volutatum. Callisthenes quidem volgare et notum negotium, quem ad modum aliquot Graeci locuti sunt: Siculus ille capitalis, creber, acutus, brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides.

58. Adponam laterculum quam breve tam egregium, quod ex codice Coisliniano n. 387 olim Athoo saeculi X Montefalconius edidit bibl. Coislin. p. 597, ex codice Bodleiano olim Meermanni recentiore Cramerus anecd. Paris t. iv. p 196, 15 sq. Usener, p. 129.

59. Nettleship, in Journ. of Philol. p. 233.

60. Havell’s translation, p. 27.

61. See the note on x. 1, 85, with the quotation from Professor Nettleship’s article in the Journal of Philology. In the Rheinisches Museum (xix. 1864, p. 3 sqq.) Mercklin pushed the parallelism to an excessive extent, endeavouring to find a correspondence between each individual Greek and Latin writer mentioned by Quintilian.

62. “His (Seneca’s) works are made up of mottoes. There is hardly a sentence which might not be quoted; but to read him straight forward is like dining on nothing but anchovy sauce.”—Macaulay, Trevelyan’s Life, i. p. 448.

63. Pervasit iam multos ista persuasio, ut id demum eleganter atque exquisite dictum patent, quod interpretandum sit: viii. 2. 21.

64. Tac. Dial. 20 Iam vero iuvenes ... non solum audire sed etiam referre domum aliquid inlustre et dignum memoria volunt, traduntque invicem ac saepe in colonias ac provincias suas scribunt, sive sensus aliquis arguta et brevi sententia effulsit, sive locus exquisito et poetico cultu enituit.

65. ii. 5, 10 ostendi in his quam multa impropria, obscura, tumida, humilia, sordida, lasciva, effeminata sint: guae non laudantur modo a plerisque, sed, quod est peius, propter hoc ipsum quod sunt prava laudantur.

66. He resembles other writers of the decadence in the frequent use of rare or poetical words, in neglecting the nice distinctions formerly made between synonyms, in the numbers of adjectives used substantively, &c.

67. In discussing Quintilian’s language and style, it must not be forgotten that he was a Spaniard by birth. In his recent pamphlet, ‘Ueber die Substantivierung des Adjectivums bei Quintilian’ (Berlin, 1890), Dr. Paul Hirt quotes an interesting remark of Filelfo (cp. G. Voigt, ‘Wiederbelebung des klass. Alt.’ i. p. 467 note), which has lately received some corroboration: sapit hispanitatem nescio quam, hoc est barbariem plane quandam. Filelfo did not like Quintilian: nullam habet elegantiam, nullum nitorem, nullam suavitatem. Neque movet dicendo Quintilianus, neque satis docet, nec delectat. But this was only Filelfo’s opinion, for which he would not have been able to furnish such scientific grounds as that lately (Archiv. f. Lat. Lex. und Gramm. 1 p. 356) supplied by Dr. E. Wölfflin, in regard to the adjective pandus. This word was in use in the days of Ennius, and occurs often afterwards in poetry, but not in prose. In Spain, however, it lingered, and is used by Seneca, Martial, Silius, Columella, and especially by Quintilian. After these writers it disappears again till the fourth century.—Cp. i. 5, 57 gurdos, quos pro stolidis accipit vulgus, ex Hispania duxisse originem audivi, which has been quoted (by Abbé Gédoyn, and by Hermann, following Gesner) strangely enough in disproof of Quintilian’s Spanish birth.

68. For this section I am especially indebted to a Dissertatio by Adamus Marty: De Quintilianeo Usu et Copia Verborum cum Ciceronianis potissimum comparatis. Also the Prolegomena in Bonnell’s Lexicon: and Dosson’s Remarques sur la Langue de Quintilien.

69. Marty (op. cit. p. 47) has an interesting note, in which, referring to the Zeitschrift f. Gymnasialwesen, xiv. pp. 427-29, he says it has been found that there are in Cicero 290 (296) substantives in -tor and 44 (46) in -trix. Of these 73 in -tor and 4 in -trix are also in Quintilian, who has, on the other hand, 28 in -tor and 8 in -trix which do not occur in Cicero. These are—adfectator, admirator, adsertor, agnitor, altercator, auxiliator, constitutor, consultor, contemptor, cunctator, delator, derisor, exactor, formator, iactator, insectator, latrator, legum lator, luctator, plosor, professor(?), raptor, repertor, rixator, signator, stuprator, ventilator, versificator, cavillatrix, disputatrix, elocutrix, enuntiatrix, exercitatrix, hortatrix, iudicatrix, (litteratrix), sermocinatrix.

70. This subject has been most exhaustively treated in a Programm by Dr. Paul Hirt, ‘Ueber die Substantivierung des Adjectivums bei Quintilian’ (Berlin, 1890), a monument of German thoroughness. See also Becher’s Quaestiones Grammaticae (Nordhausen, 1879), pp. 6 sqq.

71. Schmalz (Ueber den Sprachgebrauch des Asinius Pollio, p. 52) says that this usage, which is a favourite one with Pollio ad Fam. x. 32, 5 Gallum Cornelium), was first introduced by Varro (L. Lat. 5, 83 Scaevola Quintus: de Re Rust. i. 2, 1 Libo Marcius). It is frequent in Cicero’s correspondence, and became general in Velleius Paterculus.

72. See a Programm by David Wollner, ‘Die von der Beredsamkeit aus der Krieger- und Fechtersprache entlehnten Bildlichen Wendungen in der rhetorischen Schriften des Cicero, Quintilian, und Tacitus’ (Landau, 1886).

73. Halm’s account of this is more accurate than Meister’s. The former (Praef. p. viii) says magnae autem lacunae Bernensis pergamenis insertis ex alio codice suppletae sunt. The alius codex which the writer of G had at hand is no longer extant: it no doubt belonged to the same family as the Ambrosianus, and Bambergensis G is consequently of first-class importance, especially where the Ambrosianus fails us. It is incorrect to say (with Meister, Praef. p. vi) lacunae pergamenis ex alieno codice insertis expletae sunt. The writer of G did not mutilate another codex in order to complete Bg: in some places he begins his copy on the blank space left at the end of a folio in Bg.

74. The Pratensis is the oldest authority for the reading tam laesae hercule at i. 2, 4: the Puteanus and Ioannensis agree. Again all three omit the words de litteris at i. 4, 6, and show praecoquum for praecox at i. 3, 3 (so Voss. iii. and 7760), and haec igitur ex verbis at i. 5, 2 (so Voss. iii.).

75. An account of this important codex has already been given in an article on M. Fierville’s Quintilian, Classical Review, February, 1891.

76. The subpunctuation of these letters by the second hand by the Bambergensis is a phenomenon which may, I think, be explained in this way. The codex from which the readings known as b are taken must have been of considerable antiquity, and probably abounded in contractions: lius may have seemed to the copyist the nearest approach to what he had before him, wherefore he subpunctuated Cloe. Cloelius in the Bambergensis is a very intelligible mistake for Clodius. Another example of a similar mistake on the part of the writer of b occurs at x. 2, 7, where the Bambergensis now shows id consequi q̣ụọd imiteris, the writer of b having subpunctuated quo because he did not understand the contraction for quod which he had in the text before him. The copyist of the Harleianus at once follows suit, and hence the remarkable reading id consequi dimiteris, which in the Bodleianus and other MSS. becomes de metris (see Crit. Note ad loc.). In fact, it seems that much of the corruption which has prevailed in the text of Quintilian is due to the fact that b very often did not understand what he was doing, and that through such codices as followed his guidance his errors became perpetuated. Cp. totas at cures (for vires b) suas in the second last line of the Facsimile (x. 1, 109.)

77. The only places in the Tenth Book which form any obstacle to the theory that H was copied directly from the Bambergensis are the following: x. 3, 33, where the remarkable gloss vindemoni occurs (repeated in F but not in T): see Crit. Notes ad loc. for an attempted explanation: x. 2, 1 ex his summa H, a mistake evidently recognised by the copyist himself: and x. 1, 27 blandita tum H (so L C), libertate G.

78. The claim of the Codex Florentinus to be Poggio’s manuscript was definitely rejected by A. Reifferscheid in the Rheinisches Museum, xxiii (1868), pp. 143-146. Reifferscheid refers to a Codex Urbinas (577), an examination of which would probably settle the question, if it is what it professes to be, a transcript of Poggio’s manuscript. It bears the following inscription: Scripsit Poggius Florentinus hunc librum Constantiae diebus LIII sede apostolica vacante. Reperimus vero eum in bibliotheca monasterii sancti galli quo plures litterarum studiosi perquirendorum librorum causa accessimus ex quo plurimum utilitalis eloquentiae studiis comparatum putamus, cum antea Quintilianum neque integrum neque nisi lacerum et truncum plurimis locis haberemus. Hec verba ex originali Poggii sumpta.

79. For the controversy as between the Turicensis and the Florentinus see Halm, Sitzungsberichte der königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, 1866, p. 499 note: and Fierville, Introduction, p. xcii. sqq.

80. Kiderlin (Rhein. Mus. xlvi. p. 12, note) cites the following passages in Book x, where S has preserved the right reading: I add those of my MSS. which are in agreement—§19 digerantur (G H dirigantur, L dirigerantur): §27 blandicia, so Burn. 243 (G libertate, H L blandita tum): §55 sed (G H et, om. L): §65 tamen quem (G H tamen quae: M tamquam): §66 correctas (G H rectas, M correptas): §67 uter (G H M T uterque): §68 reprehendunt (G H M reprehendit,—et H ?): §69 testatur (as Harl. 2662, 4995, 4950, 4829, Burn. 244, Ball., Dorv.), G M praestatur (as Burn. 243, Bodl.): §76 in eo tam (G inectam, M in hoc tam).

81. See note on the following page.

82. Since the above was written the readings of the Vallensis have been given in detail for the Tenth Book by Becher (Programm des königlichen Gymnasiums zu Aurich, Easter, 1891). With the exception of Harl. 4995, no other fifteenth century codex furnishes so correct a text; and it is interesting to speculate whether the improvements are due to the progress of scholarship since Poggio’s discovery, or to the fact that the Vallensis and Harl. 4995 derive, not from the class of MSS. to which Poggio’s belonged, but from some other and more reliable codex. If the latter was copied from the former, it will afford a test, such as Becher desiderates, for discriminating between the corrections made in the Vallensis. Those not adopted in Harl. 4995 were made, in all probability, after 1470. For example in 1. §23 utile erit (Vall.2) does not appear in the London manuscript, which also has audatiora 5 §4: nobis ac and uno genere ib. §7: virtutum ib. §17: recidere ib. §22: diligenter effecta, (without una enim) ib. §23: iniicere 7 §29. In all these places there are corrections by a later hand in the Vallensis. But in the following passages, among others, the copyist of Harl. 4995 adopts corrections which had already been made in the Vallensis: 1 §9 quae cultiore in parte: §19 iteratione: §31 molli: §38 exequar: §107 qui duo plurimum affectus valent: §117 et vis summa: §125 tum: 2 §15 dicunt: §17 quam libet: 3 §2 et fundit: §6 scriptorum: §17 contextis quae fudit levitas: §21 simul vertere latus: §31 crebra relatione: 5 §12 de reo: §25 utilior. A comparison of the two codices might possibly reveal the fact that the writer of Harl. 4995 is himself the author of some of the emendations in the Vallensis. Was he J. Badius?


Preface

Chapter I

Chapters II-VII

Critical Notes