Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam deuenerunt. Cap. 24.

[Sidenote: Terra Biserminorum.] Porrò de terra Kangittarum intrauimus terram Biserminorum, qui loquuntur lingua Comanica, sed legem tenent Sarracenorum. In hac etiam terra inuenimus vrbes innumeras cum castris dirutas, villásque multas desertas. [Sidenote: Altisoldanus.] Huius Dominus dicebatur Altisoldanus, qui cum tota sua progenie à Tartaris est destructus. [Sidenote: Montes maximi.] Habet autem hæc terra montes maximos. Et à meridie quidem habet Hierosalem et Baldach, totámque Sarracenorum terram. Atque in finibus illis propinquis morantur duo fratres carnales, [Sidenote: Burin. Cadan. Oceanus ab Aquilone. Syban, frater Bathy.] Tartarorum Duces, scilicet Burin et Cadan, filij Thiaday, qui fuit filius Chingischam. Ab Aquilone verò terram habet nigrorum Kythaorum and Oceanum. In illa verò moratur Syban, frater Bathy. Per hanc iuimus à festo Ascensionis dominicæ ferè vsque ad viij. dies ante festum sanct. Iohan. Baptistæ. [Sidenote: Nigri Cathayni.] Deinde ingressi sumus terram nigrorum Kythaorum, in qua Imperator ædificauit domum, vbi etiam vocati fuimus ad bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem ex parte imperatoris, fecit maiores ciuitatis, et etiam duos filios eius, plaudere eoram nobis. [Sidenote: Mare paruum.] Hinc exeuntes, quoddam mare paruum inuenimus, in cuius littore quidam existit mons paruus. In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dicitur, vnde in hyeme tam maximæ tempestates ventorum exeunt, quòd homines inde vix et cum magno periculo transire possunt. In æstate verò semper quidem ibi ventorum sonitus auditur, sed de foramine tenuiter egreditur. Per huius maris littora plurimis diebus perreximus, quod quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures insulas habet, et illud in sinistris dimisimus. [Sidenote: Plurimus diebus. Plures insulæ. Ordu. cap. 13.] In terra verò illa habitat Ordu, quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum antiquiorem diximus, et est orda, siue curia patris ipsius, quam inhabitat, et regis vna de vxoribus eius. Consuetudo enim est apud Tartaros, quòd principum et maiorum curiæ non delentur, sed semper ordinantur aliquæ mulieres, quæ illas regant, eísque donariorum partes, sicut Dominis earum dari solebant, dantur. [Sidenote: Prima curia Imperatoris.] Sic tandem ad primam Imperatoris curiam venimus, in qua erat vna de vxoribus ipsius.

The same in English,

How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour. Chap. 24.

[Sidenote: The land of the Bisermini.] Moreouer, out of the land of the Kangittæ, we entered into the countrey of the Bisermini, who speake the language of Comania, but obserue the law of the Saracens. In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined, and many towns left desolate. [Sidenote: Alti Soldanus. Huge mountaines.] The lord of this country was called Soldan Alti, who with al his progenie, was destroyed by the Tartars. This countrey hath most huge mountains. On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach, and all the whole countrey of the Saracens. [Sidenote: Burin and Cadan.] In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely, Burin and Cadan, the sonnes of Thyaday, who was the sonne of Chingis Can. [Sidenote: The North ocean.] On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans, and the Ocean. [Sidenote: Syban brother vnto Bathy.] In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth. Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension, vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. [Sidenote: The blacke Kythayans.] And then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans, in which the Emperour built an house, where we were called in to drinke. Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. [Sidenote: A small sea.] Departing from hence, wee found a certaine small sea, vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine. In which mountaine is reported to be a hole, from whence, in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue, that traueilers can scarcely, and with great danger passe by the same way. In summer time, the noise in deede of the winde is heard there, but it proceedeth gently out of the hole. [Sidenote: Many dayes.] Along the shores of the aforesaid sea we traueiled for the space of many dayes, which although it bee not very great, yet hath it many islandes, and wee passed by leauiug it on our left hande. [Sidenote: Ordu cap. 13.] In this lande dwelleth Ordu, whom wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes. And it is the Orda or court of his father which hee inhabiteth, and one of his wiues beareth rule there. For it is a custome among the Tartars, that the Courts of Princes or of noble men are not dissolued, but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them, vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed, in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords. [Sidenote: The first court of the Emperour.] And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour, wherein one of his wiues dwelt.

Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum peruenerunt. Cap. 25.

At verò quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, noluerunt vocare nos, nec intromittere ad Ordam ipsius, sed nobis in tentorio nostro secundum morem Tartarorum valdè benè seruiri fecerunt, et vt quiesceremus, nos ibidem per vnam diem tenuerunt. [Sidenote: Terra Nyamanorum] Inde procedentes in vigilia sanctorum Petri et Pauli, terram Naymanorum intrauimus, qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa verò die Apostolorum ibidem cecidit magna nix, et habuimus magnum frigus. Hæc quidem terra montiosa et frigida est supra modum, ibíque de planicie reperitur modicum. Istæ quoque duæ nationes prædictæ non laborabant, sed sicut et Tartari in tentorijs habitabant, quas et ipsi deleuerant per hanc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde terram Mongalorum intrauimus, quos Tartaros appellamus. [Sidenote: Tartaria. Iulij 22. Acceleratum legatorum iter.] Per has itaque terras, vt credimus, tribus septimanis equitando fortiter iuimus, et in die Beatæ Mariæ Magdalenæ ad Cuyne Imperatorem electum peruenimus. Idèo autem per omnem viam istam valdè festinauimus, quia præceptum erat Tartaris nostris, vt citò nos deducerent ad curiam solennem, iam ex annis pluribus indictam, propter ipsius Imperatoris electionem. Idcircò de mane surgentes, ibamus vsque ad noctem sine comestione, et sæpius tam tardè veniebamus, quòd non comedebamus in sero, sed quod manducare debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in mane. Mutatísque frequentius equis, nullatenus parcebatur eis, sed equitabamus velociter ac sine intermissione, quantum poterant equi trotare.

The same in English.

Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe, who was forthwith to be chosen
  Emperour. Chap. 25.

But because we had not as yet seene the Emperour, they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda, but caused good attendauce and entertainment, after the Tartars fashion, to be giuen vnto vs in oure owne tent, and they caused vs to stay there, and to refresh our selues with them one day. [Sidenote: The land of Naymani.] Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, wee entered into the land of the Naymani, who are Pagans. But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles, there fel a mightie snowe in that place, and wee had extreame colde weather. This lande is full of mountaines, and colde beyonde measure, and there is little plaine ground to bee seene. These two nations last mentioned vsed not to till their grounde, but, like vnto the Tartars, dwelt in tents, which the sayde Tartars had destroyed. Through this countrey wee were trauailing manie dayes. Then entered wee into the lande of the Mongals, whome wee call Tartars. Through the Tartars lande wee continued our trauaile (as wee suppose) for the space of some three weekes, riding alwayes hastily and with speede, and vpon the day of Marie Magdalene we arriued at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect. [Sidenote: The 22. of Iuly.] But therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring vs vnto the court Imperiall with all speede, which court hath beene these if many yeeres, ordained for the election of the Emperour. Wherefore rising earely, wee trauailed vntil night without eating of any thing, and oftentimes wee came so late vnto our lodging, that we had no time to eate the same night, but that which we should haue eaten ouer night, was giuen vs in the morning. And often changing our horses, wee spared no Horse-fleshe, but rode swiftly and without intermission, as fast as our horses could trot.

Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit. Cap. 26.

Cum autem peruenimus ad Cuyne, fecit nobis dari tentorium et expensas, quales Tartaris dare solent, nobis tamen melius quam alijs nuncijs faciebant. [Sidenote: Cuyne in legatos benignitas.] Ad ipsum autem vocati non fuimus, eo quòd nondum electus erat, nec adhuc de imperio se intromittebat. Interpretatio tamen literarum Domini Papæ, ac verba etiam à nobis dicta, à prædicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cùm ergo stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam nos transmisit, vbi adunabatur curia solennis. [Sidenote: Tentorium regium.] Et cùm venissemus illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum, de alba purpura præparatum, erátque tam grande nostro indicio, quòd plusquam duo millia hominum poterant esse sub illo. Et in circuitu factum erat ligneum tabulatum varijs imaginibus depictum. [Sidenote: Comitia.] Illuc ergò perreximus cum Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibíque conuenerant omnes duces, et vnusquisque cum hominibus suis equitaibat in circuitu per planiciem et colles. In prima die vestiti sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda verò rubeis. Et tunc venit Cuyne ad teritorium illud. Porrò tertia die fuerunt omnes in blaueis purpuris, et quarta in optimis Baldakinis. In illo autem tabulato iuxta tentorium erant duæ maiores portæ, per quarum vnam solus Imperator debebat intrare, et ad illam nulla erat custodia, quamuis esset aperta, quia per illam nullus audebat ingredi vel exire: per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant, et ad illam custodes cum gladijs et arcubus et sagittis erant. Itaque si quis tentorio propinquabat vltra terminos, qui positi erant, si capiebatur, verberabatur, si fugiebat, sagitta siue ferro sagittabatur. Multíque ibi erant, qui in frænis, pectoralibus, sellis et huiusmodi, iudicio nostro, auri circiter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duces infra tentorium colloquebantur, et de Imperatoris electione tractabant, vt à nobis creditur. Alius autem vniuersus populus longè extra tabulatum collocabatur, et ita ferè vsque ad meridiem morabantur. Tunc incipiebant lac iumentinum bibere, et vsque ad vesperas tantum bibebant, quod erat visu mirabile. [Symposium procorum.] Nos autem vocauerunt interius, et dederunt nobis cereuisiam: quia iumentinum lac non bibebamus. Et hoc quidem nobis pro magno fecerunt honore: sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod nullatenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere. Vnde ostendimus eis, hoc esse nobis graue, ideóque nos cessauerunt compellere. [Ieroslaus Dux Russiæ. Legati diuersarum nationum.] Foris autem erat Dux Ieroslaus de Susdal Russiæ, plurésque Duces Kythaorum et Solangorum. Duo quoque filij regis Georgiæ, nuncius etiam Caliphi de Baldach, qui erat Soldanus, et plus quam decem alij Soldani Sarracenorum, vt credimus. Et sicut nobis à procuratoribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus quàm quatuor millia, inter illos, qui tributa portabant, et illos, qui deferebant munera, et Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad tradendum seipsos veniebant, et illos, pro quibus ipsi miserant, illósque qui terrarum præfecti erant. Hi omnes simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eísque simul bibere præbebatur. Nobis autem et Duci Ierozlao ferè semper ab eis dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus exterius.

The same in English

How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers. Chap. 26.

[Sidenote: The curtesie of Cuyne towards Ambassadors] But when wee were come vnto the court of Cuyne, hee caused (after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all expenses necessarie to bee prouided for vs. And his people entreated vs with more regarde and courtesie, then they did anie other Ambassadours. Howbeeit wee were not called before his presence, because hee was not as yet elected, nor admitted vnto his empire. Notwithstanding, the interpretation of the Popes letters, and the message which we deliuered, were sent vnto him by the foresaid Bathy. And hauing stayed there fiue or sixe dayes, hee sent vs vnto his mother, vnder whome there was mainteyned a verie solemne and royall court. [Sidenote: The tent roial] And being come thither, we saw an huge tent of fine white cloth pitched, which was, to our iudgement, of so great quantitie, that more then two thousand men might stand within it, and round about it there was a wall of planks set vp, painted with diuers images. [Sidenote: A generall assemblie] Wee therefore with our Tartars assigned to attende vpon vs, tooke our iourney thither, and there were all the Dukes assembled, eche one of them riding vp and downe with his traine ouer the hilles and dales. The first day they were all clad in white, but the second in skarlet robes. Then came Cuyne vnto the saide tent. Moreouer, the third day they were all in blew robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of Baldakin cloth. In the wall of boardes, about the tent aforesaid, were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the Emperour only was to enter, and at that gate there was no gard of men appointed to stand, although it stood continually open, because none durst go in or come out the same way: all that were admitted, entred by another gate, at which there stood watchmen, with bowes, swords, and arrowes. And whosoeuer approached vnto the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was beaten, but if he fled, he was shot at with arrowes or iron. There were many to our iudgement, had vpon their bridles, trappers, saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of 20 markes in pure gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we thinke) communed together within the tent, and consulted about the election of their Emperor. But all the residue of the people were placed farre away without the walles of board, and in this maner they staied almost til noone. [Sidenote: The banquet of the Nobles.] Then began they to drink mares milk, and so continued drinking til euen tide, and that in so great quantity, as it was wonderfull. And they called vs in vnto them, and gaue vs of their ale, because we could not drink their mares milke. And this they did vnto vs in token of great honor. But they compelled vs to drink so much, that in regard of our customary diet, wee coulde by no means endure it. Whereupon, giuing them to vnderstand, that it was hurtful vnto vs, they ceassed to compel vs any more. [Sidenote: Ieroslaus Duke of Susdal.] Without the doore stoode Duke Ieroslaus of Susdal, in Russia, and a great many Dukes of the Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two sonnes also of the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of Baldach, who was a Soldan, and (as we thinke) aboue ten Soldans of the Saracens beside. [Sidenote: Ambassadors of sundry nations.] And, as it was tolde vs by the agents, there were more than 4000. ambassadors, partly of such as paide tributes, and such as presented gifts, and other Soldans, and Dukes, which came to yeeld themselues, and such as the Tartars had sent for, and such as were gouernours of lands. All these were placed without the lists, and had drinke giuen vnto them. But almost continually they all of them gaue vs and Duke Ieroslaus the vpper hand, when we were abroad in their companie.

Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 27.

[Sidenote: Imperij Cuynæ primitiæ.] Et quidem, si benè meminimus ibidem per septimanas circiter quatuor fuimus. Credimúsque quod ibi fuit electio celebrata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Propter hoc autem id maximè credebatur, quia semper, quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, eidem cantabatur, et cum virgis speciosis, in summitate lanam coccineam habentibus, inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nulli fiebat, quousque exterius morabatur. [Sidenote: Syra orda.] Hæc autem statio siue Curia nominatur ab eis Syra orda. [Sidenote: Aurea orda.] Hæc exeuntes, vnanimiter omnes equitauimus per tres aut quaruor leucas ad alium locum, vbi erat in quadam pulchra planicie iuxta riuum inter montes aliud tentorium, quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda aurea, præparatum. Ibi enim Cuyne debebat poni in sede in die Assumptionis Dominæ nostræ [Sidenote: Augusti 15.]. Sed propter grandinem nuniam, quæ tunc, vt suprà dictum est, cecidit, res dilata fuit. Erátque tentorium in columnis positum, quæ laminis aureis erant tectæ, et clauis aureis cum alijs lignis fixæ. Porrò de Baldakino erat tectum superius, sed alij erant panni exterius. Fuimus autem ibi vsque ad festum Beati Bartholomæi, in quo maxima multitudo conuenit, et contra mendiem versis vultibus stetit. [Sidenote: Preces solemnes.] Et quidam ad iactum lapidis longè à cæteris erant, sempérque orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendo, contra meridiem longius et longius procedebant. Nos autem virum incantationes facerunt, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent, nescientes, nolebamus facere genu flexiones. Cúmque diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium reuersi sunt, et Cuyne in sede imperiali posuerunt, Ducésque coram eo genua flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit vniuersus populus, exceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus.

The same in English.

How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27.

[Sidenote: The beginnings of Cuyne his empire.] And to our remembrance, we remained there, about the space of foure weekes. The election was to our thinking there celebrated, but it was not published and proclaimed there. And it was greatly suspected so to be, because alwayes when Cuyne came forth out of the tent, he had a noyse of musicke, and was bowed vnto, or honoured with faire wands, hauing purple wooll vpon the tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad: which seruice was performed to none of the other Dukes. [Sidenote: Syra Orda.] The foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda. [Sidenote: The golden Orda.] Departing thence, wee all with one accord rode 3 or 4 leagues vnto another place, where, in a goodly plaine, by a riuers side, betweene certaine mountaines, there was another tent erected, which was called the golden Orda. For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne Emperiall, vpon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie [Sidenote: The 15th of August.]. But, for the abundance of haile which fell at the same time, as is aboue said, the matter was deferred. There was also a tent erected vpon pillars, which were couered with plates of golde, and were ioyned vnto other timber with golden nailes. [Sidenote: Wollen cloth.] It was couered aboue with Baldakin cloth, but there was other cloth spread ouer that, next vnto the ayre. Wee abode there vnto the feast of Saint Bartholomew, what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing with their faces towards the South. And a certaine number of them beeing a stones cast distant from the residue, making continuall prayers, and kneeling vpon their knees, proceeded farther and farther towards the South. Howbeit wee, not knowing whether they vsed inchantments, or whether they bowed their knees to God or to some other, woulde not kneele vpon the grounde with them. And hauing done so a long time, they returned to the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall, and his Dukes bowed their knees before him. Afterwarde the whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner, except our selues, for wee were none of his subiects.

De ætate ac moribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28.

[Sidenote: Cuynæ ætas et mores.] Hic autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum videbatur esse circiter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Mediocris erat staturæ, prudens valde, nimis astutus multúmque seriosus, et grauis in moribus. Nec vnquam videbat eum homo de facili ridere, vel aliquam leuitatem facere, sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso morabantur continuè. Dicebant etiam nobis asserendo firmiter Christiani, qui erant de familia eius, quòd deberet fieri Christianus. [Sidenote: Studium Christianismi.] Cuius signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat, et expensas eis dabat. Habebat etiam semper capellam Christianorum ante maius, tentorium suum, vbi cantant Clerici publicè et apertè, ac pulsant ad horas, vt cæteri Christiani secundum mores Græcorum, quantacunque sit ibi multitudo Tartarorum, vel etiam aliorum hominum. Hoc tamen non faciunt alij Duces ipsorum. [Sidenote: Maiestas.] Est autem mos Imperatoris ipsius, vt nunquam ore proprio loquatur cum extraneo, quantumcunque magnus sit, sed audit et respondet per interpositam personam, et quandocunque negotium proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audiunt illi, qui sub eo sunt, quantumcunque sint magni, flexis genibus vsque ad finem verborum persistunt. Nec alicui de consuetudine super aliquo negotio loqui licitum est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est. Habet autem Imperator prædictus procuratorem et protonotarios, atque scriptores, omnésque officiales in negotijs tam publicis quàm priuatis, excepris Aduocatis. [Sidenote: Potestas ex lex.] Nam sine litium vel iudiciorum strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia fiunt. Alij quoque Principes Tartarorum de his, quæ ad illos pertinent, idem faciunt. [Sideote: Bellum in Christianos cogitatum.] Hoc autem nouerint vniuersi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in solenni curia, iam ex pluribus annis indicia, idem Cuyne Imperator, de nouo electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit vexillum contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium, et contra omnia regna Christianorum et populos Occidentis, nisi fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quæ mandabat Domino Papæ, atque potentibus, et omnibus Christianorum populis, videlicet vt ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christianitate, nulla est terra in orbe, quam timeant, et idcirco contra nos ad pugnam se præparant. Huius siquidem Imperatoris pater, scilicet Occoday, necatus fuerat veneno, et ob hoc à bellis quieuerant tempore pauco. Intentio autem eorum, vt dictum est suprà, est, sibi totum subijcere mundum, sicut à Chingischam habent mandatum. Vnde et ipse Imperator in literis suis ita scribit: Dei fortitudo, hominum Imperator. In superscriptione quoque sigilli eius est hoc: Deus in coelo, et Cuyne Cham super terram, Dei fortitudo: omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum.

+ Et præclarè Aristoteles Politic. lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc sententiam: Qui legem præesse vult, is velle videtur Deum ac leges imperare: qui autem vult hominem, is etiam belluam adiungit, cum præsertim tale quid sit cupiditas et iracundia: et magistratus et optimus quisque à recta via detorqueantur &c. Adde quæ è Chrysippo adducuntur ff. li. i. tit. 3. 1. 2.

The same in English.

Of his age and demeanour, and of his seale. Chap. 28.

This Emperour, when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment, seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres. He was of a meane stature, very wise and politike, and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour. A rare thing it was, for a man to see him laugh or behaue himself lightly, as those Christians report, which abode continually with him. [Sidenote: His inclination to Christianitie.] Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs, that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was, that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians. Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians, neere vnto his great Tent, where the Clearkes (like vnto other Christians, and according to the custome of the Græcians) doe sing publiquely and openly, and ring belles at certaine houres, bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars, or of other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes doe the like. [Sidenote: His maiestie.] It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger, though he be neuer so great, but heareth and answeareth by a speaker. And when any of his subiects (howe great soeuer they bee) are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him, or in hearing his answeare, they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference. Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires, after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour. The sayde Emperour, hath in his affaires both publike and priuate, an Agent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes and all other Officials, except aduocates. [Sidenote: A lawlesse authoritie.] For, without the noyse of pleading, or sentence giuing, all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure. Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto them. [Sidenote: Warre intended against all Christians.] But, be it known vnto al men, that whilest we remained at the said Emperours court, which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres, the sayde Cuyne being Emperour new elect, together with al his princes, erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God, and Romane empire, and against al Christian kingdomes and nationes of the West, vnlesse peraduenture (which God forbid) they will condescend vnto those things, which he hath inioined vnto our lord the pope, and to all potentates and people of the Christians, namely, that they wil become obedient vnto him. For, except Christendom, there is no land vnder heauen, which they stande in feare of, and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father, namely Occoday, was poisoned to death, which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre. But their intent and purpose is (as I haue aboue said) to subdue the whole world vnto themselues, as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner: The power of God, and Emperour of all men. Also, vpon his seale, there is this posie ingrauen: God in heauen, and Cuyne Can vpon earth, the power of God: the seale of the Emperour of all men.

De admissione Fratrum et nuncioram ad Imperatorem. Cap. 29.

[Sidenote: Cuyne audit legatos.] In loco illo, vbi positus est Imperator in throno, vocati fuimus coram ipso. Cúmque Chingay protonotarius eius nomina nostra scripsisset, illorumque à quibus missi eramus, et Ducis Solangorum et aliorum, clamauit alta voce, recitans illa coram Imperatore ac Ducum vniuersitate. Quo facto, flexit vnusquisque nostrum quater genu sinistrum, et monuerunt, ne tangeremus limen deorsum. Cúmque pro cultellis nos diligentissimè scrutati fuissent, et nullatenus inuenissent, intrauimus ostium ab Orientale parte: quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet intrare. Similiter et Dux ab illa parte ingreditur solus, si est tentorium eius. Minores autem non multum curant de talibus. Tunc ergò primum in eius præsentia suam intrauimus stationem, videlicet postquam factus est Imperator ibidem. [Sidenote: Munera eidem oblata.] Omnes quoque nuncij tunc ab eo recepti sunt, sed paucissimi tentorium eius intrauerunt. Ibi verò tanta donaria ab ipsis nuncijs fuerunt ei præsentata, quòd quasi videbantur infinita, videlicet in samitis ac purpureis et baldakinis ac cingulis sericis cum auro præparatis, pellibus etiam nobilibus, cæterísque muneribus. Quoddam etiam Solinum, siue tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris portatur, fuit eidem præsentatum, quod totum erat cum gemmis præparatum. Quidam verò preafectus vnius prouinciæ adduxit ei Camelos multos cum Baldakinis tectos. Similiter sellæ positæ cum instrumentis quibusdam erant, in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos etiam multos et mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos et armatos, quosdam quidem de corio, et quosdam de ferro. Nos etiam requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus: sed iam facultas non erat, quoniam omnia ferè nostra consumpseramus. [Sidenote: Currus.] Ibidem longè à stationibus super montem erant positi currus plusquam quingenti, qui omnes auro et argento ac sericis vestibus erant pleni. Cunctique inter imperatorem et Duces diuisi fuerunt, singulique Duces inter homines suos partes suas, vt eis placuit, diuiserunt.

The same in English.

Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour. Chap. 29.

[Sidenote: Cuyne heareth the Legates.] In the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne, we were summoned before him. And Chirigay, his chiefe secretary hauing written down our names, and the names of them that sent vs, with the name of the Duke of Solangi, and of others, cried out with a loude voice, rehearsing the said names before the Emperour, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which beeing done, ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times, and they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold. And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues, and could not find any about vs, we entred in at the doore vpon the East side: because no man dare presume to enter at the West Doore, but the Emperour onely. In like maner, euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent. Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the first time, when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence, after he was created Emperour. Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him, but very fewe were admitted into his tent. [Sidenote: Gifts presented vnto him.] And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours, that they seemed to be infinite, namely in Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin cloth, silke girdles wrought with golde, and costly skinnes, with other gifts also. Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie, or small tent (which was to bee carried ouer the Emperours head) presented vnto him, being set full of precious stones. And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins. They had saddles also vpon their backs, with certaine other instruments, within the which were places for men to sitte vpon. Also they brought many horses and mules vnto him furnished with trappes and caparisons, some being made of leather, and some of iron. And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpon him or no? But wee were not of abilitie so to doe, hauing in a maner spent all our prouision. [Sidenote: 500 Carts ful of treasure.] There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents, more than 500. carts, which were all ful of siluer and of gold, and silke garments. And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes, and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him.

De loco diuisionis Imperatoris et matris suæ, et morte Ieroslai, Ducis
  Russiæ. Cap. 30.

[Sidenote: Tentorium purpureum.] Inde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, vbi tentorium mirabile, totum de purpura rufa, quod Kitay dederant, erat positum. Illic interius introducti fuimus, et semper cùm intrabamus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cereuisia vel vinum, et etiam carnes coctæ, si volebamus, ad edendum. [Sidenote: Solium churnum.] Erátque solariolum vnum, de tabulis altè præparatum, vbi thronus Imperatoris erat positus, ex ebore mirabiliter sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum, et lapides preciosi, si bene meminimus, et illuc ascendebatur per gradus. Eratque rotundum superius. Banci verò erant positi in circuitu sedis, vbi dominæ sedebant à parte sinistra in scamnis, à dextris autem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant in Bancis inferius, et hoc in medio. Alij verò sedebant, post eos, et quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima multitudo. Ista verò tria tentoria, de quibus suprà diximus, erant valdè magna, aliáque habebant vxores eius de filtro albo satis magna et pulchra. Ibidem Imperator diuisus est à matre sua, quæ iuit in vnam terræ partem, et Imperator in aliam ad iudicia facienda. Capta siquidem erat amica Imperatoris istius, quæ veneno interfecerat patrem eius, eo tempore, quo exercitus eoram in Hungaria fuit. Propter quod etiam exercitus eorum, qui erat in partibus illis, recessit. [Sidenote: Nex Occoday vindicata. Ieroslaus Dux Russiæ.] De qua cum alijs pluribus factum fuit iudicium, et occisi fuerunt. Eodem tempore mortuus fuit Ierozlaus, Dux magnus Soldal, quæ est quædam Russia pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Imperatoris quasi pro honore, vt manducaret ac biberet de manu ipsius, in continenti ad hospitum est reuersus, infirmatúsque mortuus est post septem dies, totumque corpus eius miro modo glaucum effectum est, dicebatúrque ab omnibus, quod ibidem, vt terram eius liberè ac plenariè possiderent, fuisset impotionatus.

The same in English.

Of the place where the Emperour and his mother tooke their leaues one of another, and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia. Chap. 30.

[Sidenote: A tent of purple.] Departing thence, we came vnto another place, where a wonderfull braue tent, all of red purple, giuen by the Kythayans, was pitched. Wee were admitted into that also, and alwaies when we entred, there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke, and sodden fleshe (when we would) to eate. [Sidenote: A throne of Iuorie.] There was also a loftie stage built of boords, where the Emperour's throne was placed, being verie curiously wrought out of iuorie, wherein also there was golde and precious stones, and (as we remember) there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it. And it was round vpon the top. There were benches placed about the saide throne, whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles, (but none sate aloft on the right hand) and the Dukes sate vpon benches below, the said throne being in the midst. Certaine others sate behind the Dukes, and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither. The three tents whereof we spake before, were very large, but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt. This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother: for she went into one part of the land; and the Emperour into another to execute iustice. For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour, which had poysoned his father to death, at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie, which, for the same cause returned home. [Sidenote: The death of Occoday reuenged.] Moreouer, vpon the foresaide Concubine, and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced, and they were put to death. At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal, which is a part of Russia, deceased. For being (as it were for honours sake) inuited to eate and drinke with the Emperours mother, and immediately after the banquet, returning vnto his lodging, he fel sicke, and within seuen dayes, died. And after his death, his body was of a strange blew colour, and it was commonly reported, that the said Duke was poisoned, to the ende that the Tartars might free and totally possess his Dukedome.

Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem accedentes, literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap. 31.

[Sidenote: Cuyne cum legatis dissimulanter agit.] Deníque Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt: qui cùm audisset per illos, nos ad eum venisse, iussit nos ad matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut superiùs dictum est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexillum erigere, quod nos volebat ignorare. Itaque reuersi stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum ad ipsum reuersi sumus. Cum quo benè per mensem fuimus in tanta fame ac siti, quòd vix viuere poteramus. Nam expensæ, quæ nobis pro diebus quatuor debantur, vix vni sufficiebant. Nec inuenire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia forum erat nimis remotum. [Sidenote: Cosmas Russus.] Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum, nomine Cosmam, aurifabrum præparauit, qui satis dilectus Imperatori, nos in aliquo sustentauit. Et hic nobis ostendit thronum Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam poneretur in sede, & sigillum eiusdem, quod etiam fabricauerat ipse. [Sidenote: Chingay internuncius.] Post hoc Imperator pro nobis misit, nobísque per Chingay protonotarium suum dici fecit, vt verba nostra & negotia scriberemus, eíque porrigeremus. Quod & fecimus. Post plures dies nos iterum vocari fecit, & vtrum essent apud Dominum Papam, qui Ruthenorum vel Sarracenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelligerent, interrogauit. Cui respondimus, quòd nullam istarum literarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed remoti erant à Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis expedire videbatur, quòd in Tartarico scriberent, & nobis interpretarentur, nos autem in litera nostra diligenter scriberemus, & tam literam quam interpretationem ad Dominum Papam deferremus. Tunc à nobis recesserunt, & ad Imperatorem iuerunt. Porrò à die Beati Martini fuimus vocati. Tunc Kadac, totius imperij procurator, & Chingay & Bala, plurésque scriptores ad nos venerunt, nobísque literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et cùm in Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas orationes interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo erraremus. Cum igitur ambæ literæ fuissent scriptæ, fecerunt nos semel ac secundo legere, ne fortè minus aliquid haberemus. Dixerunt enim nobis, videte, quòd omnia benè intelligatis, quia non expediret, quòd non omnia bene intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico scripserunt, vt aliquis in partibus nostris inueniri posset, qui eas, si opus esset, legeret.

The same in English.

How the Friers coming at length vnto the Emperour, gaue, and receiued letters. Chap. 31.

[Sidenote: Coyne dissembleth with the Legates.] To be short, the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor, who when he had heard of them, that we were come vnto him, commanded that we should return, vnto his mother. For he was determined the next day, (as it is abouesaid) to set vp a flag of defiance against all the countreis of the West, which he would haue vs in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we staid some few dayes with his mother, and so returned backe again vnto him. With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst, that we could scarce hold life and soule together. For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes, was scantly sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy vs any sustenance, because the market was too farre off. [Sidenote: Cosmas a Russian.] Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas, who being greatly in the Emperours fauour, procured vs some sustenance. This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour, which hee had made, before it was set in the proper place, and his seale, which he also had framed. [Sidenote: The message of Chingay.] Afterward the Emperor sent for vs, giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary, that wee should write downe our messages & affaires, and should deliuer them vnto him. Which thing we performed accordingly. After many daies he called for vs againe, demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope, which vnderstood the Russian, the Saracen, or the Tartarian language? To whom we answered, that we had none of those letters or languages. Howbeit, that there were certaine Saracens in the land, but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope. And wee saide, that wee thought it most expedient, that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language, and had interpreted the meaning thereof vnto vs, we should diligently translate it into our own tongue, and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from vs, and went vnto the Emperour. And after the day of S. Martine, we were called for againe. Then Kadac, principal agent for the whole empire, and Chingay, and Bala, with diuers other Scribes, came vnto vs, and interpreted the letter word for word. And hauing written it in Latine, they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when both letters were written, they made vs to reade them ouer twise more, least we should haue mistaken ought. For they said vnto vs: Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly, for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright, it might breed some inconuenience. They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them, if need should require.

Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32.

Vt autem nobis Tartari nostri dixerunt, proposuit Imperator nuncios suos nobiscum mittere. Volebat tamen, vt credimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed cùm vnus de Tartaris nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc petendum hortaretur, nobis quidem, vt venirent, ne quaquam bonum videbatur. [Sidenote: Legate abhorrent à Tartarorum ad Christianos legatione.] Ideóque respondimus ei, quòd non erat nostrum petere, sed si sponte ipse Imperator mitteret eos, libenter eos securè conduceremus, Domino adiuuante. Nobis autem ob plures causas vt venirent, non videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus, ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quæ fiunt inter nos, magis animarentur ad veniendum contra nos. Secunda fuit, timebamus eos exploratores terræ fieri. Tertia verò, quia timebamus eos interfici. Gentes enim nostræ arrogantes sunt et superbæ. Vnde quando seruientes, qui stant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Alemanniæ, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ipsum, in via ferè lapidati sunt à Teutonicis, et coacti sunt deponere habitum illum. Consuetudo autem est Tartarorum, vt cum illis, qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi sumant de ipsis vltionem. Quarta etiam causa fuit, quia timebamus ne nobis auferrentur vi. Quinta verò causa erat, quia de aduentu eorum nulla foret vtilitas, cùm nullum haberent aliud mandatum vel potestatem, nisi quòd literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam et ad Principes deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habebamus, et malum ex eorum aduentu posse contingere credebamus. Itaque tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccij [Sidenote: Nouemb. 13.] nobis dederunt licentiam et literam, Imperatoris sigillo munitam, mittentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem, quæ vnicuique nostrum dedit pelliceum, vnum de pellibus vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de foris, et purpuram vnam. [Sidenote: Honorantur commeatu et lautijs.] De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt ex vnaquaque vnum passum. De ilia quoque quæ dabatur seruienti, meliorem medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non ignorauimus, sed inde verba mouere noluimus.

The same in English.

How they were licensed to depart. Chap. 32.

[Sidenote: The Legates are loth to haue any Ambassadours sent from the Tartars to the Christians.] And (as our Tartars told vs) the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit, he was desirous (as we thought) that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands. And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man, exhorted vs to make the said petition, we thought it not good for vs, that the Emperour should send his ambassadours. Wherefore we gaue him answere, that it was not for vs to make any such petition, but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them, we would diligently (by Gods assistance) see them conducted in safetie. Howbeit, we thought it expedient for vs, that they should not goe, and that for diuers causes First, because we feared, least they, seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly, we feared, that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way. For our nations be arrogant and proud. For when as those seruants (which at the request of the Cardinall, attended vpon vs, namely the legates of Almaine) returned vnto him in the Tartars attire, they were almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch, and were compelled to put off those garments. And it is the Tartars custome, neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours, till they haue reuenged themselues. Fourthly, least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force. Fiftly, because there could come no good by their ambassade, for they were to haue none other commission, or authoritie, but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope, and to the Princes of Christendome, which very same letters wee our selues had, and we knew right well, that much harme might ensue thereof. Wherefore, the third day after this, namely, vpon the feast of Saint Brice [Sidenote: Nouember 13.], they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale, sending vs vnto the Emperours mother, who gaue vnto eche of vs a gowne made of Foxe skinnes, with the furre on the outside, and a piece of purple. [Sidenote: They are rewarded with gifts.] And our Tartars stole a yard out of euery one of them. And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant, they stole the better halfe. Which false dealing of theirs we knew well enough, but would make no words thereof.

Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 33.

[Sidenote: Difficilis legatorum reditus.] Tunc iter ad reuertendum arripuimus, at per totam hyemem venimus, iacentes in desertis sæpiùs in niue, nisi quantum poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere. Ibi quippe non erant arbores; sed planus campus. Et sæpe manè nos inueniebamus totos niue, quam ventus pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes vsque ad Ascensionem Domini peruenimus ad Bathy. [Sidenote: Bathy.] A quo cùm inquireremus, quid responderet Domino Papæ, dixit se nolle aliud, nisi quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare. Datísque nobis de conductu literis, ab eo recessimus, & sabbatho infra octauas Pentecostes vsque ad Montij peruenimus, vbi erant socij nostri, ac seruientes, qui fuerant retenti, quos ad nos fecimus reduci. [Sidenote: Corrensa.] Hinc vsque Corrensam peruenimus, cui iterum à nobis donaria petenti non dedimus, quia non habebamus. Dedítque nobis duos Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, vsque ad Kiouiam Russiæ. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit nos, donec exiremus vltimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti verò alij, qui nobis à Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab vltima custodia vsque ad Kiouiam nos duxerunt. Venimus autem illuc ante festum Beati Iohannis Baptistæ xv. diebus. [Sidenote: Iunij 8. Gratulationes reducibus factæ. Basilius & Daniel Principes.] Porrò Kiouienses aduentum nostrum percipientes, occurrerunt nobis omnes lætanter. Congratulabantur enim nobis, tanquam à morte suscitatis. Sic fecerunt nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam & Bohemiam. Daniel & Wasilico frater eius festum nobis magnum fecerunt, & nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo dies tenuerunt. Medióque tempore inter se & cum Episcopis, cæterísque probis viris, super his, quæ locuti fueramus eisdem, in processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes, responderunt nobis communiter, dicentes: [Sidenote: Russi agnoscunt primatum Papæ.] quòd Dominum Papam habere vellent in specialem Dominum, & in patrem, sanctam quoque Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam & magistram, confirmantes etiam omnia, quæ priùs de hac materia per Abbatem suum transmiserant. Et super hoc etiam nobiscum ad Dominum Papam nuncios suos & literas transmiserunt.

The same in English.

How they returned homewards. Chap. 33.

[Sidenote: The sore iourneys of the legates in returning.] Then taking our iourney to returne, we trauailed all Winter long, lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow, except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon. For there were no trees, but the plaine champion [Footnote: Champagne (Fr.) Open] field. And oftentimes in the morning, we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde. [Sidenote: Bathy.] And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension, we arriued at the court of Bathy. Of whom when wee had enquired, what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope, he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge, but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written. And, hauing receued letters for our safe conduct, the thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday, wee were proceeded as farre as Montij, with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained, which were withheld from vs, and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs. [Sidenote: Corrensa.] From hence wee trauailed vnto Corrensa, to whom, requiring gifts the second time at our hands, we gaue none, because we had not wherewithall. And hee appointed vs two Comanians, which liued among the common people of the Tartars, to be our guides vnto the citie of Kiow in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs, till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars. But the other guides, namely the Comanians, which were giuen vs by Corrensa, brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow, in the space of sixe dayes. And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist. [Sidenote: Iune 8. How they were welcomed at their returne.] Moreouer, the Citizens of Kiow hauing intelligence of our approach, came foorth all of them to meet vs, with great ioy. For they reioyced ouer vs, as ouer men that had bene risen from death to life. So likewise they did vnto vs throughout all Russia, Polonia, and Bohemia. [Sidenote: Basilius and Daniel Princes.] Daniel and his brother Wasilico made vs a royall feast, and interteined vs with them against our willes for the space Of eight dayes. In the mean time, they with their Bishops, and other men of account, being in consultation together about those matters which we had propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars, answered vs with common consent, saying: that they would holde the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father, and the Church of Rome for their Lady & mistresse, confirming likewise al things which they had sent concerning this matter, before our comming, by their Abbate. And for the same purpose, they sent their Ambassadours and letters by vs also, vnto our Lord the Pope.

* * * * *

Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de ordine fratrum Minorum,
  Galli, Anno gratia 1253. ad partes Orientales.

Excellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodouico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri, frater Willielmus de Rubruquis in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus salutem, & semper triumphare in Christo. Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico de sapiente [Marginal note: Ecclus 39. ver 4.], In terram alienarum gentium transibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc opus, Domine mi Rex, feci: sed vltinam vt sapiens et non stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non sapienter, sed magis stultè; de quorum numero timeo me esse. Tamen quocunque modo fecerim; quia dixistis mihi quando recessi à vobis, vt omnia scriberem vobis, quæcunque viderem inter Tartaros, & etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas literas, facio quod iniunxistis: Cum timore tamen & verecundia, quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt, quæ debeam tantæ scribere Maiestati. Nouerit ergò vestra sancta maiestas, quòd anno Domini millessimo ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas Maij ingressi sumus mare Ponti, quod Bulgarici vocant, Maius Mare: & habet mille octo milliaria in longum, vt didici à mercatoribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa medium enim eius sunt quæ prouinciæ terræ, vna ad Aquilonem, & alia ad meridiem. Illa quæ est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis; & est castrum & portus Soldani Turchiæ. Quæ verò ad Aquilonem est, est Prouincia quædam, quæ nunc dicitur à Latinis Gasaria, à Græcis verò qui inhabitant eam super littus maris dicitur Cassaria, hoc est Cæsaria. Et sunt promontoria quædam extendentia se in mare, & contra meridiem versus Synopolim. Et sunt trecenta milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam. Ita quod sint septingenta milliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in longum et latum: et septingenta versus Orientem: hoc est, Hiberiam, quæ est prouincia Georgiæ. Ad prouinciam Gasariæ siue Casariæ applicuimus, quæ est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem habens ciuitatem, quæ dicitur Kersoua in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens marterizatus. Et nauigantes coram ea vidimus insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus præparatum. [Sidenote: Soldaia.] In medio verò quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet ciuitatem quæ dicitur Soldaia, quæ ex transuerso respicit Synopolim: Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares, et è contrario venientes de Russia et terris Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam. Illi portant varium et grisiam, et alias pelles pretiosas. Alij portant telas de cottone siue bombasio, et pannos sericos et species aromaticas. [Sidenote: Matriga ciuitas.] Ad Orientem verò illius prouinciæ est ciuitas quæ dicitur Matriga, vbi cadit fluuius Tanais in mare Ponti per orificium habens latitudinem duodecem milliarium. Ille enim fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti, facit quoddam mare versus Aquilonem, habens in latitudine et longitudine septinginta, milliaria, nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus, vnde magna vasa non ingrediuntur illud. Sed mercatores de Constantinopoli applicantes ad prædictam ciuitatem Matertam, mittunt barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim, vt emant pisces siccatos, sturiones, thosas, borbatos, et alios pisces infinitæ multitudinis. Prædicta verò prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus: ad Occidentem scilicet, vbi est Kersoua ciuitas Clementis, ad meridiem vbi est ciuitas Soldaia, ad quam applicuimus, quæ est cuspis prouinciæ, et ad Orientem Maricandis, vbi est ciuitas Materta, et orificium Tanais. [Sidenote: Zikia.] Vltra illud orificium est Zikia, quæ non obedit Tartaris: Et Sueui et Hiberi ad Orientem, qui non obediunt Tartaris. Posteà versus meridiem est Trapesunda quæ habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem, qui est de genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum, qui obedit Tartaris: posteà Synopolis quæ est Soldani Turchiæ qui similiter obedit: posteà terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno, qui non obedit. Ab orificio Tanaius versus Occidentem vsque ad Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam vltra Danubium versus Constantinopolim, Valakia, quæ est terra Assani, et minor Bulgaria vsque in Solonomam omnes soluunt eis tributum. Et etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim vnam, et totum frumentum quod inuenerunt in massa. Applicuimus ergò Soldaiæ in 12. Kalendas Iunij: Et præuenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli, qui dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad Sartach. Ego tamen prædicaueram publicè in Ramis Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non essem nuncius, nec vester, nec alicuius, sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundùm regulam nostram. Tunc cùm applicuissem, monebant me dicti mercatores vt cautè loquerer, quia dixerunt me esse nuncium, et si non dicerem me esse nuncium, quod non præberetur mihi transitus. Tunc loquutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos ciuitatis, imò ad vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iuerant ad Baatu portantes tributum, et non fuerant adhuc reuersi. Nos audiuimus, dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra Sancta quod esset Christianus: et gauisi sunt inde vehementer Christiani, et præcipuè Dominus Rex Francorum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregrinatur, et pugnat contra Saracenos, vt eripiat loca sancta de manibus eorum: vnde volo ire ad Sartach, et portare ei literas Domini Regis, in quibus monet eum de vtilitate totius Christianitatis. Et ipsi receperunt nos gratanter, et dederunt nobis hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius ecclesiæ fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de Sartach, quæ ego postea non inueni. Tunc dederunt nobis optionem vtrum vellemus habere bigas cum bobus ad portandum res nostras vel equos pro summarijs. Et mercatores Constantinopolitani consuluerunt mihi quod non acciperem bigas, imò quod emerem proprias bigas coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, et in illis includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidie deponere, quia si acciperem equos, oporteret me in qualibet Herbergia deponere et reponere super alios, et prætereà equitarem lentiori gressu iuxta boues. Et tunc acquieui consilio eorum malo, tum quia fui in itinere vsque Sartach duobus mensibus, quod potuissem vno mense fecisse, si iuissem equis. Attuleram mecum de Constantinopoli fructus et vinum muscatum, et biscoctum delicatum de consilio mercatorum ad præsentandum capitaneis primis, vt facilius pateret mihi transitus; quia nullus apud eos respicitur rectis oculis, qui venit vacua manu. Quæ omnia posui in vna biga, quando non inueni ibi capitaneos ciuitatis, quia dicebant mihi, quod grattissima forent Sartach, si possem deferre ea vsque ad eum. Arripuimus ergo iter tunc circa Kalend. Iunij cum bigis nostris quatuor coopertis et cum alijis duabus quas accepimus ab eis, in quibus portabantur lectisternia ad dormiendum de nocte, et quinque equos dabant nobis ad equitandum. Eramus enim quinque personæ. Ego et socius meus frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, et Goset later præsentium, et homo dei Turgemannus, et puer Nicolaus, quam emeram Constantinopoli de nostra eleemosyna. Dederunt etiam duos homines qui ducebant bigas et custodiebant boues et equos. Sunt autem alta promontoria super Mare à Kersoua vsque ad orificium Tanais: Et sunt quadraginta castella inter Kersouam et Soldaiam, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium idioma: inter quos erant multi Goti, quorum idioma est Teutonicum. Post illa montana versus Aquilonem est pulcherrima sylua in planicie, plena fontibus et riuulis: Et post illam syluam est planicies maxima, quæ durat per quinque dietas vsque ad extremitatem illius prouinciæ ad aquilonem, quæ coarctatur habens Mare ad Orientem et Occidentem. Ita quod est vnum fossatum magnum ab vno Mari vsque ad aliud. In illa planicie solebant esse Comani antequam venirent Tartari, et cogebant ciuitates prædictas et castra vt darent eis tributum. Et cum venerunt Tartari, tanta multitudo Comanorum intrauit prouinciam illam, qui omnes fugerunt vsque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se mutuo viui morientes: secundum quod narrauit mihi quidam mercator, qui hoc vidit: Quod viui deuorabant et lacerabant dentibus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadauera. Versus extremitatem illius prouinciæ sunt lacus multi et magni: in quorum ripis sunt fontes salmastri, quorum aqua, qàam cito intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad modum glaciei. Et de illis salinis habent Baatu et Sartach magnos reditus: quia de toto Russia veniunt illuc pro sale: et de qualibet biga onusta dant duas telas de cottone valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt, et per Mare multæ naues pro sale, quæ omnes dant tributum secundum sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo recessimus de Soldaia, tertia die inuenimus Tartaros: inter quos cùm intraueram, visum fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud sæculum. Quorum vitam et mores vobis describam prout possum.

The same in English.

The iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friers, vnto the East parts of the worlde. An. Dom. 1253.

To his most Soueraigne, & most Christian Lord Lewis, by Gods grace the renowned king of France, frier William de Rubruk, the meanest of the Minorites order, wisheth health and continual triumph in CHRIST.

It is written in the booke of Ecclesiasticus concerning the wise man: [Sidenote: Ecclus. 39, ver. 4] He shall trauell into forren countries, and good and euill shall he trie in all things. The very same action (my lord and kinge) haue I atchieued: howbeit I wish that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a foole. For many there be, that performe the same action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly: of which number I feare myselfe to be one. Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it, because you commanded mee, when I departed from your highnes, to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tartars, and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long letters, I haue done as your maiestie inioined me: yet with feare and reuerence, because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to write vnto so great a maiestie. Be it knowen therefore vnto your sacred Maiestie, that in the yere of our Lord 1253, about the Nones of May, we entered into the sea of Pontus, which the Bulgarians call the great sea. It containeth in length (as I learned of certaine merchants) 1008 miles, and is in a maner, diuided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two prouinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. The South prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and porte of the Soldan of Turkie; but the North prouince is called of the Latines, Gasaria: of the Greeks, which inhabite vpon the sea shore thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say Cæsaria. And there are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea towards Synopolis. Also, there are 300. miles of distance betweene Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about 700. miles: and 700. miles also from thence to the East, namely to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia. [Sidenote: Gasaria.] At the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued, which prouince is, in a maner, three square, hauing a citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua, [Footnote: Kertch.] wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome. And sayling before the said citie, we sawe an island, in which a Church is sayd to be built by the hands of angels. [Sidenote: Soldaia.] But about the midst of the said prouince toward the South, as it were, vpon a sharpe angle or point, standeth a citie called Soldaia [Footnote: Simferopol, I presume.] directly ouer against Synopolis. And there doe all the Turkie merchants, which traffique into the north countries, in their iourney outward, arriue, and as they retume homeward also from Russia, and the said Northerne regions, into Turkie. The foresaid merchants transport thither ermines and gray furres, with other rich and costly skinnes. Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bombast, and silke, and diuers kindes of spices. [Sidenote: The citie of Matriga.] But vpon the East part of the said prouince standeth a Citie called Matriga [Footnote: Azou.], where the riuer Tanais [Footnote: The Don.] dischargeth his streames into the sea of Pontus, the mouth whereof is twelue miles in breadth. For this riuer, before it entreth into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in breadth and length seuen hundreth miles, [Footnote: The Sea of Azou is 210 miles long, and its breadth varies from 10 to 100 miles.] and it is no place there of aboue sixe-paces deepe, whereupon great vessels cannot sayle ouer it. Howbeit the merchants of Constantinople, arriuing at the foresayd citie of Materta [Marginal note: Matriga.], send their barkes vnto the riuer of Tanais to buy dried fishes, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fishes. The foresayd prouince of Cassaria is compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof: namely on the West side, where Kersoua the citie of Saint Clement is situate: on the South side the citie of Soldaia whereat we arriued: on the East side Maricandis, and there stands the citie of Matriga vpon the mouth of the riuer Tanais. [Sidenote: Zikia.] Beyond the sayd mouth standeth Zikia, which is not in subiection vnto the Tartars: also the people called Sueui and Hiberi towards the East, who likewise are not vnder the Tartars dominion. Moreouer towards the South, standeth the citie of Trapesunda, [Footnote: Trebizond.] which hath a gouernour proper to it selfe, named Guydo being of the Image of the Emperours of Constantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is Synopolis the citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise is in subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the countrey of Vastacius, whose sonne is called Astar, of his grandfather by the mothers side, who is not in subiection. All the land from the mouth of Tanais Westward as farre as Danubius is vnder their subiection. Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor as farre as Solonia, doe all pay tribute vnto them. And besides the tribute imposed, they haue also of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold an axe, and all such corne as they found lying on heapes. We arriued therefore at Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of Iune. And diuers merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued there before vs, reported that certaine messengers were comming thither from the holy land, who were desirous to trauell vnto Sartach. Notwithstanding I my self had publickely giuen out vpon Palme Sunday within the Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other mans messenger, but that I trauailed vnto those infidels according to the rule of our order. And being arriued, the said merchants admonished me to take diligent heede what I spake: because they hauing reported me to be a messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no messenger, I could not haue free passage granted vnto me. Then I spake after this maner vnto the gouernors of the citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenants, because the gouernors themselues were gone to pay tribute vnto Baatu, and were not as yet returned. We heard of your lord Sartach (quoth I) in the holy land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad thereof, and especially the most Christian king of France, who is there now in pilgrimage, and fighteth against the Saracens to redeeme the holy places out of their handes: wherfore I am determined to go vnto Sartach, and to deliuer vnto him the letters of my lord the king, wherein he admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all Christendome. And they receiued vs with gladnes, and gaue vs enterteinement in the cathedrall Church. The bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the saide Sartach, which after I found to be nothing so. Then put they vs to our choyce, whither we woulde haue cartes and oxen, or packehorses to transport our cariages. And the marchants of Constantinople aduised me, not to take cartes of the citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered cartes of mine owne, (such as the Russians carrie their skins in), and to put all our cariages, which I would daylie take out, into them: because, if I should vse horses, I must be constrained at euery baite to take downe my cariages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry horses backs: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen drawing the cartes. Wherefore contenting my selfe with their euil counsel, I was trauelling vnto Sartach 2 moneths which I could haue done in one, if I had gone by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the marchants aduised so to doe) pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to present vnto the gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtain free passage: because they looke fauorablie vpon no man which commeth with an emptie hand. All of which things I bestowed in one of my cartes, (not finding the gouernours of the citie at home) for they told me, if I could carry them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke oure iourney therefore about the kalends of Iune, with fower couered cartes of our owne and with two other which wee borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed vs fiue horses to ride vpon. [Sidenote: Frier Bartholomeus de Cremona.] For there were iust fiue persons in our companie: namely, I my selfe and mine associate frier Batholomew of Cremona, and Goset the bearer of these presents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas, my seruant, whome I bought at Constantinople with some part of the almes bestowed vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our carts and gaue attendance vnto our oxen and horses. There be high promontories on the sea shore from Kersoua vnto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are fortie castles betweene Kersoua and Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper languages: amongst whome there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch tongue. Beyond the said mountaines towards the North there is a most beautifull wood growing on a plaine ful of fountaines and freshets. [Sidenote: The necke of Taurica Chersonesus.] And beyond the wood there is a mightie plaine champion, continuing fiue days iourney vnto the very extremitie and borders of the said prouince northward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck land, [Footnote: The Isthmus of Perekop.] hauing sea on the East and West sides therof, insomuch that there is a ditch made from one sea vnto the other. In the same plaine (before the Tartars sprang vp) were the Comanians wont to inhabite, who compelled the foresayd cities and castles to pay tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the foresaid prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the sea shore, being in such extreame famine, that they which were aliue, were constrained to eate vp those which were dead; and (as a marchant reported vnto me who sawe it with his owne eyes) that the liuing men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as dogges would knawe vpon carrion. Towards the border of the sayd prouince there be many great lakes: vpon the bankes whereof are salt pits or fountaines, the water of which so soon as it entereth into the lake, becommeth hard salte like vnto ice. And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues: for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte: and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by sea also many ships for salt, which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden. The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. [Sidenote: The Tartars.] Amongst whome being entered, me thought I was come into a new world. Whose life and maners I will describe vnto your Hignes as well as I can.

De Tartaris and domibus eorum. Cap. 2.

Nusquam habent manentem ciuitatem, sed futuram ignorant. Inter se diuiserunt Scythiam, quæ durat à Danubio vsque ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus, secundum quod habet plures vel pauciores homines sub se, scit terminos pascuorum suorum, et vbi debet pascere hyeme et æstate, vere et autumno. In hyeme enim descendunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem. In æstate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca pascuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix, quia niuem habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt fundant super rotam de virgis cancellatis, cuius tigna sunt de virgis, and [Transcriber's note: sic.] conueniunt in vnam paruulam rotam superius, de qua ascendit collum sursum tanquam fumigatorium, quam cooperiunt filtro albo: et frequentius imbuunt etiam filtrum calce vel terra alba et puluere ossium, vt albens splendeat, et aliquando nigro. Et filtrum illud circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturæ. Ante ostium similiter suspendunt filtrum opere polimitario variatum. Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo vites et arbores, aues et bestias. Et faciunt tales domos ita magnas, quod habent triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego enim mensuraui semel latitudinem inter vestigia rotarum vnius bigæ viginti pedum: et quando domus erat super bigam excedebat extra rotas in vtroque latere quinque pedibus ad minus. Ego numeraui in vna biga viginti duos boues trahentes vnam domum: Vndecem in vno ordine secundum latitudinem bigæ, et alios vndecem ante illos: Axis bigæ erat magnus ad modum arboris nauis: Et vnus homo stabat in ostio domus super bigam minans boues. Insuper faciunt quadrangulos de virgulis fissis attenuatis ad quantitatem vnius arcæ magnæ: et postea de vna extremitate ad aliam eleuant testudinem de similibus virgis, et ostiolum faciunt in anteriori extremitate: et postea cooperiunt illam cistam siue domunculam filtro nigro inbuto seuo siue lacte ouino, ne possit penetrari pluuia; quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario. Et in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam et thesarum: quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas trahunt cameli, vt possint transuadare flumina. Tales arcas nunquam deponunt de bigis. Quando deponunt domas suas mansionarias, semper vertunt portam ad meridiem; et consequenter collocant bigas cum arcis hinc et inde prope domum ad dimidium iactum lapidis: ita quod domus stat inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos muros. Matronæ faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas nescirem vobis describere nisi per picturam. [Marginal note: Nota.] Imo omnia depinxissem vobis si sciuissem pingere. Vnus diues Moal siue Tartar habet bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. Baatu habet sexdecem vxores: quælibet habet vnam magnam domum, exceptis alijs paruis, quas collocant post magnam, quæ sunt quasi cameræ; in quibus habitant puellæ. Ad quamlibet istarum domorum appendent ducentæ bigæ. Et quando deponunt domus, prima vxor deponit suam curiam in capite occidentali, et postea aliæ secundum ordinem suum; ita quod vltima vxor erit in capite Orientali: et erit spacium inter curiam vnius dominæ et alterius, iactus vnius lapidis. Vnde curia vnius diuitis Moal apparebit quasi vna magna Villa: tunc paucissimi viri erunt in ea. Vna muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. Terra enim plana est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel camelis vnam post aliam: et sedebit muliercula in anteriori minans bouem, et omnes aliæ pari gressu sequentur. Si contingat venire ad aliquem malum passum, soluunt eas et transducunt sigillatim: Vadunt enim lento gressu sicut agnus vel bos potest ambulare.

The same in English.

Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2.

They haue in no place any setled citie to abide in, neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come. They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues, which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne. And euery of their captaines, according to the great or small number of his people, knoweth the bound of his pastures, and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer, Spring and autumne. For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward. And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward. In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground, they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water, because then they vse snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together: the roofe whereof consisteth (in like sorte) of wickers, meeting aboue into one little roundell, out of which roundell ascendeth a necke like vnto a chimney, which they couer with white felte, and oftentimes they lay mortar or white earth vpon the sayd felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte. The sayd felte on the necke of their house, they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures. Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend all their coloured felte in painting vines, trees, birds, and beastes thereupon. The sayd houses they make so large, that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be 20 feete ouer: and when the house was vpon the carte, it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least. I told 22. oxen in one teame, drawing an house vpon a cart, eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte, and eleuen more before them: the axeltree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen. Moreouer, they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes: and afterward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers, and make a doore in the fore side thereof. And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black fell rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through, which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe and treasure. Also the same chests they do strongly binde vpon other carts, which are drawen with camels, to the end they may wade through riuers. Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South: and next of all they place the carts laden with their chests, here and there, within half a stones cast of the house: insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts, as it were, between two wals. [Footnote: Something in the style of the laagers of South Africa at the present day.] [Sidenote: The benefite of a painter in strange countries.] The matrons make for themselues most beautiful carts, which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie: for I would right willingly haue painted all things for you, had my skill bin ought in that art. One rich Moal or Tartar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues, euery one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in. And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes. When they take their houses from off the cartes, the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier, and so all the rest in their order: so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier: and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once, for their countries are very plaine, and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen, one behind another. And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen, and al the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one: for they goe a slowe pace, as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke.

De lectis eorum et poculis. Cap. 3.

Postquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, collocant lectum domini ad partem aquilonarem. Locus multerum est semper ad latus Orientale hoc est ad sinistrum domini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie ad meridiem: locus verò virorum ad latus occidentale, hoc est ad dextrum. Viri ingredientes domum nullo modo suspenderent pharetram ad partem mulierum. Et super caput Domini est semper vna imago quasi puppa et statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem domini: alia similis super caput dominæ, quam vocant fratrem dominæ, affixa parieti: et superius inter vtramque illarum est vna paruula, macilenta, quæ est quasi custos totius domus. Domina domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pedes lecti in eminenti loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana vel alia materia, et iuxta illam statuunculam paruulam respicientem famulas et mulieres. Iuxta ostium ad partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum vbere vaccino, pro mulieribus quæ mungunt vaccas. De officio foeminarum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostij versus viros est alia statua cum vbere equæ pro viris qui mungunt equas. Et cum conuenerint ad potandum primo spargunt de potu illi imagini, quæ est super caput domini: postea alijs imaginibus per ordinem: postea exit minister domum cum cipho et potu, et spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet vice flectendo genu; et hoc ad reuerentiam ignis: postea ad Orientem ad reuerentiam aeris: postea ad Occidentem ad reuerentiam aquæ; ad aquilonem proijciunt pro mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu et debet bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infundit terræ partem suam. Si bibit sedens super equum, infundit antequam bibat, super collum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero minister sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, reuertitur in domum et sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis et totidem patenis vt deferant potum domino et vxori sedenti iuxta eum sursum in lecto. Et cum habet plures vxores, illa cum qua dormit in nocte sedet iuxta eum in die: et oportet quod omnes aliæ veniant ad domum illam illa die ad bibendum: et ibi tenetur curia illa die: et xenia quæ deferuntur, illa deponuntur in thesauris illius dominæ. Bancus ibi est cum vtre lactis vel cum alio potu et cum ciphis.

The same in English.

Of their beds, and of their drinking pots. Chap. 3.

Hauing taken downe their houses from off their cartes, and turning the doores Southward, they place the bed of the master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens place is alwaies on the East side, namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards; but the mens place is vpon the West side, namely at the right hand of their master. Men when they enter into the house, wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side. Ouer the masters head is alwayes an image, like a puppet, made of felte, which they call the masters brother: and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse, which they call her brother being fastened to the wall: and aboue betweene both of, them, there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole house. The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete, on the right hand, the skinne of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter, and neare vnto that a little image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women. Next vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another image with a cowes vdder, for the women that milke the kine. For it is the duety of their women to milke kine. On the other side of the doore next vnto the men, there is another image with the vdder of a mare, for the men which milke mares. And when they come together to drinke and make merie, they sprinckle parte of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head: afterward vpon other images in order: then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South, and bowing his knee at euery time: and this is done for the honour of the fire. Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East, for the honour of the ayre: and then to the West for the honour of the water: and lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead. When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke, before he tasteth thereof, hee powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse backe, hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh. After the seruaunt aforesaide hath so discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world, hee returneth into the house: and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes, and two basons, to carrie drinke vnto their master and his wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if he hath more wiues than one, she with whome hee slept the night before, sitteth by his side the daye following: and all his other wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke: and there is the court holden for that day: the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife. And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes.

De potibus eorum et qualiter prouocant alios ad bibendum. Cap. 4.

Faciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio, de melle: claret sicut vinum. Et defertur eis vmum à remotis partibus. In æstate non curant nisi de Cosmos. Stat semper infra domum ad introitum portæ, et iuxta illud stat citharista cum citherula sua. Citheras et vielas nostras non vidi ibi, sed multa alia instrumenta, quæ apud nos non habentur. Et cum incipit bibere tunc vnus mintstrorum exclamat alta voce, HA: et citharista per cutit citharum. [Sidenote: Similiter in Florida.] Et quando faciunt festum magnum, tunc omnes plaudunt manibus et saltant ad vocem citharæ, viri coram Domino, et mulieres coram domina. Et postquam dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister sicut priùs, et tacet citharista: tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu viri et mulieres: et aliquando bibunt certatim valde turpiter et gulose. Et quando volunt aliquem prouocare ad potum arripiunt eum per aures et trahunt fortiter vt dilatent ei gulam, et plaudunt et saltant coram eo. Item cum aliqui volunt facere magnum festum et gaudium, vnus accipit ciphum plenum, et alij duo sunt ei à dextris et sinistris: et sic illi tres veniunt cantantes vsque ad illum cui debent porrigere ciphum, et cantant et saltant coram eo: et cum porrigit manum ad recipiendum ciphum, ipsi subito resiliunt, et iterum sicut prius reuertuntur, et sic illudunt ei ter vel quater retrahendo ciphum, donec fuerit bene exhileratus et bonum habeat appetitum, et tunc dant ei ciphum, et cantant et plaudunt manibus et terunt pedibus donec biberit.

The same in English.

Of their drinkes, and how they prouoke one another to drinking. Chap. 4

In winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise, of Mill, and of honie, being well and high coloured like wine. Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries. In summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle. I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be, but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke, one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA, and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle. [Sidenote: They vse the like custome in Florida.] And when they make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands and daunce to the noyse of musique the men before their master and the women before their mistresse. And when the master hath drunke, then cries out his seruant as before, and the minstrell stayeth his musique. Then drinke they all around both men and women: and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pul him by the eares to the drinke, and lug and drawe him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him. Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing, one of the company takes a full cuppe, and two other stand, one on his right hand and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him, still singing and dauncing before him: and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe, they leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so hauing deluded him thrice or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie, and hath gotten a good appetite, then they giue him the cuppe, singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete, vntill he hath done drinking.

De cibarijs eorum. Cap. 5.

De cibis et victualibus eorum noueritis, quod indifferenter comedunt omnia morticinia sua. Et inter tot pecora et armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia moriantur. Tamen in æstate quamdiu durat eis cosmos, hoc est lac equinum, non curant de alio cibo. Vnde tunc si contingat eis mori bouem vel equum, siccant carnes scindendo per tenues pecias et suspendendo ad solem et ventum, quæ statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo fætore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores quàm de porcis; quas comedunt recentes: reliquas carnes reseruant ad hyemem. De pellibus boum faciunt vtres magnos, quos mirabiliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori parte pellis equi faciunt pulcherrimos soculares. De carne vnius arietis dant comedere quinquaginta hominibus vel centum. Scindunt enim minutatim in scutella cum sale et aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, et tunc cum puncto cultelli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad hoc, cum qua solemus comedere pira et poma cocta in vino, porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam vnam vel duas, secundum multitudinem comedentium. Dominus antequam proponitur caro arietis in primo ipse accipit quod placet ei: et etiam si dat alicui partem specialem, oportet quod accipiens comedat eam solus, et nemini licet dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere, asportat secum, vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat ei: sin aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata, quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua et ossa recondunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea, vt postea rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo.

The same in English.

Of their foode and victuals. Chap. 5.

Concerning their foode and victuals, be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do, without al difference or exception, eate all their dead carrions. And amongst so many droues it cannot be, but some cattell must needes die. Howbeit in summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their mares milke lasteth, they care not for any foode. [Sidenote: Drying of flesh in the wind.] And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye, they drie the flesh thereof: for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind, it is presently dried without salt, and also without stenche or corruption. They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs, which they eate being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter. They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake. Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals and pantofles. They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water (other sauce they haue none) and then with the point of a knife, or a little forke which they make for the same purpose (such as wee vse to take rosted peares or apples out of wine withal) they reach vnto euery one of the company a morsell or twaine, according to the multitude of guestes. The master of the house, before the rams flesh be distributed, first of all himselfe taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part, the receiuer therof must eat it alone, and must not impart ought therof vnto any other. Not being able to eate it vp all, he caries it with him, or deliuers it vnto his boy, if he be present, to keepe it: if not, he puts it vp into his Saptargat, that is to say, his foure square budget, which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision, and wherein they lay vp their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, that they may burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought.

Quomodo faciunt Cosmos. Cap. 6.

Ipsum Cosmos, hoc est lac iumentinum fit hoc modo. Extendunt cordam longam super terram ad duos palos fixos in terra, et ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas tres, pullos equarum quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant matres iuxta pullos suos et permittunt se pacifice mungi. Et si aliqua est nimis indomita, tunc accipit vnus homo pullum et supponit ei permittens parum sugere, tunc retrahit illum, et emunctor lactis succedit. Congregata ergo multitudine lactis, quod est ita dulce sicut vaccinum, dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum vtrem siue bucellam, et incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc aptato, quod grossum est inferius sicut caput hominis et cauatum subtus: et quam cito concutiunt illud, incipit bullire sicut vinum nouum, et acescere siue fermentari, et excutiunt illud donec extrahant butirum. Tunc gustant illud; et quando est temperate pungitiuum bibunt: pungit enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum bibitur. Et postquam homo cessat bibere, relinquit saporem super linguam lactis amygdalini, et multum reddit interiora hominis iucunda, et etiam inebriat debilia capita: multum etiam prouocat vrinam. Faciunt etiam Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad vsum magnorum dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur. Ratio enim est: quod nullius animalis lac nisi cuius fetet venter non inuenitur coagulum. In ventre pulli equi non inuenitur: vnde lac equæ non coagulatur. Concutiunt ergo lac in tantum, quod omnino quod spissum est in eo vadat ad fundum rectà, sicut fæces vini, et quod purum est remanet superius et est sicut serum, et sicut mustum album. Fæces sunt albæ multum, et dantur seruis, et faciunt multum dormire. Illud clarum bibunt domini: et est pro certo valde suauis potus et bonæ efficaciæ. Baatu habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad vnam dietam, quorum vnam quodque qualibet die seruit ei de tali lacte centum equarum, hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium equarum, excepto alio lacte albo, quod deferunt alij. Sicut enim in Syria rustici dant tertiam partem fructuum, quam ipsi afferunt ad curias dominorum suorum, ita et isti lac equarum tertiæ diei. De lacte vaccino primò extrahunt butyrum et bulliunt illud vsque ad perfectam decoctionem, et postea recondunt illud in vtribus arietinis quos ad hoc reseruant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro: tamen propter magnam decoctionem non putrescit; et reseruant illud contra hyemem. Residuum lac quod remanet post butirum permittunt acescere quantum acrius fieri potest et bulliunt illud, et coagulatur bulliendo, et coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, et efficitur durum sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemem tempore hyemali quando deficit eis lac, ponunt illud acre coagulum, quod ipsi vocant gri-vt, in vtre, et super infundunt aquam calidam, et concutiunt fortiter donec illud resoluatur in aqua; quæ ex illo efficitur tota acetosa, et illam aquam bibunt loco lactis. Summè cauent ne bibant aquam puram.

The same in English.

How they make their drinke called Cosmos. Chap 6.

Their drinke called Cosmos, which is mares milke, is prepared after this manner. They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground, and vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares, which they mean to milke. Then come the dams to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes her fole, and puts it vnder her, letting it suck a while, and presently carying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said mare. And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together (being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose, hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head, which is hollow within: and so soone as they beat vpon it, it begins to boile like newe wine, and to be sower and sharp of taste, and they beate it in that manner till butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it: for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is drunk. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaueth behind it a taste like the taste of almon milke, and goeth downe very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braines: also it causeth vrine to be auoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they make on this maner. First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white wine, and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue, being like vnto whay or white must The said lees or dregs being very white, are giuen to seruants, and will cause them to sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleare their masters drinke: and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies iourney of his abiding place: euery one of which serueth him dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk, and so all of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares, besides white milke which other of his subiects bring. For euen as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and carie it vnto the courts of their lords, euen so doe they their mares milke euery third day. Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter, boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put it into rams skinnes, which they reserue for the same purpose. Neither doe they salte their butter: and yet by reason of the long seething, it putrifieth not: and they keepe it in store for winter. The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter, they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boile it and in boiling, it is turned all into curdes, which curds they drie in the sun, making them as hard as the drosse of iron: and this kind of food also they store vp in sachels against winter. In the winter season when milke faileth them, they put the foresaid curds (which they cal Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water thereinto, they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they drinke in stead of milke [Footnote: Presumably the first mention of preserved milk in any form.]. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe.

De bestijs quas comedunt, et de vestibus, ac de venatione eorum. Chap. 7.

Magni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de quibus afferunt eis milium et farinam contra hyemem, pauperes procurant sibi pro arietibus et pellibus commutando. Sclaui etiam implent ventrem suum aqua crassa, et hac contenti sunt. Mures cum longis caudis non comedunt et omne genus murium habens curtam caudam. Sunt etiam ibi multæ marmotes, quas ipsi vocant Sogur; quæ conueniunt in vna fouea in hyeme 20. vel 30. pariter, et dormiunt sex mensibus: quas capiunt in magna multitudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi habentes longam caudam sicut cari; et in summitate caudæ habent pilos nigros et albos. Habent et multas alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum: quas ipsi valde bene discernunt. Ceruos non vidi ibi; lepores paucos vidi, gaselos multos. Asinos syluestres vidi in magna multitudine, qui sunt quasi muli. Vidi et aliud genus animalis quod dicitur Artak, quod habet recte corpus arietis et cornua torta, sed tantæ quantitatis, quod vix poteram vna manu leuare duo cornua: et faciunt de cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, girfalcones, et herodios in magna multitudine: quos omnes portant super manum dexteram: et ponunt semper falconi vnam corrigiam paruulam circa collum, quæ pendet ei vsque ad medietatem pectoris: per quam cum proijciunt eum ad prædam, inclinant cum sinistra manu caput et pectus falconis, ne verberetur à vento, vel ne feratur sursum. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt venatione. De vestibus et habitu eorum noueritis, quod de Cataya et alijs regionibus Orientis, et etiam de Perside et alijs regionibus austri veniunt eis panni serici et aurei, et telæ de bambasio, quibus induuntur in æstate. [Sidenote: Maior Hungaria.] De Russia, de Moxel, et Maiore Bulgaria et Pascatir, quæ est maior Hungaria, et Kersis: (quæ omnes sunt regiones ad Aquilonem et plenæ syluis;) et alijs multis regionibus ad latus aquilonare, quæ eis obediunt, adducuntur eis pelles preciosæ multi generis; quas nunquam vidi in partibus nostris: Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper in hyeme duas pelliceas ad minus: vnam, cuius pilus est ad carnem: aliam cuius pilus est extra contra ventum et niues, quæ multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vulpibus vel papionibus. Et dum sedent in domo habent aliam delicatiorem. Pauperes faciunt illas exteriores de canibus et capris. Quum volunt venari feras, conueniunt magna multitudo et circundant regionem in qua sciunt feras esse, et paulatim appropinquant sibi, donec concludant feras inter se quasi infra circulum, et tunc sagitant ad eas; faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Diuites etiam furrant vestes suas de stupa setæ, quæ est supra modum mollis, et leuis et calida. Pauperes furrant vestes de tela de bambasio, de delicatiori lana quam possunt extrahere: de grossiori faciunt filtrum ad cooperiendum domos suas et cistas, et ad lectisternia. De lana etiam et tertia parte pilorum equi admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De filtro etiam faciunt pauellas sub sellis, et capas contra pluuiam. [Sidenote: Nota.] Vnde multum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vidistis.

The same in English.

Of the beastes which they eat, of their garments, and of their maner of hunting. Chap. 7.

Great lords haue cottages or granges towards the South, from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale against winter. The poorer sort prouide themselues of such necessaries, for the exchange of rams, and of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaues fil their bellies with thick water, and are therewithall contented. They wil neither eate mise with long tailes, nor any kinde of mise with short tailes. They haue also certaine litle beasts called by them Sogur, which lie in a caue twenty or thirty of them together, al the whole winter sleeping there for the space of sixe moneths: [Footnote: Marmosets] and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats: and on the outside of their tailes grow blacke and white haires. They haue many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discerne right well. I saw no Deere there, and but a fewe hares but a great number of Roes. I saw wild asses in great abundance which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast called Artak, hauing in al resemblance the body of a ram and crooked hornes, which are of such bignes, that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand; and of these hornes they make great drinking cups. [Sidenote: Our falconers vse the left first. Another strange custome, which I leaue to be scanned by falconers themselues.] They haue Falcons, Girfalcons, and other haukes in great plenty all which they cary vpon their right hands: and they put alwaies about their Falcons necks a string of leather, which hangeth down to the midst of their gorges, by the which string they cast them off the fist at their game, with their left hand they bow doune the heads and breasts of the sayd haukes, least they should be tossed vp and downe, and beaten with the wind, or least they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals, by hunting and hauking. Concerning their garments and attire be it knowen vnto your Maiestie, that out of Cataya and other regions of the East, out of Persia also and other countries of the South, there are brought vnto them stuffes of silke, cloth of gold, and cotton cloth, which they weare in time of summer. But out of Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria the greater, and Pascatir, that is Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northerne regions and full of woods) and also out of many other countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sortes (which I neuer saw in our countries) wherewithal they are clad in winter. And alwaies against winter they make themselues two gownes, one with the fur inward to their skin, and another with the furre outward, to defend them from wind and snow, which for the most part are made of woolues skins, or Fox skins, or els of Papions. And when they sit within the house, they haue a finer gowne to weare. The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins. When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great company together, and inuironing the place round about, where they are sure to find some game, by litle and litle they approach on al sides, til they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, and then they discharge their arrowes at them. Also they make themselues breeches of skins. The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke shag, which is exceeding soft, light, and warme. The poorer sort do line their clothes with cotton cloth which is made of the finest wooll they can pick out, and of the courser part of the said wool, they make felt to couer their houses and their chests, and for their bedding also. [Sidenote: Great expense of wooll.] Of the same wool, being fixed with one third part of horse haire, they make all their cordage. They make also of the said felt couerings for their stooles, and caps to defende their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wooll. And thus much concerning the attyre of the men.

De rasura virorum et ornatu mulierum. Cap. 8.

Viri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, et ab anterioribus angulis ducunt rasuram cristæ capitis vsque ad tempora. Radunt etiam tempora et collum vsque ad summum concauitatis ceruicis: et frontem anterius vsque ad frontinellam, super quam relinquunt manipulum pilorum descendentium vsque ad supercilia. In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt tricas, quas succingunt nodando vsque ad aures. Et habitus puellarum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod aliquantulum est longior. Sed in crastino postquam est nupta radit caluariam suam à medietate capitis versus frontem, et habet tunicam latam sicut cucullam monialis, et per omnia latiorem et longiorem, fissam ante, quam ligat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt Tartari à Turcis: quod Turci ligani tunicas suas ad sinistram, Tartari semper ad dextram. Postea habent ornamentum capitis, quod vocant botta, quod fit de cortice arboris vel alia materia, quam possunt inuenire, leuiore: et est grossum et rotundum, quantum potest duabus manibus complecti; longum vero vnius cubiti et plus, quadrum superius, sicut capitellum vnius columnæ. Istud botta cooperiunt panno serico precioso; et est concauum interius: et super capitellum in medio vel super quadraturam illam ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus longitudinis scilicet vnius cubiti et plus: et illam sibi virgulam ornant superius de pennis pauonis, et per longum in circuitu pennulis caudæ malardi, et etiam lapidibus præciosis. Diuites dominæ istud ornamentum ponunt in summitate capitis quod stringunt fortiter cum almucia, quæ foramen habet in summitate ad hoc aptatum, et in isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligunt à parte posteriori ad summitatem capitis quasi in nodo vno et reponunt in illo botta, quod postea fortiter ligant sub gutture. Vnde quum equitant plures dominæ simul et videntur à longe, apparent milites, habentes galeas in capitibus cum lanceis eleuatis. Illud enim botta apparet galea de super lancea. Et sedent omhes mulieres super equos sicut viti diuersificantes coxas; et ligant cucullas suas panno serico aerij coloris super renes, et alia fascia stringunt ad mamillas: et ligant vnam peciam albam sub occulis, quæ descendit vsque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres miræ pinguedinis, et quæ minus habet de naso pulchrior reputatur. Deturpant etiam turpiter pinguedine facies suas: nunquam cubant in lecto pro puerperio.

The same in English.

Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting their haire, and of the attire of their women. Chap. 8.

The men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads, and from the two formost corners they shaue, as it were, two seames downe to their temples: they shaue also their temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of the necke: likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe to their foreheads, and vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes: vpon the two hindermost corners of their heads, they haue two lockes also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them vnder each eare one. Moreouer their womens garments differ not from their mens, sauing that they are somewhat longer. But on the morrowe after one of their women is maried, shee shaues her scalpe from the middest of her head downe to her forehead, and weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nuns hood, being open before and girt vnto them vnder the right side. For herein doe the Tartars differ from the Turkes: because the Turkes fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars alwaies on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads which they call Botta, being made of the barke of a tree, or of some such other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason of the thicknes and roundnes therof cannot be holden but in both hands together: and it hath a square sharp spire rising from the top therof, being more then a cubite in length, and fashioned like vnto a pinacle. The said Botta they couer al ouer with a piece of rich silke: and it is hollow within: and vpon the midst of the sayd spire or square toppe, they put a bunch of quils or of slender canes a cubite long and more: and the sayd bunch, on the top thereof, they beautifie with Peacocks feathers, and round about al the length therof, with the feathers of a Malards taile, and with precious stones also. Great ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coyfe, which hath an hole in the crowne, fit for the spire to come through it: and vnder the fore-said ornament they couer the haires of their heads, which they gather vp round together from the hinder part therof to the crowne, and so lap them vp in a knot or bundel within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throtes. Hereupon when a great company of such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a far off, they seem to be souldiers with helmets on their heads carrying their launces vpright: for the said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a launce ouer it. Al their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses like men: and they bind their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a skie coloured silke skarfe, and with another skarfe they girde it aboue their breasts: and they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler or mask vnder their eyes, reaching down vnto their breast These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, and the lesser their noses be, the fairer are they esteemed: they daube ouer their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they neuer lie in bed for their trauel of childbirth.

De officio mulierum, et operibus earum, ac de nuptijs earum. Cap. 9.

Officium foeminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus super eas et deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum et griut, parare pelles, et consuere eas, quas consuunt filo deneruis; diuidunt enim neruos in minuta fila, et postea illa contorquent in vnum longum filum. Consuunt etiam soculares et soccos et alias vestes. Vestes vero nunquam lauant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, et quod fiant torotrua si suspendantur ad siccandum: Imo lauantes verberant et eis auferunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent: tunc omnes extraneos emittunt de domibus suis; et inuoluunt se in filtris nigris, in quibus latitant, donec transierit. Nunquam etiam lauant scutellos, imo carne cocta alueum in quo debent ponere eam lauant brodio bulliente de caldaria, et postea refundunt in caldariam; faciunt et filtrum et cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt solum arcus et sagittas, fabricant strepas, et fræna, et faciunt cellas, carpentant domos et bigas: custodiunt equos et mungunt equas, concutiunt ipsum cosmos et lac equinum, faciunt vires in quibus reconditur: custodiunt etiam camelos, et onerant eos Oues et Capras custodiunt mixtim et mungunt aliquando viri, aliquando mulieres. [Sidenote: Pellium paratio] De lacte ouium inspissato et salso parant pelles. Cum volunt manus vel caput lauare implent os suum aqua et paulatim fundunt de ore suo super manus, et eadem humectant crines suos, et lauant caput suum. De nuptijs eorum noueritis, quod nemo habet ibi vxorem nisi emat eam; vnde aliquando sunt puellæ multum aduitæ ante quam nubant: semper enim tenent eas parentes, donec vendant eas. Seruant etiam gradus consanguinitatis primum et secundum: nullum autem seruant affinitatis. Habent enim simul vel successiue duas sorores. Nulla vidua nubit inter eos, hac ratione; quia credunt quod omnes qui seruiunt eis in hac vita seruient in futura. Vnde vidua credunt, quod semper reuertitur post mortem ad primum maritum. Vnde accidit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit aliquando omnes vxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia enim patris et matris semper accidit iuniori filio. Vnde oportet quod ipse prouideat omnibus vxoribus patris sui, quia adueniunt eæ cum curia paterna. Et tunc si vult vtitur eis pro vxoribus, quia non reputat sibi iniuriam, si reuertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum ergo aliquis fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit pater puellæ conuiuium, et illa fuagit ad consanguineos, vt ibi lateat: Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe eam vbicunque inueneris: Tunc ille quærit cum amicis suis, donec inueniat eam, et oportet, quod vi capiat eam et ducat eam quasi violenter ad domum.

The same in English.

Of the dueties inioined vnto the Tartarian women, and of their labours, and also of their mariages. Chap. 9.

The duties of women are, to driue carts: to lay their houses vpon carts and to take them downe again: to milke kine: to make butter and Gry-vt: to dresse skins and to sow them, which they vsually sowe with thread made of sinewes, for they diuide sinewes into slender threads, and then twine them into one long thread. They make sandals and socks and other garments. Howbeit they neuer wash any apparel: for they say that God is then angry, and that dreadful thunder wil ensue, if washed garments be hanged forth to drie: yea, they beat such as wash and take their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder: for in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers, out of their houses, and then wrapping themselues in black felt, they lie hidden therein, til the thunder be ouerpast. They neuer wash their dishes or bowles: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, and then powre the said broth into the pot againe. They make felte also, and couer their houses therewith. The duties of the men are to make bowes and arrowes, stirrops, bridles and saddles, to build houses and carts, to keep horses, to milke, mares, to churne Cosmos and mares milke, and to make bags wherein to put it, they keepe camels also and lay burthens vpon them. As for sheepe and goates they tend and milke them, aswell the men as the women. With sheeps milke thicked and salted they dresse and tan their hides. When they wil wash their hands or their heads, they fil their mouthes full of water, and spouting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinckle their haire and wash their heades therwith. [Footnote: The same custom still exists amongst the inhabitants of the Lena Delta] As touching mariages, your Highnes is to vnderstand, that no man can haue a wife among them till he hath bought her whereupon somtimes their maids are very stale before they be maried, for their parents alwaies keepe them till they can sel them. They keepe the first and second degrees of consanguinitie inuiolable, as we do but they haue no regard of the degrees of affinity: for they wil marrie together, or by succession, two sisters. Their widowes marie not at al, for this reason: because they beleeue, that al who haue serued them in this life, shall do them seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded, that euery widow after death shal returne vnto her own husband. And herehence ariseth an abominable and filthy custome among them, namely that the sonne marieth somtimes all his fathers wiues except his own mother: For the court or house of the father or mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son. Whereupon he is to prouide for all his fathers wiues, because they are part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers possessions. And then if he will he vseth then for his owne wiues: for he thinks it no iniurie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto his father after death. Therfore when any man hath bargained with another for a maid, the father of the said damosel makes him a feast: in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her kinsfolks to hide her selfe. Then saith her father vnto the bridegrome: Loe, my daughter is yours, take her whersoeuer you can find her. Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her, and hauing found her hee must take her by force and cary her, as it were, violently vnto his owne house.

De iusticijs eorum et iudicijs, et de morte ac sepultura eorum. Cap. 10.

De iusticijs eorum nouentis, quod quando duo homines pugnant, nemo audet se intermittere. Etiam pater non audet iuuare filium. Sed qui peiorem partem habet, appellat ad curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem tangat eum, interficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque dilatione vadat: Et ille qui passus est iniuriam ducit eum quasi captiuum. Neminem puniunt capitali sententia, nisi deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel confessus. Sed quum diffamatus est à pluribus, bene torquent eum, vt confiteatur. Homicidium puniunt capitali sententia, et etiam coitum cum non sua. Non suam dico vel vxorem vel famulam: Sua enim sclaua licet vti prout libet. Item enorme furtum puniunt morte. Pro leui furto, sicut pro vno ariete, dummodo non fuerit sæpe deprehensus in hoc, verberant crudeliter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant centum baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia curiæ. Item falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios et non sunt, interficiunt. Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis postea plenius, quia tales reputant veneficas. Quando aliquis moritur plangunt vehementer vlulando: et tunc sunt liberi quod non dant vectigal vsque ad annum. Et si quis interest morti alicuius adulti non ingreditur domum ipsius Mangucham vsque ad annum. Si paruulus est qui moritur, non ingreditur vsque post lunationem. Iuxta sepulturam defuncti semper relinquunt domum vnam. Si est de nobilibus, hoc est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus pater et domimis eorum, illius qui moritur ignoratur sepultura: et semper circa loca illa vbi sepeliunt nobiles suos est vna herbergia hominum custodientium sepulturas. Non intellexi quod ipsi recondunt thesaurum cum mortuis. Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum et erigunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum in manu sua ante vmbelicum; fabricant et diuitibus pyramides, id est domunculas acutas: et alicubi vidi magnas turres de tegulis coctis: alicubi lapideas domos, quamuis lapides non inueniantur ibi. Vidi quendam nouiter defunctum, cui suspenderant pelles sexdecem equorum, ad quodlibet latus mundi quatuor inter perticas altas: et apposuerunt ei cosmos vt biberet, et carnes vt comederet: et tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus. Alias vidi sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas structas lapidibus, aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, et postea quatuor lapides longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi circa aream. Et vbi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto et ponit signum super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus, et quod nullus ingrediatur: vnde nullus visitat infirmum nisi seruiens eius. Quando etiam aliquis de magnis curijs infirmatur, ponunt custodes longe circa curiam, qui infra illos terminos neminem permittunt transire: timent enim ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum ingredientibus. Ipsos diuinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos.

The same in English.

Of their execution of iustice and iudgement: and of their deaths and burials. Chap. 10.

Concerning their lawes or their execution of iustice, your Maiesty is to be aduertised, and when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the father dare not help his owne sonne. But he that goes by the worst must appeale vnto the court of his lord. And whosoeuer els offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But he must go presently without all delay: and he that hath suffered the iniury, carieth him, as it were captiue. They punish no man with sentence of death, vnles hee bee taken in the deede doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him vnto extreame torture to make him confesse the trueth. They punish murther with death, and carnall copulation also with any other besides his owne. By his own, I meane his wife or his maid seruant, for he may vse his slaue as he listeth himself. Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as namely for stealing of a ram, the party (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if the executioner laies on an 100. strokes, he must haue an 100. staues, namely for such as are beaten vpon sentence giuen in the court. Also counterfeit messengers, because they feine themselues to be messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sacrilegious persons they vse in like manner (of which kind of malefactors your Maiesty shall vnderstand more fully hereafter) because they esteeme such to be witches. When any man dieth, they lament and howle most pitifully for him: and the said mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also whosoeuer is present at the house where any one growen to mans estate lieth dead, he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can til one whole yere be expired. If it were a child deceased he must not enter into the said court til the next moneth after. Neere vnto the graue of the partie deceased they alwaies leaue one cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock of Chingis, who was their first lord and father) deceaseth, his sepulcher is vnknowen. And alwayes about those places where they interre their nobles, there is one house of men to keep the sepulchers. I could not learn that they vse to hide treasures in the graues of their dead. The Comanians build a great toomb ouer their dead, and erect the image of the dead party thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before his nauel. They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men, Pyramides, that is to say, little sharpe houses or pinacles: and in some places I saw mighty towers made of brick, in other places Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found thereabout. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they hanged vp 16. horse hides, vnto each quarter of the world 4, betweene certain high posts: and they set besides his graue Cosmos for him to drink, and flesh to eat: and yet they sayd that he was baptized. I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards the East: namely large flowres or pauements made of stone, some round and some square, and then 4. long stones pitched vpright, about the said pauement towards the 4. regions of the world. When any man is sicke, he lieth in his bed, and causeth a signe to be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lieth a sicke person there, to the end that no man may enter into the sayd house: whereupon none at all visit any sicke party but his seruant only. Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great courts, they appoint watchmen to stand round about the said court, who wil not suffer any person to enter within the precincts thereof. For they feare least euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteeme of soothsayers, as of their priests.

Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, et de ingratitudine eorum. Cap. 11.

Quando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum fuit mihi, vt dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud seculum. Circumdederunt enim nos in equis postquam diu fecerant nos expectare sedentes in vmbra sub bigis nigris. Prima quæstio fuit, vtrum vnquam fuissemus inter eos; habito quod non: inceperunt impudenter petere de cibarijs nostris, et dedimus de pane biscocto et vino quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa: et potata vna lagena vini, petierunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non ingreditur domum vno pede; non dedimus eis, excusantes nos quod parem haberemus Tunc quæsiuerunt vnde veniremus, et quo vellemus ire; dixi eis superiora verba, quod audieramus de Sartach, quod esset Christianus, et quod vellem ire ad eum, quia habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi diligenter quæsiuerunt, vtrum irem de mea voluntate, vel vtrum mitterer. Ego respondi quod nemo coegit me ad eundum, nec iuissem nisi voluissem: vnde de mea voluntate ibam, et etiam de voluntate superioris me. Bene caui, quod nunquam dixi, me esse nuncium vestrum. Tunc quæsiuerunt quid esset in bigis, vtrum esset aurum vel argentum, vel vestes preciosæ, quas deferrem Sartach. Ego respondi, quod Sartach videret quid deferremus ei quando perueniremus ad eum; et quod non intererat eorum ista quærere: sed facerent me deduci vsque ad capitaneum suum, et ipse si vellet mihi præbere ducatum vsque ad Sartach faceret: sin minus, reuerterer. Erat enim in illa prouincia vnus consanguineus Baatu, nomine Scacatai, cui dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus mittebat literas deprecatorias, quod me permitteret transire. Tunc ipsi acquieuerunt, præbentes nobis equos et boues et duos homines, qui deducerent nos. Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi. Prius tamen antequam prædicta darent, fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de pane nostro pro paruulis suis: Et omnia quæ videbant super famulos nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia admirantes et volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia longa nobis restabat via, nec debebamus ita cito spoliare nos rebus necessarijs ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc dicebant quod essem batrator. Verum est quod nihil abstulerint vi: Sed valde importune et impudenter petunt quæ vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit, quia sunt ingrati. Reputant se dominos mundi, et videtur eis, quod nihil debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, et postea indigeat seruicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis bibere de lacte suo vaccino, à quo contractom erat butirum, acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram et sic recessimus ab eis. Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod euadissem de manibus dæmonum. In crastino peruenimus ad capitaneum. Ex quo recessimus à Soldaia vsque ad Sartach in duobus mensibus nunquam iacuimus in domo nec in tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris, nec vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicuius ædificij vbi fuisset villa, nisi tumbas Comanorum in maxima multitudine. Illo sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere cosmos; ad cuius haustum totus sudaui propter horrorem et nouitatem, quia nunquam biberam de eo; valde tamen sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut vere est.

The same in English.

Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of their ingratitude. Chap. 11.

And being come amongst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) that I was entred into a new world: for they came flocking about vs on horse back, after they had made vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder their black carts. The first question which they demanded was whether we had euer bin with them heretofore, or no? And giuing them answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals from vs. And we gaue them some of our bisket and wine, which we had brought with vs from the towne of Soldaia. And hauing drunke off one flagon of our wine they demanded another, saying, that a man goeth not into the house with one foote. Howbeit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but a litle. Then they asked vs, whence we came, and whither we were bound? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned: that we had heard concerning duke Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and that vnto him our determination was to trauel, hauing your Maiesties letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very inquisitiue to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whether I were sent? I answered that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, vnles I my selfe had bin willing: and that therefore I was come according to mine own wil, and to the will of my superior. I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your Maiesties ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my carts; whether it were gold or siluer, or rich garments to carie vnto Sartach? I answered that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come vnto him, and that they had nothing to do to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct me vnto their captaine, and that he, if he thought good, should cause me to be directed vnto Sartach: if not, that I would returne. For there was in the same prouince one of Baatu his kinsmen called Scacati, vnto whom my lord the Emperor of Constantinople had written letters of request to suffer me to passe through his territory. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs horses and oxen, and two men to conduct vs. Howbeit before they would allow vs the foresayd neccessaries for our iorney, they made vs to awayt a long whyle, begging our bread for their yong brats, wondering at all things which they sawe about our seruants, as their kniues, gloues, purses, and points, and desiring to haue them. I excused my self that we had a long way to trauel, and that we must in no wise so soon depriue our selues of things necessary, to finish so long a iourney. Then they said that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they tooke nothing by force from me: howbeit they will beg that which they see very importunatly and shamelesly. And if a man bestow ought vpon them, it is but cost lost, for they are thankles wretches. They esteeme themselues lords and think that nothing should be denied them by any man. If a man giues them nought, and afterward stands in neede of their seruice, they will do right nought for him. They gaue vs of their cowes milke to drink after that butter was cherned out of it, being very sower, which they cal Apram. And so we departed from them. And in very deed it seemed to me that we were escaped out of the hands of diuels. On the morrow we were come vnto the captain. From the time wherin we departed from Soldaia, till we arriued at the court of Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in house or tent, but alwaies vnder the starry canopy, and in the open aire, or vnder our carts. Neither yet saw we any village, nor any mention of building where a village had bin, but the graues of the Comanians in great abundance. The same euening our guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After I had drunke thereof I sweat most extreamly for the nouelty and strangenes, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding me thought it was very sauory, as indeed it was.

De curia Scacatay, et quod Christiani non bibunt cosmos. Cap. 12.

Mane ergo obuiauimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus. Et videbatur mihi quod obuiaret mihi ciuitas magna. Mirabar etiam super multitudine armentorum boum et equorum et gregum ouium: paucos videbam homines qui ista gubernarent; vnde inquisiui quot homines haberet sub se? et dictum fuit mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos, quorum medietatem transiueramus in alia herbergia. Tunc incepit mihi dicere garcio qui ducebat nos, quod aliquid oporteret Scacatay dare: et ipse fecit nos stare, et præcessit nuncians aduentum nostrum. Iam erat hora plusquam tertia, et deposuerunt domos suas iuxta quondam aquam. Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, quod nunquam fueramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, et dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia dicturas erat verbum nostrum ante dominum suum. Excusauimus nos. Quæsiuit quid portaremus domino suo? Accepimus vnum flasconem de vino, et impleuimus vnum veringal de biscocto et platellum vnum de pomis et aliis fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non ferebamos aliquem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus cum timore et verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens citharulam in manu, et vxor sua iuxta eum: de qua credebam in veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum inter oculos vt simior esset: nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, et vnxerat locum ilium quodam vnguento nigro, et etiam supercilia: quod erat turpissimum in oculis nostris. Tunc dixi ei verba supradicta. [Sidenote: Nota diligenter.] Vbique enim aportebat nos dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus bene præmoniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam mutaremus verba nostra. Rogaui etiam eum vt dignaretur accipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia monachus eram, nec erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes preciosas. Vnde non habebam aliquid talium, quod possem ei dare: sed de cibis nostris acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc fecit recipi, et distribuit statim hominibus suis qui conuenerant ad potandum. Dedi etiam ei literas Imperatoris Constantinopolitani: (Hoc fuit in octauis ascensionis). Qui statim eas Soldaiam misit vt ibi interpretarentur: quia erant in Græco, nec habebat secum qui sciret literas Græcas. Quæsiuit etiam à nobis, si vellemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac iumentinum. Christiani enim Ruteni, Græci, et Alani, qui sunt inter eos, qui volunt stricte custodire legem suam, non bibunt illud: Imo non reputant se Christianos postquam biberunt. Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant eos, tanquam negassent fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod habebamus adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum: et cum ille potus deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur nobis. Quæsiuit etiam quid contineretur in literis nostris, quas mittebatis Sartach. Dixi quod clausæ erant bullæ nostræ; et quod non erant in eis nisi bona verba et amicabilia. Quæsiuit et quæ verba diceremus Sartach? Respondi, Verba fidei Christianæ. Quæsiuit quæ? Quia libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui per interpretem meum, qui nullius erat ingenij, nec alicuius eloquentiæ, symbolum fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit et mouit caput. Tunc assignauit nobis duos homines, qui nos custodirent, et equos et boues: et fecit nos bigare secum, donec reuerteretur nuncius, quem ipse miserat pro interpretatione, literarum imperatoris; et iuimus cum eo vsque in crastinum Pentecostes.

The same in English.

Of the court of Scacatai: and how the Christians drinke no Cosmos. Chap. 12.

On the morrowe after we met with the cartes of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mighty citie came to meete me. I wondered also at the great multitude of huge droues of oxen, and horses, and at the flockes of sheepe. I could see but a fewe men that guided all these matters: whereupon I inquired how many men he had vnder him, and they told me that he had not aboue 500. in all, the one halfe of which number we were come past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the seruant which was our guide told me, that I must present somwhat vnto Scacatay: and so he caused vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue notice of our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and they vnladed their houses nere vnto a certain water: And there came vnto vs his interpreter, who being aduertised by vs that wee were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, and we yeelded vnto his request. Also he required of vs some garment for a reward, because he was to interpret our sayings vnto his master. Howbeit we excused our selues as well as wee could. Then he asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord? And we tooke a flagon of wine, and filled a maund with bisket, and a platter with apples and other fruits. But he was not contented therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding we entred so into his presence with feare and bashfulnes. He sate vpon his bed holding a citron in his hand, and his wife sate by him: who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared her nose betweene the eyes, that she might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left her selfe no nose at all in that place, hauing annointed the very same place with a black ointment, and her eye browes also: which sight seemed most vgly in our eies. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same wordes, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stoode vs in hand to vse one and the same speech in all places. [Sidenote: A caueat right worthy the noting.] For we were wel forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst the Tartars, that we should neuer varie in our tale. Then I besought him, that he would vochsafe to accept that small gifte at our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it was against our profession to possesse gold, or siluer, or precious garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals instead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be receiued, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were mette together for the same purpose, to drinke and make merrie. I deliuered also vnto him the Emperor of Constantinople his letters (this was eight dayes after the feast of Ascension) who sent them forthwith to Soldaia to haue them interpreted there: for they were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was skilfulle in the Greeke tongue. He asked vs also whether we would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mares milke? (For those that are Christians among them, as namely the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians, who keep their own law very strictly, wil in no case drinke thereof, yea, they accompt themselues no Christians after they haue once drunke of it, and their priests reconcile them vnto the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gaue him answere, that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke, and that when our drinke failed vs, we must be constrained to drink such as should be giuen vnto vs. He enquired also what was contained in our letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed vp, and that there was nothing conteined in them, but good and friendly wordes. And he asked what wordes wee would deliuer vnto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian faith. He asked again what these words were? For he was very desirous to heare them. Then I expounded vnto him as well as I could, by mine interpretor, (who had no wit nor any vtterance of speech) the Apostles creed. Which after he had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head. Then hee assigned vnto vs two men, who shoulde giue attendance vpon our selues, vpon our horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee caused vs to ride in his companie, till the messenger whome hee had sent for the interpretation of the Emperours letters, was returned. And so wee traueiled in his companie till the morowe after Pentecost.

Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia pentecostes. Cap. 13.

In vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, qui ibi dicuntur [Marginal note: Vel Akas.] Acias, Christiani secundum ritum Græcorum; habentes literas Græcas et sacerdotes Græcos: tamen non sunt schismatici sicut Græci; sed sine acceptione personarum venerantur omnem Christianum: et detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, rogantes vt comedremus de cibo eorum, et oraremus pro quodam defuncto eorum. Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantæ solennitatis, quod illa die non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eis de solennitate, super quo fuerunt multum gauisi; quia omnia ignorabant quæ spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi excepto. Quæsiuerunt et ipsi et alij multi Christiani, Ruteni et Hungari, vtrum possent saluari, quia oportebat eos bibere cosmos, et comedere morticinia et interfecta à Saracenis et alijs infidelibus: quæ etiam ipsi Græci et Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia vel idolis immolata: quia ignorabant tempora ieiunij: nec poterant custodire etiam si cognouissent. Tunc rectificabar eos prout potui, docens et confortans in fide. Carnes quas detulerant reseruauimus vsque ad diem festum: nihil enim inueniebamus venale pro auro et argento, nisi pro telis et alijs [Marginal note: Nota diligentissime.] pannis: et illos non habebamus. Quum famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fricabant digitis, et ponebant ad nares, vt odore, sentirent, vtrum essent cuprum. Nec dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre valde et foetidum. Vinum iam deficiebat nobis. Aqua ita turbabatur ab equis, quod non erat potabilis. Nisi fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, et gratia Dei, forte fuissemus mortui.

The same in English.

Howe the Alanians came vnto vs on Pentecost or Whitson euen. Chap. 13.

Vpon the euen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certaine Alanians, wno are called [Marginal note: Or Akas.] Acias, being Christians after the maner of the Grecians, vsing greeke bookes and Grecian priests: howbeit they are not schismatiques as the Grecians are, but without acception of persons, they honour al Christians. And they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then I sayd, because it was the euen of so great and so solemne a feast day, that we would not eate any flesh for that time. And I expounded vnto them the solemnitie of the sayd feast, whereat they greatly reioyced: for they were ignorant of all things appertayning to Christian religion, except only the name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, because they were constrained to drinke Cosmos, and to eate the dead carkases of such things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other infidels? Which euen the Greeke and Russian priests themselues also esteeme as things strangled or offered vnto idoles: because they were ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they haue obserued them albeit they had knowen them. Then instructed I them as well as I could and strengthened them in the faith. As for the flesh which they had brought we reserued it vntill the feast day. [Sidenote: Cloth is the chiefe marchandise in Tartarie.] For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold and siluer, but only for cloth and garments of the which kind of marchandise wee had none at all. When our seruants offered them any coine called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any foode but cowes milke onely which was very sowre and filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so foule and muddy by reason of their horses, that it was not meete to be drunk. And but for certaine bisket, which was by the goodnes of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly perished.

De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizari, et de hominibus qui apparent leprosi. Cap. 14.

In die pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui cum loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. Qui audiens beneficia Dei exhibita humano generi in incarnatione Christi, et resurrectionem mortuorum, et indicium futurum, et quod ablutio peccatorum esset in baptismo: dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum pararemus nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascendit equum suum, dicens se iturum domum et habiturum consilium cum vxore sua. Qui in crastino loquens nobiscum, dixit quod nullo modo auderet accipere baptisma, quia tunc non biberet cosmos. Christiani enim illius loci hoc dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus deberet bibere: et sine potu illo non posset viuere in solitudine illa. A qua opinione nullo modo potui diuertere illum. Vnde noueritis pro certo quod multum elongantur à fide propter illam opinionem quæ iam viguit inter illos per Rutenos, quorum maxima multitude est inter eos. Illa die dedit nobis ille capitaneus vnum hominem, qui nos deduceret vsque ad Sartach et duos qui ducerent nos vsque ad proximam herbergiam; quæ inde distabat quinque dietas prout boues poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis vnam capram pro cibo et plures vtres lactis vaccini, et de cosmos parum: quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et sic arripientes iter recte in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi quod vnam portam inferni transissemus. Garciones qui ducebant nos, incipiebant nobis audacter furari, quia videbant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis pluribus vexatio dabat nobis intellectum Peruenimus tandem ad extremitatem illius prouincæ, quæ clauditur vno fossato ab vno mari vsque ad aliud: extra quam erat herbergia eorum apud quos intrassemus: videbantur nobis leprosi omnes: [Sidenote: Salinæ.] quia erant viles homines ibi collocati, vt reciperent tributum ab accipientibus sal a salinis superius dictis. Ab illo loco, vt dicebant, oportebat nos ambulare quindecim diebus, quibus non inueniremus populum. Cum illis bibimus cosmos: et dedimus illis vnum veringal plenum fructibus et panem biscoctum. [Sidenote: Decem dietæ.] Qui dederunt nobis octo boues, vnam captram pro tanto itinere, et nescio quot vtres plenos lacte vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuimus iter, quod perfecimus decem diebus vsque ad aliam herbergiam: nec inuenimus aquam in ilia via nisi in fossis in conuallibus factis, exceptis duobus paruis fluminibus. Et tendebamus rectè in orientem ex quo exiuimus prædictam prouinciam Gasariæ, habentes mare ad meridiem et vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem: quæ durat per viginti dietas alicubi in latitudine; In qua nulla est sylua, nullus mons, nullus lapis. Herba est optima. In hac solebant pascere Comani, qui dicuntur Capchat. A Teutonicis verò dicuntur Valani, et prouincia Valania. Ab Isidoro vero dicitur à flumine Tanai vsque ad paludes Meotidis et Danubium Alania. Et durat ista terra in longitudine à Danubio vsque Tanaim; qui est terminus Asiæ; et Europæ, itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando prout equitant Tartari: [Sidenote: Comania longitudo.] Quæ tota inhabitabatur à Comanis Capchat, et etiam vltra à Tanai vsque [Marginal note: Etilia quæ et Volga flumen.] Etiliam: Inter quæ flumina sunt decem diete magnæ. [Sidenote: Russia.] Ad aquilonem verò istius prouinciæ iacet Russia, quæ vbique syluas habet, et protenditur à Polonia et Hungaria vsque Tanaim: quæ tota vastata est à Tartaris, et adhuc quotidie vastatur. Præponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt Christiani, Saracenos: et cum non possunt amplius dare aurum vel argentum, ducunt eos et paruulos eorum tanquam greges ad solitudinem vt custodiant animalia eorum. [Sidenote: Prussia.] Vltra Russiam ad aquilonem est Prussia, quam nuper subiugauerunt totam fratres Teutonici. Et certe de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est, Papa faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerunt ad solitudines suas.

The same in English.

Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized: and of certaine men which seemed to be lepers. Chap. 14.

Vpon the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certain Saracen, vnto whome, as hee talked with vs, we expounded the Christian faith. Who (hearing of God's benefits exhibited vnto mankind by the incarnation of our Sauior Christ, and the resurrection of the dead, and the iudgement to come, and that in baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) sayd that hee would be baptized. But when we prepared our selues to the baptising of him, he suddenly mounted on horsebacke, saying that he would goe home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the morrow after he told vs, that he durst in no case receiue baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirme that no true Christians ought to drinke thereof: and that without the said liquor he could not liue in that desert From which opinion, I could not for my life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty vnto your highnes, that they are much estranged from the Christian faith by reason of that opinion which hath bin broached and confirmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatay the captaine aforesayd gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two other to guide vs vnto the next lodging, which was distant from that place fiue dayes iourney for oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto vs also a goate for victuals, and a great many bladders of cowes milke, and but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our iourney directly toward the North, me thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates. The seruants which conducted vs began to play the bold theeues with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length hauing lost much by their theeuery, harme taught vs wisdome. And then we came vnto the extremity of that prouince, which is fortified with a ditch from one sea vnto another: without the bounds wherof their lodging was situate. Into the which, so soone as we had entred, al the inhabitants there seemed vnto vs to be infected with leprosie: [Sidenote: Salt pits.] for certain base fellowes were placed there to receiue tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt pits aforesaid. From that place they told vs that we must trauel fifteen daies iourney, before we shuld find any other people. With them wee dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of fruites and of bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight oxen and one goate, to sustaine vs in so great a iourney, and I knowe not how many bladders of milke. [Sidenote: Ten dayes iorney.] And so changing our oxen, we tooke our iourney which we finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at another lodging: neither found wee any water all that way, but onely in certane ditches made in the valleys, except two small riuers. And from the time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid prouince of Gasaria, we trauailed directly Eastward, hauing a Sea on the South side of vs, and a waste desert on the North, which desert, in some places, reacheth twenty dayes iourney in breadth, and there is neither tree, mountaine, nor stone therein. And it is most excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feede their cattell. Howbeit by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the prouince it selfe Valania. [Sidenote: The length of Comania.] But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from the riuer of Tanais to the lake of Mæotis, and so along as farre as Danubius, the countrey of Alania. And the same land contunueth in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two moneths iourney, albeit a man should ride poste as fast as the Tartars vse to ride: and it was all ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea and beyond Tanais, as farre as the riuer Edil or Volga: the space betweene the two which riuers is a great and long iourney to bee trauailed in ten dayes. [Sidenote: Russia.] To the North of the same prouince lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the riuer of Tanais: and it hath bene wasted all ouer by the Tartars, and as yet is daily wasted by them. They preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians, and when they are able to giue them no more golde or siluer, they driue them and their children like flockes of sheepe into the wildernes, constraining them to keepe their cattell there. [Sidenote: Prussia.] Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia, which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of Ierusalem haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deede they might easily winne Russia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know, that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the ensigne of the crosse to bee displaied against them, they would flee all into their desert and solitarie places. [Footnote: There is some confusion in original edition, which I have here corrected.]

De tedijs quæ patiebantur, et de sepultura Comanorum. Cap. 15.

Ibamus ergo versus orientem, nihil videntes nisi coelum et terram, et aliquando mare ad dextram, quod dicitur Mare Tanais, et etiam sepulturas Comanorum, quæ apparebant nobis à duabus leucis secundum quod solebant parentelæ eorum sepeliri simul. Quam diu eramus in solitudine bene erat nobis: quòd tædium quod patiebar quum veniebamus ad mansiones eorum non possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod ad quoslibet capitaneos ingrederer cum xenio: et ad hoc non sufficiebant expensæ. Quotidie enim eramus octo personæ comedentes viaticum nostrum exceptis seruientibus, qui omnes volebant comedere nobiscum. Nos enim eramus quinqui, et ipsi tres qui ducebant nos: duo ducentes bigas, et vnus iturus nobiscum vsque ad Sartach. Carnes quas dabant non sufficiebant; nec inueniebamus aliquid venale pro moneta. [Sidenote: Calor maximus ibi in æstate.] Et cum sedebamus sub bigis notris pro vmbra, quia calor erat ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune ingerebant se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem, non elongabant se à nobis, quam possit faba iactari. Imo iuxta nos colloquentes mutuò faciebant immunditias suas: et multa alia faciebant quæ erant supra modum tædiosa. Super omnia grauabat me, quod cum volebam dicere eis aliquod verbum ædificationis, interpres meus dicebat, non facietis me prædicare: quia nescio talia verba dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea, quum incepi aliquantulum intelligere idioma, quod quum dicebam vnum, ipse totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tunc videns periculum loquendi per ipsum, elegi magis facere. [Sidenote: Tanais fluuius.] Ambulauimus ergo cum magno labore de mansione in mansionem: ita quod paucis diebus ante festum beatæ Mariæ Magdalenæ veni ad fluuium magnum Tanais: qui diuidit Asiam ab Europa, sicut Nilus fluuius Ægypti, Asiam ab Africa. [Sidenote: Casale Rutenorum.] In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt Baatu et Sartach fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali, qui transferant nuncios et mercatores cum nauiculis. Ipsi transtulerunt nos primo et postea bigas ponentes vnam rotam in vna barca et aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad inuicem; et sic remigantes transibant. Ibi egit dux noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat, quod illi de casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, et dimisit animalia quæ adduxeramus in alia biga, vt redirent ad dominos suos. Et quum postulauimus ab eis animalia, ipsi respondebant quod habebant priuilegium à Baatu, quod non tenerentur ad aliud, nisi transferre euntes et redeuntes: etiam à mercatoribus accipiebant magnum tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa fluminis tribus diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis magnam borbatam recentem: secunda die panem de siligine et parum de carnibus, quas acceperat procurator villæ ostiatim per diuersas domos. [Sidenote: Latitudo Tanais.] Tertia die pisces siccos, quos habent ibi in magna multitudine. Fluuius ille erat ibi tantæ latitudinus, quantæ est Sequana Parisijis. Et antequam peruenissemus ad locum illum, transiuimus multas aquas pulcherrimas et piscosissimas: Sed Tartari nesciunt eos capere, nec curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod possunt comedere carnes eius, sicut carnes arietinas. [Sidenote: Oceanus.] Ille fluuius est terminus Orientalis Russiæ; et oritur de paludibus quæ pertingunt ad Oceanum ad aquilonem. Fluuius vero currit ad meridiem in quoddam magnum Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad Mare Ponti: Et omnes aquæ quas transiuimus vadunt ad illas partes. Habet etiam prædictum flumen magnam syluam in ripa Occidentali. Vltra locum illum non ascendunt Tartari versus Aquilonem: quia tunc temporis [Marginal note: Ad introitum Augusti redeunt ad meridiem.] circa introitum Augusti incipiunt redire versus meridiem. Vnde aliud est casale inferius vbi transeunt nuncij tempore hyemali. Eramus igitur ibi in magna angustia, quia nec equos nec baues inueniebamus pro pecunia. Tandem postquam ostendi eis, quod laboraui pro communi vtilitate omnium Christianorum, accommodauerunt nobis boues et homines: nos autem oportebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem: triticum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in magna copia. Mulieres Rutenæ ornant capita sicut nostræ. Supertunicalia sua exterius ornant vario vel grisio a pedibus vsque ad genua. Homines portant capas sicut Teutonici: sed in capite portant pileos de filtro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambulauimus ergo tribus diebus non inuenientes populum. Et cum essemus valde fatigati et boues similiter, nec sciremus quorsum possemus Tartaros inuenire, accurrerunt subito duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio magno, et ascenderunt eos dux noster et interpres, vt specularentur quorsum possemus populum inuenire. Tandem quarta die inuentis hominibus gauisi sumus tanquam naufragi venientes ad portum. Tunc acceptis equis et bobus iuimus de mansione ad mansionem donec peruenimus vsque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas Augusti.

The same in English.

Of our afflictions which we sustained: and of the Comanians maner of buriall. Chap. 15.

We therefore went on towards the East, seeing nothing but heauen and earth, and sometimes the sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues off, in which places they were wont to burie their kinred altogether. So long as we were trauelling through the desert, it went reasonably well with vs. For I cannot sufficiently expresse in words the irkesome and tedious troubles which I susteined, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our guide would haue vs goe in vnto euery Captaine with a present, and our expenses would not extend so farre. For we were euery day eight persons of vs spending our waifaring prouision, for the Tartars seruants would all of them eate of our victuals. We ourselues were fiue in number, and the seruants our guides were three, two to driue our carts, and one to conduct vs vnto Sartach. The flesh which they gaue vs was not sufficient for vs: neither could we finde any thing to be bought for our money. [Sidenote: Extreme heate in Sommer.] And as we sate vnder our carts in the coole shadowe, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shamelesly intrude themselues into our companie, that they would euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoeuer things we had. Hauing list at any time to ease themselues, the filthy lozels had not the maners to withdrawe themselues farther from vs, then a beane can bee cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome vnto vs. But aboue all things it grieued me to the very heart, that when I would vtter ought vnto them, which might tend to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: you shall not make me become a Preacher now: I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such wordes. And true it was which he saide, For I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a little smattering in the language, that when I spake one thing, he would say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues end. [Sidenote: Tanaia.] Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such an interpreter, I resolued much rather to holde my peace, and thus we traiueiled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arriued at the banke of the mightie riuer Tanais which diuideth Asia from Europa, euen as the riuer Nilus of Ægypt disioyneth Asia from Africa. At the same place where wee arriued, Baatu and Sartach did cause a certaine cottage to be built, vpon the Easterne bankeof of the riuer, for a companie of Russians to dwelle in to the ende they might transport Ambassadoors and merchants in ferrie-boates ouer that part of the riuer. First they ferried vs ouer, and then our carts, putting one wheele into one lyter, and the other wheele into another lyter, hauing bounde both the lyters together, and so they rowe them ouer. In this place our guide played the foole most extreamely. For hee imagining that the said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should haue prouided vs horses, sent home the beasts which we brought with vs, in another cart, that they might returne ynto their owne masters. And when we demanded to haue some beasts of them, they answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, whereby they were bound to none other seruice, but only to ferry ouer goers and commers: and that they receiued great tribute of marchants in regard therof. We staied therfore by the said riuers side three daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh turbut: the second day they bestowed rye bread, and a litle flesh vpon vs, which the purueyer of the village had taken vp at euerie house for vs: and the third day dried fishes, which they haue there in great abundance. [Sidenote: The breadth of Tanaia.] The saide riuer was euen as broad in that place, as the riuer of the Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed ouer many goodly waters, and full of fish: howbeit the Barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither do they make any reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they may pray vpon the flesh thereof, as vpon the flesh of a ram. [Sidenote: He is much deceiued.] The riuer is the limite of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the fennes of Mæotis, which fennes stretch vnto the North Ocean. And it runneth Southward into a certain great sea 700. miles about before it falleth into the sea called Pontus Euximus. And al the riuers, which we passed ouer, ran with ful stream into those quarters. The foresaid riuer hath great store of wood also growing vpon the West side thereof. [Sidenote: About the beginning of August, the Tartars returne southward.] Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North: for at that season of the yeere, about the first of August, they begin to returne backe vnto the South. And therefore there is another cottage somewhat lower, where passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time. And in this place wee were driuen to great extremitie, by reason that we could get neither horses, nor oxen, for any money. At length, after I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour for the common good of all Christians, they sent vs oxen and men; howbeit we our selues were faine to trauel on foote. At this time they were reaping their rye. Wheat prospereth not wel in that soile. They haue the seede of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside, from their feet vnto their knees with particoloured or grey stuffe. The Russian men weare caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon their heads certain sharpe, and high crowned hats made of felt much like vnto a sugar loafe. Then traueiled we 3. daies together, not finding any people. And when our selues and our oxen were exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should find any Tartars, on the sudden, there came two horses running towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our guide and interpreter mounted vpon their backes, to see, how far off they could descry any people. At length vpon the fourth day of our iourney, hauing found some inhabitants, we reioyced like sea faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest, and had newly recouered the hauen. Then hauing taken fresh horses, and oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

De regione Sartach, et de gentibus illius. Cap. 16.

Regio ista vltra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens flumina et syluas aquilonem. Sunt syluæ maximæ, quas inhabitant duo genera hominum: Moxel scilicet, qui sunt sine lege, puri pagani. Ciuitatem non habent sed casulas in syluis. Dominus eorum et magna pars eorum fuerunt interfecti in Alemania. Tartari enim dux erant eos ad introitum Alemaniæ. Vnde ipsi multum commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc liberabuntur per eos à seruitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat ad eos, oportet quod ille apud quem primo descendit prouideat ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat cum vxore alterius, ille non curat nisi videat proprijs oculis: vnde non sum Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos porei, mel, et cera, pelles preciosæ, et falcones. [Sidenote: Merdui Saraceni.] Post illos sunt alij qui dicuntur Merdas, quos latini vocant Merduos, et sunt Saraceni. Post illos est [Marginal note: vel Volga fluuius.] Etilia, quæ est maior fiuuius, quam vnquam viderim: et venit ab Aquilone de maiori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem: et cadit in quendam lacum habentum spacium quatuor mensium in circuitu, de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Tanais et Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transiuimus non distant ab inuicem nisi decem dietis, sed ad meridiem multum diuiduntur ab inuicem. Tanais enim descendit in Mare Ponti: Etilia facit prædictum Mare siue lacum, cum alijs multis fluminibus, qua cadunt in ilium de Perside. Habebamus autem ad meridiem montes maximos in quibus habitant in lateribus versus solitudinem illam Cergis et Alani siue [Marginal note: Kerkis. vel Aais.] Acas, qui sunt Christiani et adhuc pugnant contra Tartaros. [Sidenote: Lesgi Saraceni.] Post istos prope Mare siue lacum Etiliæ sunt quidam Saraceni qui dicuntur Lesgi, qui similiter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam fecit Alexander ad excludendas Barbaras gentes de Perside; de cuius situ dicam vobis postea, [Marginal note: Reditus eius per Derbent.] quia transiui per eam in reditu. Et inter ista duo flumina in illis terris per quas transiuimus habitabant Comani antequam Tartari occuparent eas.

The same in English.

Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subiects. Chap. 16.

The region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly countrey, hauing store of riuers and woods toward the North part thereof. There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people do inhabite. [Sidenote: The people of Moxel are Pagans.] One of them is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, and without law. They haue neither townes nor cities, but only cottages in the woods. Their lord and a great part of themselues were put to the sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly commend the braue courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If any merchant come vnto them, he must prouide things necessary for him, with whom he is first of all enterteined, all the time of his abode among them. If any lieth with another mans wife, her husband, vnles he be an eiewitnes therof, regardeth it not: for they are not ielous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of hogs, and great store of hony and waxe, and diuers sorts of rich and costly skins, and plentie of falcons. [Sidenote: The people called Merdui being Saracens.] Next vnto them are other people called Merclas, which the Latines cal Merdui, and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the riuer of Etilia or Volga, which is the mightiest riuer that euer I saw. And it issueth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, and so trending along Southward, disimboqueth into a certain lake containing in circuit the space of 4. moneths trauel, whereof I will speak hereafter. [Sidenote: The circuite of the Caspian sea.] The two foresaid riuers, namely Tanais and Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northren regions through the which we traueiled, are not distant asunder aboue x. daies iourney, but Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For Tanais descendeth into the sea of Pontus. Etitilia maketh the foresaid sea or lake, with the help of many other riuers which fal therinto out of Persia. [Sidenote: Kergis or Asa.] And we had to the South of vs huge high mountains, vpon the sides wherof, towards the said desert, doe the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, who are as yet Christians, and wage warre against the Tartars. [Sidenote: The Saracens called Lesgi.] Beyond them, next vnto the sea or lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi, who are in subiection vnto the Tartars. Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the yron gate, nowe called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out of Persia. [Sidenote: He returneth by Derbent.] Concerning the situation whereof, your maiestie shall vnderstand more about the end of this Treatise: for I trauailed in my returne by the very same place. Betweene the two foresaid riuers, in the regions through the which we passed did Comanians of olde time inhabite, before they were ouerrun by the Tartars.

De Curia Sartach et de gloria eius. Cap. 17.

Inuenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas: cuius curia valde magna videbatur nobis: quia habet sex vxores, et filius eius primogenitus iuxta eum duas vel tres: et quælibet habet domum magnam et bigas forte ducentas. [Sidenote: Coiat Nestorinus.] Accessit autem doctor noster ad quendam Nestorinum Coiat nomine, qui est vnus de maioribus Curiæ suæ. Ille fecit nos ire valde longe ad domini Iannam. Ita vocant illum qui habet officium recipiendi nuncios. In sero præcepit nobis dictus Coiat vt veniremus ad eum. Tunc incepit quærere ductor noster quid portaremus ei, et coepit multum scandalizari, quum vidit quod nihil parabamus ad portandum. Stetimus coram eo, et ipse sedebat in gloria sua et faciebat sonare citharam et saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei verba prædicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum eius, rogans eum vt iuuaret nos vt Dominus eius videret literas nostras. Excusaui etiam me quia monachus eram, non habens, nec recipiens, nec tractans aurum vel argentum vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris et capella in qua seruiebamus deo exceptis: vnde nullum xenium afferebamus ei nec domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram, non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit satis mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram monachus: sic seruarem votum meum, et non indigebat rebus nostris; sed magis daret nobis de suis, si indigeremus: et fecit nos sedere et bibere de lacte suo. Et post pauca rogauit vt diceremus benedictionem pro eo, quod et fecimus. Quæsiuit et quis esset maior dominus inter Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram suam in pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Franciæ, Audiuerat enim de vobis a domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. Inueni etiam ibi vnum de Socijs domus Domimicæ. qui fuerat in Cypro, qui narrauerat omnia quæ viderat. Tunc reuersi sumus ad hospitium nostrum. In crastino misi ei vnum flasconem de vino Muscato, quod optime se custodierat in tam longa via; et cophinom plenum biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, et retinuit illo sero famulos nostros secum. In crastino mandauit mihi quod venirem ad curiam; afferens literas regis et capellam et libros mecum, quia dominus suus vellet videre ea; quod et fecimus, onerantes vnam bigam libris et capella, et aliam pane et vino et fructibus. Tunc fecit omnes libros et vestes explicari, et circumstabant nos in equis multi Tartari et Christiani et Saraceni: quibus inspectis, quæsiuit, si vellem ista omnia dare domino suo, quo audito, expaui, et displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans tamen respondi, domine rogamus, quatenus dominus noster dignetur recipere panem istum, vinum et fructus non pro xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro benedictione, ne vacua manu veniamus coram eo. Ipse autem videbit literas domini regis, et per eas sciet, qua de causa venimus ad eum: et tunc stabimus mandato eius nos et omnes res nostræ. Vestes enim sanctæ sunt, et non licet eas contingere nisi sacerdotibus. Tunc præcepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram domino suo: quod et fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus vestibus accepi in pectore puluinar, quod erat valde pulchrum, et biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium pulcherrimum, quod dederat mihi domina regina, in quo erant picturæ pulchræ. Socius meus accepit missale et crucem, clericus indutus supercilicio accepit thuribulum: sic accessimus ante dominum eius: et leuauerunt filtrum quod pendebat ante ostium vt nos posset videre. Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter clerico et interpreti: à nobis non requisiuerunt. Tunc monuerant nos valde diligenter, vt caueremus ingrediendo et egrediendo ne tangeremus limen domus, et vt cantaremus aliquam benedictionem pro eo. Tunc ingressi sumus cantando, Salue regina. In introitu, autem ostij stabat bancus cum cosmos et cum ciphis. Et conuenerant omnes vxores eius: et ipsi Moal. Ingredientes nobiscum comprimebant nos. Illic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum incenso, quod ipse respexit, tenens in manu diligenter: postea tulit ei psalterium quod valde respexit, et vxor eius sedens iuxta eum. Postea tulit biblium, et ipse quæsiuit, si euangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota Scriptura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, et quæsiuit de imagine, vtrum esset imago, Christi? Respondi quod sic. Ipsi Nestoriani et Armeni nunquam faciunt super cruces suas figuram Christi. Vnde videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt eam. Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, vt plenius posset videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas vestras cum transcriptis in Arabico et Syriano. Feceram enim eas transferri in Acon in vtraque litera et lingua. Et ibi erant sacerdotes Armeni, qui sciebant Turcicum et Arabicum, et Ille Socius domus Domini qui sciebat Syrianum, et Turcicum et Arabicum. Tunc exiuimus et deposuimus vestimenta nostra: et venerunt scriptores et ille Coiac, et fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus auditis, fecit recipi panem et vinum et fructus: vestimenta et libros fecit nos reportare ad hospitium. Hoc actum est in festo Sancti Pietri ad vincula.

The same in English.

Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence thereof. Chap. 17.

And we found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the riuer Etilia: whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great. For he himselfe had sixe wiues, and his eldest sonne also had three wiues: euery one of which women hath a great house, and they haue ech one of them about 200. cartes. [Sidenote: Coiat the historian.] Our guide went vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great authoritie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto the Lordes gate. For so they call him, who hath the office of enterteining Ambassadours. In the euening Coiac commanded vs to come vnto him. Then our guide began to enquire what we would present him withal, and was exceedingly offended, when he saw that we had nothing ready to present. We stoode before him, and he sate maiestically, hauing musicke and dauncing in his presence. Then I spake vnto him in the wordes before recited, telling him, for what purpose I was come vnto his lorde, and requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our letters vnto the sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also, that I was a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any golde, or siluer, or any other precious thing, saue onely our bookes, and the vestiments wherein we serued God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then hee answered very courteously, that being a Monke, and so doing, I did well: for so I should obserue my vowe: neither did himselfe stande in neede of ought that we had, but rather was readie to bestowe vpon vs such thinge as we our selues stood in neede of: and he caused vs to sit downe, and to drinke of his milke. And presently after he requested vs to say our deuotions for him: and we did so. He enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Franckes? And I saide, the Emperour, if he could inioy his owne dominions in quiet. No (quoth he) but the king of France. For he had heard of your Highnes by lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of the Knights of the temple, who had bene in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he sawe there. Then returned wee vnto our lodging. And on the morow we sent him a flagon of Muscadel wine (which had lasted very wel in so long a iourney) and a boxe full of bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him and he kept our seruants with him for that euening. The next morning he commanded me to come vnto the Court, and to bring the kings letters and my vestiments and bookes with me: because his Lorde was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one cart with our bookes and vestiments and another with bisket, wine, and fruites. Then he caused all our bookes and vestiments to bee laide forth. And there stoode rounde about vs many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on horseback. At the sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those things vpon his lord or no? Which saying made me to tremble, and grieued me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our griefe as well as we could, we shaped him this answer: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lorde your master would vouchsafe to accept our bread, wine, and fruits, not as a present, because it is too meane, but as a benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand before him. And he shall see the letters of my souereigne Lord the king, and by them he shall vnderstand for what cause we are come vnto him and then both our selues, and all that we haue, shall stand to his curtesie: for our vestiments be holy, and it is vnlawfull for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commaunded vs to inuest our selues in the said garments, that we might goe before his Lord: and wee did so. Then I my selfe putting on our most precious ornaments, tooke in mine armes a very faire cushion, and the Bible which your Maiesty gaue me, and a most beautifull Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed vpon me, wherein there were goodly pictures. Mine associate tooke a missal and a crosse: and the clearke hauing put on his surplesse, tooke a censer in his hand. And so we came vnto the presence of his Lord and they lifted vp the felt hanging before his doore, that he might behold vs. Then they caused the clearke and the interpreter thrise to bow the knee: but of vs they required no such submission. And they diligently admonished vs to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, we touched not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a benediction for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina. And within the entrance of the doore, stood a bench with cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his wiues were there assembled. Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore. Then Coiat caried vnto his Lord the censer with incense, which he beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward hee caried the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and his wife also that sate beside him. After that he caried the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea (said I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He tooke the crosse also in his hand, and demanded concerning the image, whether it were the image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians and the Armenians do neuer make the figure of Christ vpon their crosses. [Sidenote: No good consequence.] Wherefore either they seem not to think wel of his passion, or els they are ashamed of it. Then he caused them that stood about vs, to stand aside, that he might more fully behold our ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties letters, with translation therof into the Arabike, and Syriake languages. For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character, and dialect of both the saide tongues. And there were certain Armenian Priests, which had skil in the Turkish and Arabian languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, and Arabian tongues. Then we departed forth, and put off our vestiments, and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, and caused our letters to be interpreted. Which letters being heard, he caused our bread, wine and fruits to be receiued. And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging. This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula.

Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu patrem Sartach. Cap. 18.

In crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius Coiac postulans vasculum cum chrismate, quia Sartach volebat illud videre, vt dicebat, et dedimus ei. Hora vespertina vocauit nos Coiac, dicens nobis: Dominus rex scripsit bona verba Domino meo: Sed sunt in eis difficilia, de quibus nihil auderet facere, sine consilio patris sui. Vnde oportet vos ire ad patrem suum, et duas bigas quas adduxistis heri cum vestimentis et libris dimittetis mihi, quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre. Ego statim suspicatus sum malum de cupiditate eius, et dixi ei. Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc habemus relinquemus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit, illas relinquetis, de alijs facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod hoc nullo modo posset fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei. Tunc quæsiuit si vellemus morari in terra? Ego dixi, Si bene intellexistis literas domini regis, potestis scire, quod sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos esse patientes multum, et humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo sere. In crastino mane misit vnum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro bigis, et nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens nobis frater ipsius Coiacis, separauit omnia nostra ab ipsis rebus quas tuleramus pridie ad curiam, et ilia accepit tanquam sua, scilicet libros et vestimenta: et Coiac præceperat, quod ferremus nobiscum vestimenta quibus induti fueramus coram Sartach vt illis indueremur coram Baatu si expediret: quas ille sacerdos abstulit nobis vi, dicens: Tu attulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu? Et cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne loquaris nimis, et vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit patientia, quia apud Sartach, non patebat nobis ingressus; nec aliquis erat, qui nobis exhiberet iusticiam. Timebam etiam de interprete, ne ipse aliquid aliter dixissit, quam ego dixissem ei: quia ipsi bene voluisset, quod de omnibus fecissemus xenium. Vnum erat mihi solacium, quia quum persensi cupiditatem eorum, ego subtraxi de libris Biblium et sententias, et alios libros quos magis diligebam. Psalterium dominæ reginæ non fui ausus subtrahere, quia illud fuerat nimis notatum propter aureas picturas quæ erant in eo. Sic ergo reuersi sumus cum duobus residuis bigis ad hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat ducere nos ad Baatu, volens cum festinatione arripere iter; cui dixi quod nulla ratione ducerem bigas. Quod ipse retulit ad Coiac. Tunc præcepit Coiac quod relinqueremus eas apud ipsum cum garcione nostro: quod et fecimus. [Sidenote: Perueniunt ad Etiliam vel Volgam.] Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in Orientem, tertia die peruenimus ad Etiliam: cuius aquas cum vidi, mirabar vnde ab Aquilone descenderunt tantæ aquæ. Antequam recederemus à Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum alijs multis scriptoribus curiæ, Nolite dicere quod dominus noster sit Christianus, sed Moal. Quia nomen Christianitatis videtur eis nomen cuiusdam gentis. [Sidenote: Tartari volunt vocari Moal.] In tantam superbiam sunt erecti, quod quamuis aliquid forte credant de Christo, tamen nolunt dici Christiani volentes nomen suum, hoc est, Moal exaltare super omne nomen. Nec volunt vocari Tartari: Tartari enim fuerunt alia gens de quibus sic didici.

The same in English

How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach.
  Chap. 18.

The next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat, requesting to haue our box of Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gaue it him. About euentide Coiat sent for vs, saying: My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach. Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought, without the aduise and counsell of his father. And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father, leauing behind you the two carts, which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes, in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes, said vnto him: Sir, we will not onely leaue those with you, but the two other carts also, which we haue in our posession, will we commit vnto your custodie. You shall not (quoth he) leaue those behinde you, but for the other two carts first named, we will satisfie your request. I saide that this could not conueniently be done: but needes we must leaue all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarie in the land? I answered: If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king, you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replied, that we ought to be patient and lowly: and so we departed from him that euening. On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts, and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely the bookes and vestiments, and tooke them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we should carie those vestiments with vs, which wee ware in the presence of Sartach, that wee might put them on before Baatu, if neede should require: but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence, saying: thou hast brought them vnto Sartach, and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu? And when I would haue rendred a reason, he answered: be not too talkatiue, but goe your wayes. Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience: for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe, neither was there any other, that would doe vs iustice. I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter, least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him: for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that we had. There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me: for when I once perceiued their couetous intent, I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible, and the sentences, and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of. Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene, because it was too wel known, by reason of the golden pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging. Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu, willing vs to take our iourney in all posthaste: vnto whom I said, that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me. Which thing he declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him: And we did as he commanded. [Sidenote: They are come as farre as Volga.] And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu, the third day we came to Etilia or Volga: the streams whereof when I beheld, I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs: doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal. [Sidenote: The Tartars will be called Moal.] Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation. So great is their pride, that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerning Christ, yet will they not bee called Christians, being desirous that their owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other names. Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them.

Qualiter Sartach, et Mangucham et Kencham faciunt reuerentiam Christianis.
  Cap. 19.

Tempore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat monarchiam in illis lateribus Aquilonis quidam qui vocabatur Concan. [Sidenote: Con can.] Con est proprium nomen: Can nomen dignitatis quod idem est qui diuinator. Omnes diuinatores vocant Can. Vnde principes dicuntur Can, quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per diuinationem. Vnde legitur in historia Antiochæ, quod Turci miserunt propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can. De illis enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. [Sidenote: Vnde venerunt Turci. Caractay. Oceanus.] Iste Con erat Cara-Catay. Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai nomen gentis. Vnde Cara-Catay idem est quod nigri Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam ipsorum Catay qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus postea dicam vobis. Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per quas transiui. Et in quadam planicie inter illas Alpes erat quidam Nestorinus pastor potens et dominus super populum, qui dicebatur Vayman [Marginal note: Vel Nayman.], qui erant Christiani Nestorini. [Sidenote: Presbyter Iohannes.] Mortuo Con can eleuauit se ille Nestorius in regem, et vocabant eum Nestoriani Regem Iohannem: et plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo quam veritas esset. Ita enim faciunt Nestoriani venientes de partibus illis. De nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. Vnde disseminauerunt de Sartach quod esset Christianus, et de Mangu Can et Ken can: quia faciunt maiorem reuerentiam Christianis, quàm alijs populis, et tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic ergo exiuit magna fama de illo Rege Iohanne. Et quando ego transiui per pascua eius, nullus aliquid sciebat de eo nisi Nestoriani pauci. [Sidenote: Kencham vbi habitauit Frater Andreas in Curia Kencham. Vut can, vel Vne. Caracarum Villula. Crit, et Merkit.] In pascuis eis habitat Kencam, apud cuius curiam fuit frater Andreas: et ego etiam transiui per eam in reditu. Huic Iohanni erat frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine Vut: et ipse erat vltra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans à fratre suo spacium trium hebdomadarum et erat dominus cuiusdam Villulæ quæ dicitur Caracarum, populum habens sub se, qui dicebantur Crit, Merkit, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Sed ipse dominus eorum dimisso cultu Christi, sectabatur idola; habens sacerdotes idolorum, qui omnes sunt inuocatores dæmonum et sortilegi. [Sidenote: Moal pauperimi homines.] Vltra pascua istius ad decem vel quindecem dictas erant pascua Moal: qui erant paupernmi homines sine capitaneo et sine lege, exceptis sortilegijs et diuinationibus, quibus omnes in partibus illis intendunt. [Sidenote: Tartarorum sedes.] Et iuxta Moal erant alij pauperes, qui dicebantur Tartari. Rex Iohannes mortuus fuit sine hærede, et ditatus est frater eius Vnc: et faciebat se vocari Can: et mittebantur armenta greges eius vsque ad terminos Moal. [Sidenote: Cyngis.] Tunc temporis Chingis faber quidam erat in populo Moal, et furabatur de animalibus Vnc can quod poterat: In tantum quod conquesti sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregauit exercitum et equitauit in terram Moal, quarens ipsum Cyngis. Et ille fugit inter Tartaros et latuit ibi. Tunc ipse Vut accepta præda Moal et à Tartaris reuersus est. Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus est Tartaros et ipsos Moal dicens, Quia sine duce sumus opprimunt nos vicini nostri et fecerunt ipsum ducem et capitaneum Tartari et Moal. Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super ipsum Vut, et vicit ipsum et ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi capta fuit filia eius, quam Cyngis dedit vni ex filijs in vxorem, ex quo ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. [Sidenote: Mangu-can.] Tunc ipse Cyngis permittebat vbique ipsos Tartaros: et inde exiuit nomen eorum, quia vbique clamabatur, Ecce Tartari veniunt. Sed per crebra bella modo omnes fere deleti sunt. Vnde isti Moal modo volunt extinguere illud nomen et suum eleuare. [Sidenote: Mancherule] Terra illa in qua primo fuerunt, et vbi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Mancherule. Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit acquisitio corum, illam ciuitatem habent pro regali, et ibi prope eligunt suum Can.

The same in English.

Howe Sartach, and Mangu Can, and Ken Can doe reuerence vnto Christians.
  Chap. 19.

At the same time when the French men tooke Antioch, a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name: Can is a name of authority or dignitie, which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their princes are called Can, because that vnto them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination. Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia, that the Turkes sent for aide against the French-men, vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came. The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catay, Kara signifieth blacke, and Katay is the name of a countrey. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. [Sidenote: An Ocean sea.] This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people, and the people of Catay, inhabiting Eastward ouer against the Ocean sea: concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes, by the which I trauailed. [Sidenote: Nayman. Presbiter Iohn.] And in a certaine plane countrey within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman, which were Christians, following the sect of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome, and they called him King Iohn, [Marginal note: This history of Presbiter Iohn in the North-east, is alledged at large by Gerardus Mercator in his generall mappe. From whence the Turkes first sprang.] reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they blaze abroade great rumors, and reports vpon iust nothing. Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in very deede, themselues are no Christians. So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohn. Howbeit, when I trauailed along by his territories, there was no man that knew any thing of him, but onely a fewe Nestorians. [Sidenote: The place of Ken Can his abode. Vut Can, or Vnc Can. The village of Cara Carum. Crit and Merkit.] In his pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can, at whose Court Frier Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This Iohn had a brother, being a mightie man also, and a shepheard like himselfe, called Vut, and be inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his brother Iohn, the space of three weekes iourney. He was lord ouer a certain village, called Cara Carum, hauing people also for his subiects, named Crit, or Merkit, who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. But their Lorde abandoning the the worship of Christ followed after idoles, reteining with him Priests of the saide idoles, who all of them are worshippers of deuils and and sorcerers. [Moal in olde time a beggerly people.] Beyond his pastures, some tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the pasture of Moal, who were a poore and beggerly nation, without gouernour, and without Lawe, except their soothsayings, and their diuinations, vnto the which detestable studies, all in those partes doe apply their mindes. [Sidenote: The place of the Tartars.] Neere vnto Moal were other poore people called Tartars. The foresaid king Iohn died without issue male, and thereupon his brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused himselfe to be named Can; and his droues and flockes raunged euen vnto the borders of Moal. [Sidenote: Cyngis] About the same time there was one Cyngis, a blacke smith among the people of Moal. This Cyngis stole as many cattel from Vut Can as he could possibly get: insomuche that the shepherds of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then prouided he an armie and marched vp into the countrey of Moal to seeke for the saide Cyngis. But Cyngis fledde among the Tartars and hidde himselfe amongest them. And Vut hauing taken some spoils both from Moal and also from the Tartars, returned home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars and vnto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs because we are destitute of a gouernonr and Captaine, you see howe our neighbours do oppresses vs. And the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. Then hauing secretly gathered together an armie, he brake in suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fledde into Cataua. [Sidenote: Magnu-can.] At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis married vnto one of his sonnes, by whome she conceiued, and brought forth the great Can, Which now reigneth called Mangu-Can. Then Cyngis sent the Tartars before him in al places where he came: and thereupon was their name published and spread abroade for in all places the people woulde crie out: Loe, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit through continuall warres, they are nowe all of them in a maner consumed and brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals endeuour what they can, to extinguish the name, of the Tartars that they may exalt their owne name. The countrey wherein they first inhabited and where the Court of Cyngis Can [Sidenote: Mancherule] as yet remaineth, is called Macherule. But because Tartaria is the region about which they haue obtained their conquests, they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe citie and there for the most part doe they elect their great Can.

De Rutenis et Hungaris, et Manis, et de mari Caspio. Cap. 20.

De Sartach autem vtrum credit in Christum vel non nescio. Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. Immò magis videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse enim est in itinere Christianorum, scilicet Rutenorum, Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris Bulgariæ Soldainorum, Kerkisorum, Alanorum: qui omnes transeunt per cum quum vidunt ad curiam patris sui deferre ei munera, vnde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant, et maius afferint cuius expediuntur. Habet etiam circa se Nestorinos sacerdotes qui pulsant tabulam, et cantant officium suum.

[Sidenote: Berta vel Berca.] Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu, qui pascit versus Portam ferream, vbi est iter Saracenorum omnium qui veniunt de Perside et de Turchia, qui euntes ad Baatu, et transeuntes per eum, deferunt ei munera. Et ille facit se Saracenum, et non permitit in terra sua comedi carnes porcinas. Baatu in reditu nostro præceperat ei, quod transferret se de illo loco vltra Etiliam ad Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, quia videbatur sibi damnosum.

Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, nunquam prouisum fuit nobis de cibo, nisi semel de modico cosmos. In via verò inter ipsum et patrem suum habuimus magnum timorem. Ruteni enim et Hungari, et Alani serui eorum, quorum est magna multitudo inter eos, associant se viginti vel triginta simul, et fugiant de nocte, habentes pharetras et arcus, et quemcunque inuenuint de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et quando sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudinem equorum in pascuis, et mutant equos, et vnum vel duos ducunt secum, vt comedant quum indiguerint. Occursum ergo talium timebat multum Dux noster. In illa via fuissemus mortui fame, si non portauissemus nobiscum modicum de biscocto.

[Sidenote: Exacta Maris Caspij descripto.] Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est enim in quadruplo maius quàm Sequana, et profundissimum: Veniens de maiori Bulgaria, quæ est ad Aquilonem, tendens in quendam lacum, siue quoddam mare, quod modò vocat illud mare Sircan, à quadam ciuitate, quæ est iuxta ripam eius in Perside. Sed Isidorus vocat illud mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios, et Persidem à meridie: montes vero Musihet, hoc est, Assassinorum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus Caspijs. Ad Aquilonem verò habet illam solitudinem, in qua modo sunt Tartari. [Sidenote: Cangla populi, vel Cangitta.] Prius verò erant ibi quidam qui dicebantur Canglæ: Et ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui crescit in æstate sicut Nilus Ægypti. Ad Occidentem verò habet montes Alanorum et Lesgi; et Portam ferream, et montes Georgianorum. Habet igitur illud mare tria latera inter montes, Aquilonare verò habet ad planiciem. [Sidenote: Frater Andreas.] Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera eius, meridionale scilicet et Orientale. [Sidenote: Reprehenditur Isidori error de mari Caspio.] Ego verò alia duo; Aquilonare scilicet in eundo à Baatu ad Mangu cham, Occidentale verò in reuertendo de Baatu in Syriam. Quatuor mensibus potest circundari. Et non est verum quod dicit Isidorus. quod sit sinus exiens, ab Oceano: nusquan enim tangit Oceanum, sed vndique circundatur terra.

The same in English.

Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians: and of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20.

Now, as concerneth Sartach, whether he beleeues in Christ, or no, I knowe not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as namely of the Russians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians: who all of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his father Baatu, to carie gifts: whereupon he is more in league with them. How best, if the Saracens come, and bring greater gifts than they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nestorian Priestes, who pray vpon their beades, and sing their deuotions. Also, there is another vnder Baatu called Berta [Sidenote: Or, Berca.], who feedeth his cattell toward Porta ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of all those Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkie to goe vnto Baatu, and passing by they giue rewards vnto him. And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene, and will not permit swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our return, Baatu commanded him to remoue himselfe from that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga: for hee was vnwilling that the Saracens messengers should passe by the saide Berrta, because he sawe it was not for his profite. For the space of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach, we had not any victuals at all allowed vs, but once onely a little Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his father, wee trauelled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians being seruants vnto the Tartars (of whom they haue great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or thirtie in a companie, and so secretly in the night conueying themselues from home they take bowes and arrowes with them, and whomsoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to death, hiding themselues in the day time. And hauing tired their horses, they goe in the night vnto a company of other horses feeding in some pasture, and change them for newe, taking with them also one or two horses besides, to eate them when they stand in neede. Our guide therefore was sore afraide, least we should haue met with such companions. In this iourney wee had died for famine, had we not caried some of our bisket with vs. At length we came vnto the mighty riuer of Etilia, or Volga. For it is foure times greater then the riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull depth: and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a certain lake or sea, which of late they call the Hircan sea, according to the name of a certain citie in Persia, standmg vpon the shore thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian Sea. For it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of Persia situate on the south side thereof: and the mountaines of Musihet, that is to say, of the people called Assassini [Footnote: A tribe who murdered all strangers: hence our word assassin.] towards the East, which mountaines are coioyned vnto the Caspian mountaines, but on the North side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars doe now inhabite. [Sidenote: Changlæ.] Howbeit heretofore there dwelt certaine people called Changlæ. And on that side it receiueth the streams of Etilia: which riuer increaseth in Sommer time, like vnto the riuer Nilus in Ægypt. Vpon the West part thereof, it hath the mountaines of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the mountaines of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the mountaines, but on the North side by plaine grounde. [Sidenote: Frier Andrew.] Frier Andrew, in his iourney traueiled round about two sides therof, namely the South and the East sides: and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise; and the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may trauel round about it in foure moneths. And it is not true what Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe comming forth of the Ocean: for it doeth, in no part thereof, ioyne with the Ocean, but is enuironed on all sides with lande.

De curia Baatu, et qualiter recepti fuerunt ab eo. Cap. 21.

[Sidenote: Oceanus Aquilonaris Isisdorus.] Tota ilia regio à latere Occidentali istius maris, vbi sunt Porta ferrea Alexandri, et montes Alanorum, vsque ad Occanum Aquilonarem et paludes Mæotidis vbi mergitur Tanais, solebat dici Albania: de qua dicit Isisdorus quòd habet canes ita magnos, tantæque feritatis, vt tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod verum est, prout intellexi à narrantibus, quod ibi versus Oceanum Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boues propter magnitudinem et fortitudinem eorum. In illo ergo loco vbi nos aplicuimus super Etiliam est casale nouum, quod fecerunt Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui transponunt nuncios euntes, et redeuntes ad curiam Baatu: quia Baatu est in vlteriori ripa versus Orientem nec transit illum locum vbi nos applicuimus ascendendo in æstate, sed iam incipiebat descendere. [Sidenote: Descendit naui per flumen Volga. Nota] De Ianuario enim vsque ad Augustum ascendit ipsi, et omnes alij versus frigidas regiones, et in Augusto incipiunt redire. Descendimus ergo in naui ab illo casali vsque ad curiam eius. Et ab illo vsque ad villas maioris Bulgariæ versus Aquilonem, sunt quinque dictæ. Et miror quis Diabolus portauit illuc legem Machometi. [Sidenote: 30 dietæ à Porta ferrea. Astracan.] A Porta enim ferrea, quæ est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam triginta dietæ per transuersum, solitudinem ascendendo iuxta Etiliam vsque in illam Bulgariam, vbi nulla est ciuitas, nisi quædam casalia propè vbi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt pessimi Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quàm aliqui alij. [Sidenote: Descriptio curiæ Baatu.] Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu, expaui, quia videbantur propè domus eius, quasi quædam magna ciuitas protensa in longum, et populus vndique circumfusus, vsque ad tres vel quatuor leueas. Et sicut populus Israel sciebat vnusquisque ad quam regionem tabernaculi deberet figere tentoria: ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curiæ debeant se collocare, quando ipsi deponunt domus. [Sidenote: Horda sonat medium.] Vnde dicitur curia Orda lingua corum, quod sonat medium, quia semper est in media hominum suorum: hoc excepto quod rectè ad meridiem nullus se collocat, quia ad pattem illam aperiuntur portæ Curiæ: Sed à dextris et à sinistris extendunt se quantum volunt secundum exigentiam locorum: dummodo rectè ante curiam, vel ex opposito curiæ non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quondam Saracenum, qui non prouidebat nobis de aliquo cibo sequenti die fuimus ad curiam, et fecerat extendi magnum tentorium, quia domus non potuisset capere tot homines et mulieres, quot conuenerant. Monuit nos ductor noster vt non loqueremur, donec Baatu præciperet: et tunc loqueremur breuiter. [Sidenote: Misit rex Francia ad Kencham nuncios.] Quæsiuit etiam vtrum misissetis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter miseratis ad Kencham, et quod nec ad ipsum misissetis nuncios, nec ad Sartach literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos: quia non pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiueratis eos esse Christianos misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilionem: et monebamur, ne tangeremus cordas tentorij, quas ipsi reputant loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis pedibus in habitti nostro discoopertis capitibus, et eramus spectaculum magnum in oculis eorum. [Sidenote: Iohannes de Plano carpini.] Fuerat enim ibi frater Iohannes de Plano Carpini, sed ipse mutauerat habitum ne contemneretur; quia erat nuncius Domini Papæ. Tunc inducti fuimus vsque ad medium tentorij, nec requisiuerunt vt faceremus aliquam reuerentiam genua flectendo, sicut solent facere nuncij. Stetimus ergo coram eo quantum possit dici, Miserere mei Deus: et omnes erant in summo silentio. Ipse verò super solium longum sedebat et latum sicut lectus, totum deauratum, ad quod ascendebatur tribus gradibus, et vna domina iuxta eum. Viri vero diffusi sedebant à dextris dominæ et à sinistris quod non implebant mulieres ex parte vna quia erant ibi solæ vxores Baatu, implebant viri. Bancus vero cum cosmos et ciphis maximis aureis et argenteis, ornatis lapidibus prætiosis erat in introitu tentorij. Respexit ergo nos diligentius, et nos eum: et videbatur mihi similis in statura Domino Iohanni de Bello monte cuius anima rcquiescit in pace. Erat etiam vultus eius tunc perfusus gutta rosea. Tandem præcepit vt loqueremur. Tunc ductor noster præcepit vtflecteremus genua, et loqueremur. Flext vnum genu tanquam homini: tunc innuit quod ambo flecterem, quod et feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc præcepit quod loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod orarem Dominum, quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi verba oratione, dicens: Domine, nos oramus Dominum, à quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit vobis ista terrena, vt det vobis post hæc cælestia: quia hæc sine illis vana sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultauit, et subiunxit: Noueritis pro certo quòd coelestia non habebitis, nisi fueritis Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, saluus erit: qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. Ad illud verbum ipse modestè subrisit, et alij Moal inceperunt plaudere manus deridendo nos. Et obstupuit interpres meus, quem oportuit me confortare ne timeret. [Sidenote Literæ Regis Francorum.] Tunc facto silentio, dixi: Ego veni ad filium vestrum, quia audiuimus quod esset Christianus, et attuli et literas ex parte Domini Regis Francorum ipse misit me huc ad vos. Vos debetis scire qua de causa. Tunc fecit me surgere. Et quæsiuit nomem vestrum, et meum, et socij mei, et interpretis, et fecti omnia scribi. Quæsiuit etiam quia intellexerat quod exieratis terram vestram cum exercitu vt haberetis bellum. Respondi, Contra Saracenos violantes domum Dei Hierusalam. Quæsiuit etiam si vnquam misissetis nuncios ad eum. Ad vos dixi nuquam. Tunc fecit nos vedere et dari de lacte, suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valdè magnum reputant, quando aliquis bibit cosmos eum eo in domo sua. Et dum sedens respicerem terram, præcepit vt cleuarem vultum volens adhuc nos amplius respicere, vel fortè pro sortilegio: quia habent pro malo omine vel signo, vel pro mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet coram eis inclinata facie quasi tristis, maximè quum appodiat maxillam vel mentum super manum. Tunc exiuimus, et post pauca, venit Ductor noster ad nos, et ducens nos ad hospitium, dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra ista: et hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia Mangu cham. Vnde oportet quod tu et interpres tuus eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius verò tuus et alius homo reuertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi expectantes donec reuertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres lugere reputans se perditum: Socius etiam meus contestari, quod citius amputarent ei caput quam quod diuideretur à me. Et ego dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire: Et etiam quod benè indigebamus duobus famulis, quia si contingeret vnum infirmari, non possem solus romanere. Tunc ipse reuersus ad curiam dixit verba Baatu. Tunc præcepit, vadant duo sacerdotes et interpres: et Clericus reuertatur ad Sartach. Ille reuersus dixit nobis summam. Et quando volebam loqui pro Clerico, quod iret nobiscum, dixit, Non loquamini amplius qua Baatu definiuit, et eo amplius non audeo redire ad curiam. De eleemosyna habebat Goset clericus viginti sex ipperpera et non plus: quoram decem retinuit sibi et puero: et sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro nobis. Et sic diuisi sumus cum lachrimis ab inuicem: Illo redeunte ad curiam Sartach, et nobis ibi remanentibus.

The same in English.

Of the Court of Baatu: and howe we were entertained by him. Chap. 21.

At the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid sea, where Alexanders Iron gate, otherwise called the gate of Derbent, is situate and from the mountaines of Alania, all along by the fennes of Alcotts, whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth and so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. [Sidenote: The North Ocean.] Of which countrey Isidore reporteth, that there be dogs of such an huge stature and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match bulles and to master lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by diuers, who tolde me, that there towardes the North Ocean they make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen, by reason of their bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued, there is a new cottage built, wherein they haue placed Tartars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu. For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the foresaide place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to the South. From Ianuarie vntil August both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly regions, and in August they begin to returne backe againe. [Sidenote: He descended downe the riuer Volga in a barke.] We passed downe the streame therefore in a barke, from the foresaid cottage vnto his court. From the same place vnto the villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes iourney. I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreame borders of Persia, it is about 30 daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the desert, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid countrey of Bulgaria. [Sidenote: Astrscan.] All which way there is no citie, but onely certaine cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the damnable religion of Mahomet, then any other nation whatsoeuer. [Sidenote: The description of Baatu and his court.] Moreouer, when I first behelde the court of Baatu, I was astonied at the sight thereof; for his houses or tents seemed as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or four leagues. And euen as the people of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent: euen so euery one of them knoweth right well, towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when he takes it from off the cart. [Sidenote: Horda signifieth the midst.] Wherupon the court is called in their language Horda, which signifieth, the midst: because the gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest of his people: except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe, because towards that region the court gates are set open: but vnto the right hand, and the left hand they extend themselues as farre as they will, according to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the Court. At our arriual we were conducted vnto a Saracen, who prouided not for vs any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought vnto the court and Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or ordinarie tent could not contain so many men and women as were assembled. Our guide admonished vs not to speake, till Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we should speake our mindes briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no? I answered, that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken Can: and that you would not haue sent messengers vnto him, or letters vnto Sartach, had not your Highnes bene perswaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not vnto them for any feare, but onely for congratulation, and curtesies sake, in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto his pauilion and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stoode in our habite bare footed, and bare-headed, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. [Sidenote: Iohn de Plano Carpini.] For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini had byn there before my comming: howbeit, because he was the Pope's messenger, he changed his habit that he might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very midst of the tent, neither required they of vs to do any reuerence by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other messengers. Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Miserere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seate long and broad like vnto a bed, guilt all ouer, with three stairs to ascend thereunto, and one of his ladies sate beside him. The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the right hand of the saide Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were only the wiues of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the tent stoode a bench furnished with cosmos, and with stately great cuppes of siluer, and golde, beeing richly set with precious stones. Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and we him and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Monsieur Iohn de beau mont, whose soule resteth in peace. And hee had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length he commanded vs to speake. Then our guide gaue vs direction, that wee should bow our knees and speak. Wherupon I bowed one knee as vnto a man: then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees: and I did so, being loath to contend about such circumstaunces. And again he commanded me to speak. Then I thinking of praier vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, began to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things doe proceed and who hath giuen you these earthly benefites, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heauenly blessings: because the former without these are but vain and vnprofitable. And I added further. Be it knowen vnto you of a certainty, that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen, vnles you becomes a Christian: for God saith, Whosoeuer beleeueth and is baptized, shalbe saued: but he that beleeueth not, shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And my silly interpreter, of whom especially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need, was himself abashed and vtterly dasht out of countenance. [Sidenote: The letters of the French King.] Then, after silence made, I said vnto him, I came vnto your soune, because we heard that he was become a Christian: and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my souereigne Lord the king of France: and your sonne sent me hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best known vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp. And he enquired your maiesties name, and my name, and the name of mine associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put down in writing. He demaunded likewise (because he had bene informed, that you were departed out of your owne countreys with an armie) against whom you waged warre? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the house of God at Ierusalem. He asked also, whether your Highnes had euer before that time sent any messengers vnto him, or no? To you sir? (said I) neuer. Then caused he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his milke to drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house. And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me to lift vp my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent view of vs, or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious obseruation. For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prognostication of euill vnto them, when any man sits in their presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad: especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne ypon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediately after came our guide vnto vs, and conducting vs vnto our lodging, saide vnto me: Your master the King requesteth that you may remaine in this land, which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your interpreter must of necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach, staying there for you, till you come backe. Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man. Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then withdrawe him out of my companie. Moreouer I my selfe saide, that without mine associate I could not goe: and that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least, to attend vpon vs, because, if one should chance to fall sicke, we could not be without another. Then returning vnto the court, he told these sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying: let the two Priests and the interpreter goe together, but let the clearke return vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee tolde vs euen so. And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him with vs, he saide: No more words: for Baatu hath resolued, that so it shall be; and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any more. Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money bestowed vpon him, 26. Yperperas, and no more; 10. Whereof he kept for himselfe and for the lad, and 16. he gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares: he returning vnto the court of Sartach, and our selues remaining still in the same place.

De itinere fraturn versus curiam Mangu cham. Cap. 22.

In Vigilia Assumptionis peruenit ipse clericus ad Curiam Sartach: et in crastino fuerunt Sacerdotes Nestormi induti vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti fuimus ad alium hospitem, qui debebat nobis prouidere de domo et cibo et equis. Sed quia non habuimus, quod daremus ei, omnia malè faciebat. [Sidenote: Quintano septimanas iuxta Etiliam descendebant.] Et bigauimus cum Baatu descendendo iuxta Etiliam quinque septimanas. Aliquando habuit socius meus tantam famem, quod dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando: videbatur mihi quod nunquam comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam Baatu. Sed illud erat tam longè à nobis, quod non poteramus ire. Oportebat enim nos ire pedibus pro defectu equorum. [Sidenote: Quidam Hungari.] Tandem inuenerunt nos quidam Hungari, qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum vnus sciebat adhuc cantare multa corde, et habebatur ab alijs Hungaris quasi Sacerdos, et vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunctorum: Et alius fuerat competenter instructus in Grammatica: qui intelligebat quicquid dicebamus ei literaliter, sed nesciebat respondere: qui fecerunt nobis magnam consolationem, afferentes cosmos ad bibendum, et carnes aliquando ad comedendum: qui quum postulassent à nobis aliquos libros, et non haberem quos possem dare, nullos enim habebam, nisi Biblium et breuiarium, dolui multum. Tunc dixi eis, afferte nobis chartas, et ego scribam vobis, quandiu erimus hîc: quod et fecerunt. Et scripsi vtrasque horas Beatæ Virginis et officium defunctorum. [Sidenote: Comanus] Quodam die iunxit se nobis quidam Comanus, salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Saluete Domini. Ego mirens, ipso resalutato, quæsiui ab eo, quis eum docuerat illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus a fratribus nostris qui docuerant illam salutationem. Et ipsi dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus à fratribus nostris qui docuerant illum eam. Dixit etiam quod Baatu quæsiuerat ab eo multa de nobis, et quod ipse dixerat ei conditiones ordinis nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba sua, et omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundùm æstimationem meam non erant quingenti viri. [Sidenote: Iter quatuor mensium a Volga. Ingens frigus.] Tandem circa finem exaltationis sanctæ crucis venit ad nos quidam diues Moal, cuius pater erat millenarius, quod magnum est inter eos, dicens, Ego vos debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, et est iter quatuor mensium: et tantum frigus est ibi, quod finduntur ibi lapides et arbores pro frigore: Videatis vtrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi: Spero in virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod alij homines possunt sustinere. Tunc dixit: Si non poteritis sustinere, ego relinquam vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non esset iustum: quia non iuimus pro nobis, nisi missi à Domino vestro: Vnde ex quo vobis committimur, non debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, benè erit. Post hoc fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, et quod sibi videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia hospitis nostri. [Sidenote: 16. Septemb.] In crastino attulerunt cuilibet nostrum vnam pelliceam villosam arietinam et braccas de eadem, et botas siue bucellos secundùm morem eorum cum soccis de filtro; et almucias de pellibus secundum modum eorum. [Sidenote: Cangle populi Maior Bulgaria.] Et secunda die post exaltationem Sanctæ crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes signarios et equitauimus continuè versus Orientem vsque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, per totam illam terram, et adhuc amplius habitabant Cangle, quedam parentela Romanorum. Ad Aquilonem habebamus maiorem Bulgariam, et ad meridiem prædictum mare Caspium.

The same in English.

Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22.

Vpon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the said Sartach. Then wee our selues were conducted vnto another hoste, who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome, victualles, and horses. But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. [Sidenote: They trauell fiue weekes by the banke of Etilia.] Then wee rode on forwards with Baatu, descending along by the banks of Etilia, for the space of fiue weekes together: Sometimes mine associate was so extremelie hungrie, that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping, that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at all times: but it was so farre distant from vs that we could not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of horses. [Sidenote: Hungarians.] At length certaine Hungarians (who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men) found vs out and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke, and was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men. There was another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer: for hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea and some times flesh for to eate also who, when they requested to haue some bookes of vs, and I had not any to giue them (for indede we had none but onely a Bible, and a breuiarie) it grieued mee exceedingly. And I said vnto them: Bring mee some inke and paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatæ Virginis, and Officium defunctorum. [Sidenote: A Comanian.] Moreouer, vpon a certaine day, there was a Comanian that accompanied vs, saluting vs in Latine, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat and saluting him againe, I demaunded of him, who had taught him that kind of salutation? Hee saide that hee was baptised in Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them hee learned it. He said moreouer, that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs, and that hee told him the estate of our order. Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie, and all his subiects that were householders or masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons in all. At length about the ende of Holy roode, there came a certaine great Moal vnto vs (whose father was a Millenarie, which is a great office among them) saying: [Sidenote: A iourney of 4. moneths from Volga.] I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can, and we haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell, and there such extreame colde in those parts, that stones and trees do euen riue asunder in regarde thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues, whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whom I answered: I hope by Gods help that we shalbe able to brooke that which other men can indure. Then he saide: if you cannot indure it, I will foresake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not iust dealing for you so to doe: for wee goe not thither vpon anie busmesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent by your lord. Wherefore sithence we are committed vnto your charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he said: all shalbe well. Afterward he caused vs to shewe him all our garments: and whatsoeuer hee deemed to be lesse needfull for vs, he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our hoste. On the morrow they brought vnto each of vs a furred gowne, made all of rammes skinnes, with the wool stil vpon them, and breeches of the same, and boots also of buskins, according to their fashion, and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skins after their maner. [Sidenote: The 16. of September. 46. dayes.] The second day after Holy rood, we began to set forward vpon our iourney, hauing three guides to direct vs: and we rode continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints. Throughout all that region, and beyonde also did the people of Changle [Marginal note: Or, Kangittæ.] inhabite, who were by parentage descended from the Romanes. Vpon the North side of vs, wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian sea.