P. S. If you can send us with Froullé’s books a supply of 20. or 30 lb. of maccaroni, they will be an agreeable addition to his bill.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
June 1, 1795
Monticello
Tench Coxe
Coxe, Tench

TO TENCH COXE J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I received a few days ago only your favor of Mar. 20. accompanied by the collection of your papers lately printed, for which I cordially thank you. It will enable me to turn with more convenience to pieces which I consult with pleasure instruction.

I congratulate you on the successes of our two allies. Those of the Hollanders are new and therefore pleasing. It proves that there is a god in heaven, that he will not slumber without end on the iniquities of tyrants, or their Stadtholder. This ball of liberty, I believe most piously, is now so well in motion that it will roll round the globe. At least the enlightened part of it, for light liberty go together. It is our glory that we first put it into motion, our happiness that being foremost we had no bad examples to follow. What a tremendous obstacle to the future attempts at liberty will be the atrocities of Robespierre! We are enjoying a most seasonable sowing after a winter which had greatly injured our small grain. Nothing can give us a great crop. I doubt if it can be made even a good one. Our first hay-cutting (clover) begins to-day. This may mark to you the difference of your seasons ours. My clover in common upland fields which were never manured will yield 1500 lb. to the acre at this cutting, which I consider as an encouraging beginning. I take the liberty of asking your care of two letters, both of them of importance. I have not enclosed Monroe’s either to our office of foreign affairs or the Minister of France, because I thought you might possibly find a safer channel than either. It requires safety and secrecy. But adopt either of those channels if you think them the best. I am with much affection, dear sir, your friend servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Aug. 3, 95
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

You will perceive by the inclosed that Hamilton has taken up his pen in support of the treaty (return it to me). He spoke on it’s behalf in the meeting at New York, and his party carried a decision in favor of it by a small majority. But the Livingstonians appealed to stones clubs beat him his party off the ground. This from a gentleman just from Philadelphia. Adieu.

P. S. Richmond has decided against the treaty. It is said that not even Carrington undertakes to defend it.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Aug 30, 1795
Monticello
Mann Page
Page, Mann

TO MANN PAGE J. MSS.

It was not in my power to attend at Fredericksburg according to the kind invitation in your letter, and in that of mr. Ogilvie. The heat of the weather, the business of the farm, to which I have made myself necessary, forbade it; and to give one round reason for all, mature sanus, I have laid up my Rosinante in his stall, before his unfitness for the road shall expose him faultering to the world. But why did not I answer you in time? Because, in truth, I am encouraging myself to grow lazy, and I was sure you would ascribe the delay to anything sooner than a want of affection or respect to you, for this was not among the possible causes. In truth, if anything could ever induce me to sleep another night out of my own house, it would have been your friendly invitation and my sollicitude for the subject of it, the education of our youth. I do most anxiously wish to see the highest degrees of education given to the higher degrees of genius, and to all degrees of it, so much as may enable them to read understand what is going on in the world, and to keep their part of it going on right: for nothing can keep it right but their own vigilant distrustful superintendence. I do not believe with the Rochefoucaults Montaignes, that fourteen out of fifteen men are rogues: I believe a great abatement from that proportion may be made in favor of general honesty. But I have always found that rogues would be uppermost, and I do not know that the proportion is too strong for the higher orders, and for those who, rising above the swinish multitude, always contrive to nestle themselves into the places of power profit. These rogues set out with stealing the people’s good opinion, and then steal from them the right of withdrawing it, by contriving laws and associations against the power of the people themselves. Our part of the country is in considerable fermentation, on what they suspect to be a recent roguery of this kind. They say that while all hands were below deck mending sails, splicing ropes, and every one at his own business, the captain in his cabbin attending to his log book chart, a rogue of a pilot has run them into an enemy’s port. But metaphor apart, there is much dissatisfaction with mr. Jay his treaty. For my part, I consider myself now but as a passenger, leaving the world, it’s government to those who are likely to live longer in it. That you may be among the longest of these, is my sincere prayer. After begging you to be the bearer of my compliments apologies to mr. Ogilvie, I bid you an affectionate farewell, always wishing to hear from you.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Sep. 6, 95
Monticello.
James Monroe
Monroe, James

TO JAMES MONROE MON. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I wrote you on the 26th of May last. Since that Mr. Jones has been here Mr. Madison, and have communicated to me some of your letters. Mr. Jones is taking good measures for saving and improving your land but of all this he will inform you. I enclose you a letter for Md e . Bellanger, which I leave open for your perusal as its contents may suggest to you some service to Derieux. I also inclose you a letter from him, and a draft on his uncle’s executors for 4000 # which we must trouble you to remit in some way or other without loss if possible: and if it cannot be received without too sensible a loss, I think it had better lie. Observe that the money is not to be remitted to Derieux, as he has conveyed it to Colo. Gamble Colo. Bell to satisfy debts. I think it had better be sent to Colo. Bell, who will pay to Gamble his part of it. If you receive it, it may be a convenience and safety to all parties for you to apply a part of it to answer the little commissions I gave you for Froullé La Motte, and to order me to pay their amount to Colo. Bell which I will do on sight of your order. But name the sum I am to pay in dollars to avoid all questions of depreciation. In this case I would be willing to extend my commission to the procuring me some wines from Bordeaux to be purchased shipped for me by Mr. Fenwick to Richmond, consigned to Colo. Gamble. I will note the wines at the foot of my letter. When you shall have read the letter to Madame Bellanger, be so good as seal send it to her.—I trouble you also with a letter to Madame de Tessé, whom I suppose to be in Switzerland: pray find a safe conveyance, and receive for me any letters she may send for me. She is a person for whom I have great friendship. Mr. Gautier, banker, successor to Grand, to whom I enclose another letter can probably inform you how to address forward that to Madame de Tessé.—Nothing has happened in our neighborhood worth communication to you. Mr. Randolph’s health was at the lowest ebb, he determined to go to the Sweet springs where he still is. His last letter informs me that his amendment is so great as to give him hopes of an entire recovery.—In political matters there is always something new. Yet at such a distance and with such uncertain conveyances it is best to say little of them. It may be necessary however to observe to you that in all countries where parties are strongly marked, as the monocrats and republicans here, there will always be desertions from the one side to the other: and to caution you therefore in your correspondence with Dawson, 1 who is now closely connected in speculations as we are told with Harry Lee. With Steel become a consummate Tory, and even Innes, who has changed backwards and forwards two or three times lately.—Mr. Jay’s treaty has at length been made public. So general a burst of dissatisfaction never before appeared against any transaction. Those who understand the particular articles of it, condemn these articles. Those who do not understand them minutely, condemn it generally as wearing a hostile face to France. This last is the must numerous class, comprehending the whole body of the people, who have taken a greater interest in this transaction than they were ever known to do in any other. It has in my opinion completely demolished the monarchial party here. The Chamber of Commerce in New York, against the body of the town, the merchants in Philadelphia, against the body of their town, also, and our town of Alexandria have come forward in it’s support. Some individual champions also appear. Marshall, Carrington, Harvey, Bushrod Washington, Doctor Stewart. A more powerful one is Hamilton, under the signature of Camillus. Adams holds his tongue with an address above his character. We do not know whether the President has signed it or not. If he has it is much believed the H. of representatives will oppose it as constitutionally void, and thus bring on an embarrassing and critical state in our government.—If you should receive Derieux’ money and order the wines, Mr. Fenwick ought to ship them in the winter months. Present my affectionate respects to Mrs. Monroe, and accept them yourself. No signature is necessary. 1

P.S. The day after writing the preceding letter, yours of June 23 27 came to hand. I open this therefore to acknowledge the receipt thank you for the information given. Soon after that date you will have received mine of May 26, and perceive by that this that I had taken the liberty of asking some services from you. Yes, the treaty is now known here, by a bold act of duty in one of our Senators, and what the sentiments upon it are, our public papers will tell you, for I take for granted they are forwarded to you from the Secretary of State’s office. The same post which brought your letter, brought also advice of the death of Bradford, Atty Genl., the resignation of E. Randolph (retiring perhaps from the storm he saw gathering), and of the resolutions of the Chamber of Commerce of Boston in opposition to those of the town of Boston in general. P. Marks is dead within these 24. hours. His wife had died some months before. I omitted in my letter to mention that J. Rutledge was appointed Chief Justice in the room of Mr. Jay, and that he, Gov r . Pinckney others of that Southern constellation had pronounced themselves more desperately than any others against the treaty.—Still deliver the letters to Mad e . Bellanger. A true state of the case, soothing and altering terms may perhaps produce the execution of her last promise.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Sep. 10, 95
Monticello
Tench Coxe
Coxe, Tench

TO TENCH COXE J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I have to acknolege the receipt of your favor of July 30. The sentiments therein expressed on the subject of the treaty coincide perfectly with those of this country, which I believe were never more unanimous. 4. or 5. individuals of Richmond, distinguished however by their talents as by their devotion to all the sacred acts of the government, the town of Alexandria constitute the whole support of that instrument here. Camillus may according to his custom write an Encyclopedia on the subject, but it is too obstinate to be twisted by all his sophisms into a tolerable shape. Having interdicted to myself the reading of newspapers, thinking or saying anything on public matters beyond what the conversation of my neighbors draws me into, I leave such delights to those who, more rational than myself, prefer them to their tranquility, to those whose stations keep them in that vortex, make them better judges of what is passing around them. My situation putting it out of my power to find good conveyances for my foreign letters in these times of obstruction by sea by land, I avail myself of your friendship to get them on: now take the liberty of enclosing some. Our foreign ministers being entitled to charge their postages, the risque of separating the 3d. letter, dispenses with apology on the subject of postage. That to Van Staphorst covers bills of exchange, the property of Mr. Mazzei which I am remitting as it is collected.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Sep 13, 1795
Monticello
Henry Tazewell
Tazewell, Henry

TO HENRY TAZEWELL J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I ought much sooner to have acknoleged your obliging attention in sending me a copy of the treaty. It was the first we received in this part of the country. Tho I have interdicted myself all serious attention to political matters, yet a very slight notice of that in question sufficed to decide my mind against it. I am not satisfied we should not be better without treaties with any nation. But I am satisfied we should be better without such as this. The public dissatisfaction too dissension it is likely to produce, are serious evils. I am not without hopes that the operations on the 12th article may render a recurrence to the Senate yet necessary, and so give to the majority an opportunity of correcting the error into which their exclusion of public light has led them. I hope also that the recent results of the English will at length awaken in our Executive that sense of public honor spirit, which they have not lost sight of in their proceedings with other nations, and will establish the eternal truth that acquiescence under insult is not the way to escape war. I am with great esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Sep 21, 1795
Monticello
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

I received about three weeks ago, a box containing 6. doz. volumes, of 283. pages, 12 mo, with a letter from Lambert, Beckley’s clerk, that they came from mr. Beckley, were to be divided between yourself, J. Walker, myself. I have sent 2. doz to J. Walker, and shall be glad of a conveyance for yours. In the meantime, I send you by post, the title page, table of contents, and one of the pieces, Curtius, 1 lest it should not have come to you otherwise. It is evidently written by Hamilton, giving a first general view of the subject, that the public mind might be kept a little in check, till he could resume the subject more at large from the beginning, under his second signature of Camillus. The piece called The Features of the Treaty, I do not send, because you have seen it in the newspapers. It is said to be written by Coxe, but I should rather suspect, by Beckley. The antidote is certainly not strong enough for the poison of Curtius. If I had not been informed the present came from Beckley, I should have suspected it from Jay or Hamilton. I gave a copy or two, by way of experiment, to honest, sound-hearted men of common understanding, and they were not able to parry the sophistry of Curtius. I have ceased therefore, to give them. Hamilton is really a colossus to the anti-republican party. Without numbers, he is an host within himself. They have got themselves into a defile, where they might be finished; but too much security on the republican part will give time to his talents indefatigableness to extricate them. We have had only middling performances to oppose to him. In truth, when he comes forward, there is nobody but yourself who can meet him. His adversaries having begun the attack, he has the advantage of answering them, remains unanswered himself. A solid reply might yet completely demolish what was too feebly attacked, and has gathered strength from the weakness of the attack. The merchants were certainly (except those of them who are English) as open mouthed at first against the treaty as any. But the general expression of indignation has alarmed them for the strength of the government. They have feared the shock would be too great, and have chosen to tack about support both treaty government, rather than risk the government. Thus it is, that Hamilton, Jay, c., in the boldest act they ever ventured on to undermine the government, have the address to screen themselves, direct the hue cry against those who wish to drag them into light. A bolder party-stroke was never struck. For it certainly is an attempt of a party, which finds they have lost their majority in one branch of the Legislature, to make a law by the aid of the other branch of the executive, under color of a treaty, which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from ever restraining the commerce of their patron-nation. There appears a pause at present in the public sentiment, which may be followed by a revulsion. This is the effect of the desertion of the merchants, of the President’s chiding answer to Boston Richmond, of the writings of Curtius Camillus, and of the quietism into which people naturally fall after first sensations are over. For god’s sake take up your pen, and give a fundamental reply to Curtius Camillus.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Oct. 28. 1795
Fontainbleau
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON 1

Dear Sir,

Seven o’clock, and retired to my fireside, I have determined to enter into conversation with you. This is a village of about 5000 inhabitants when the court is not here 20,000 when they are, occupying a valley thro’ which runs a brook and on each side of it a ridge of small mountains most of which are naked rock. The King comes here, in the fall always, to hunt. His court attend him, as do also the foreign diplomatic corps. But as this is not indispensably required my finances do not admit the expense of a continued residence here, I propose to come occasionally to attend the King’s levees, returning again to Paris, distant 40 miles. This being the first trip I set out yesterday morning to take a view of the place. For this purpose I shaped my course towards the highest of the mountains in sight, to the top of which was about a league. As soon as I had got clear of the town I fell in with a poor woman walking at the same rate with myself going the same course. Wishing to know the condition of the laboring poor I entered into conversation with her, which I began by enquiries for the path which would lead me into the mountain: thence proceeded to enquiries into her vocation, condition circumstances. She told me she was a day labourer, at 8. sous or 4 d sterling the day; that she had two children to maintain, to pay a rent of 30 livres for her house, (which would consume the hire of 75 days) that often she could get no emploiment, and of course was without bread. As we had walked together near a mile she had so far served me as a guide, I gave her, on parting, 24 sous. She burst into tears of a gratitude which I could perceive was unfeigned because she was unable to utter a word. She had probably never before received so great an aid. This little attendrissement, with the solitude of my walk led me into a train of reflections on that unequal division of property which occasions the numberless instances of wretchedness which I had observed in this country is to be observed all over Europe. The property of this country is absolutely concentrated in a very few hands, having revenues of from half a million of guineas a year downward. These employ the flower of the country as servants, some of them having as many as 200 domestics, not labouring. They employ also a great number of manufacturers, tradesmen, lastly the class of labouring husbandmen. But after all there comes the most numerous of all the classes, that is, the poor who cannot find work. I asked myself what could be the reason that so many should be permitted to beg who are willing to work, in a country where there is a very considerable proportion of uncultivated lands? These lands are undisturbed only for the sake of game. It should seem then that it must be because of the enormous wealth of the proprietors which places them above attention to the encrease of their revenues by permitting these lands to be laboured. I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour live on. If for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be provided to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who cannot find employment but who can find uncultivated land shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small land holders are the most precious part of a state. * * *

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Nov. 26, 95
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON J. MSS.

Your favor from Fredericksburg came safe to hand. I enclose you the extract of a letter I received from Mr. R. now in Richmond. 1 Tho’ you will have been informed of the fact before this reaches you, yet you will see more of the subject by having different views of it presented to you. Though Marshall will be able to embarras the republican party in the assembly a good deal, yet upon the whole, his having gone into it will be of service. He has been hitherto able to do more mischief acting under the mask of Republicanism than he will be able to do after throwing it plainly off. His lax lounging manners have made him popular with the bulk of the people of Richmond, a profound hypocrisy with many thinking men of our country. But having come forth in the plenitude of his English principles the latter will see that it is high time to make him known. His doctrine that the whole commercial part of the treaty ( he might have added the whole unconstitutional part of it) rests in the power of the H. of R. is certainly the true doctrine; as the articles which stipulate what requires the consent of the three branches of the legislature, must be referred to the H. of R. for their concurrence, so they, being free agents, may approve or reject them, either by a vote declaring that, or by refusing to pass acts. I should think the former mode the most safe honorable. The people in this part of the country continue very firmly disposed against the treaty. I imagine the 50. negative votes comprehend the whole force of the Alexandrian party the bigots passive obedience men of the whole state who have got themselves into the legislature. I observe an expression in Randolph’s printed secret intimating that the President, tho’ an honest man himself, may be circumvented by snares artifices, is in fact surrounded by men who wish to clothe the Executive with more than constitutional powers. This when public, will make great impression. It is not only a truth, but a truth levelled to every capacity will justify to themselves the most zealous votaries, for ceasing to repose the unlimited confidence they have done in the measures which have been pursued. Communicate the enclosed paper, if you please, to Mr. Giles. Our autumn is fine. The weather mild intermixed with moderate rains at proper intervals. No ice yet, not much frost. Adieu.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Nov 30. 95
Monticello
Edward Rutledge
Rutledge, Edward

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE 1

My Dear Sir,

I received your favor of Oct. 12 by your son, who has been kind enough to visit me here, and from whose visit I have received all that pleasure which I do from whatever comes from you, and especially from a subject so deservedly dear to you. He found me in a retirement I doat on, living like an Antediluvian patriarch among my children grand children, and tilling my soil. As he had lately come from Philadelphia, Boston c he was able to give me a great deal of information of what is passing in the world I pestered him with questions pretty much as our friends Lynch, Nelson c will us when we step across the Styx, for they will wish to hear what has been passing above ground since they left us. You hope I have not abandoned entirely the service of our country. After a five twenty years continual employment in it, I trust it will be thought I have fulfilled my tour, like a punctual soldier, and may claim my discharge. But I am glad of the sentiment from you my friend, because it gives a hope you will practice what you preach, and come forward in aid of the public vessel. I will not admit your old excuse, that you are in public service tho’ at home. The campaigns which are fought in a man’s own house are not to be counted. The present situation of the President, unable to get the offices filled, really calls with uncommon obligation on those whom nature has fitted for them. I join with you in thinking the treaty an execrable thing. But both negotiators must have understood that as there were articles in it which could not be carried into execution without the aid of the legislatures on both sides, that therefore it must be referred to them, and that these legislatures being free agents would not give it their support if they disapproved of it. I trust the popular branch of our legislature will disapprove of it, and thus rid us of this infamous act, which is really nothing more than a treaty of alliance between England the Anglomen of this country against the legislature people of the United States.—I told your son I had long had it in contemplation to write to you for half a dozen sour orange trees, of a proper size for small boxes, as they abound with you. The only trouble they would give would be the putting them into boxes long enough before sending them for them to take root, when rooted to put them into some vessel coming direct to Richmond to the care of mr Daniel Hylton there. Your son is kind enough to undertake the commission. With constant unchanged affections I am my dear friend.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Dec. 31. 95
Monticello
William Branch Giles
Giles, William Branch

TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES 1

Dear Sir,

Your favors of Dec. 15. 20. came to hand by the last post. I am well pleased with the manner in which your house has testified their sense of the treaty. While their refusal to pass the original clause of the reported answer proved their condemnation of it, the contrivance to let it disappear silently respected appearances in favor of the President, who errs as other men do, but errs with integrity. Randolph seems to have hit upon the true theory of our constitution, that when a treaty is made, involving matters confided by the constitution to the three branches of the legislature conjointly, the representatives are as free as the President Senate were to consider whether the national interest requires or forbids their giving the forms force of law to the articles over which they have a power.—I thank you much for the pamphlet—his narrative is so straight plain, that even those who did not know him will acquit him of the charge of bribery; those who knew him had done it from the first. Tho’ he mistakes his own political character in the aggregate, yet he gives it to you in the detail. Thus he supposes himself a man of no party (page 97,) that his opinions not containing any systematic adherence to party, fall sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. (pa. 58.) Yet he gives you these facts, which shew that they fall generally on both sides, are complete inconsistencies—1. He never gave an opinion in the Cabinet against the rights of the people (pa. 97.) yet he advised the denunciation of the popular societies. (67.) 2. He would not neglect the overtures of a commercial treaty with France (79) yet he always opposed it while atty-general, and never seems to have proposed it while Secretary of State. 3. He concurs in resorting to the militia to quell the pretended insurrection in the west (81.) and proposes an augmentation from 12.500 to 15.000 to march against men at their ploughs, (pa. 80.) yet on the 5 th . of Aug. he is against their marching (83. 101.) and on the 25 th . of Aug. he is for it. (84.) 4. He concurs in the measure of a mission extraordinary to London (as inferred from pa. 58.) but objects to the men, to wit Hamilton Jay (58.) 5. He was against granting commercial powers to Mr. Jay (58.) yet he besieged the doors of the Senate to procure their advice to ratify.—6. He advises the President to a ratification on the merits of the treaty (—7.) but to a suspension till the provision order is repealed. (98.) The fact is that he has generally given his principles to the one party his practice to the other; the oyster to one, the shell to the other. Unfortunately the shell was generally the lot of his friends the French and republicans, the oyster of their antagonists. Had he been firm to the principles he professes in the year 1793. the President would have been kept from a habitual concert with the British Antirepublican party, but at that time I do not know which R. feared most, a British fleet, or French disorganisers. Whether his conduct is to be ascribed to a superior view of things, an adherence to right without regard to party, as he pretends, or to an anxiety to trim between both, those who know his character and capacity will decide. Were parties here divided merely by a greediness for office, as in England, to take a part with either would be unworthy of a reasonable or moral man, but where the principle of difference is as substantial and as strongly pronounced as between the republicans the Monocrats of our country, I hold it as honorable to take a firm decided part, and as immoral to pursue a middle line, as between the parties of Honest men, Rogues, into which every country is divided.

A copy of the pamphlet came by this post to Charlottesville. I suppose we shall be able to judge soon what kind of impression it is likely to make. It has been a great treat to me, as it is a continuation of that Cabinet history with the former part of which I was intimate. I remark in the reply of the President a small travestie of the sentiment contained in the answer of the Representatives. They acknowlege that he has contributed a great share to the national happiness by his services. He thanks them for ascribing to his agency a great share of those benefits. The former keeps in view the co-operation of others towards the public good, the latter presents to view his sole agency. At a time when there would have been less anxiety to publish to the people a strong approbation from your house, this strengthening of your expression would not have been noticed. Our attentions have been so absorbed by the first manifestations of the sentiments of your house, that we have lost sight of our own legislature: insomuch that I do not know whether they are sitting or not.

The rejection of Mr. Rutledge by the Senate is a bold thing, because they cannot pretend any objection to him but his disapprobation of the treaty. It is of course a declaration that they will receive none but tories hereafter into any department of the government. I should not wonder if Monroe were to be recalled under the idea of his being of the partisans of France, whom the President considers as the partisans of war confusion in his letter of July 31, and as disposed to excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments. A most infatuated blindness to the true character of the sentiments entertained in favor of France. The bottom of my page warns me that it is time to end my commentaries on the facts you have furnished me. You would of course however wish to know the sensations here on those facts. My friendly respects to Mrs. Madison, to whom the next week’s dose will be directed. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas

NOTES ON PROF. EBELING’S LETTER OF JULY 30, 95 1

Professor Ebeling mentioning the persons in America from whom he derives information for his work, it may be useful for him to know how far he may rely on their authority.

President Stiles, an excellent man, of very great learning, but remarkable for his credulity.

Dr. Willard. } All these are men of respectable characters worthy of confidence as to any facts they may state, and rendered, by their good sense, good judges of them.
Dr. Barton }
Dr. Ramsay }
Mr. Barlow }
Mr. Morse. } Good authorities for whatever relates to the Eastern states, perhaps as far South as the Delaware.
Mr. Webster. }

But South of that their information is worse than none at all, except as far as they quote good authorities. They both I believe took a single journey through the Southern parts, merely to acquire the right of being considered as eye-witnesses. But to pass once along a public road thro’ a country, in one direction only, to put up at it’s taverns, and get into conversation with the idle, drunken individuals who pass their time lounging in these taverns, is not the way to know a country, it’s inhabitants, or manners. To generalize a whole nation from these specimens is not the sort of information which Professor Ebeling would wish to compose his work from.

Fenno’s Gazette of the U. S. } To form a just judgment of a country from it’s newspapers the character of these papers should be known, in order that proper allowances corrections may be used. This will require a long explanation, without which, these particular papers would give a foreigner a very false view of American affairs.
Webster’s Minerva. }
Columbian centinel. }

The people of America, before the revolution-war, being attached to England, had taken up, without examination, the English ideas of the superiority of their constitution over every thing of the kind which ever had been or ever would be tried. The revolution forced them to consider the subject for themselves, and the result was an universal conversion to republicanism. Those who did not come over to this opinion, either left us, were called Refugees, or staid with us under the name of tories; some, preferring profit to principle took side with us and floated with the general tide. Our first federal constitution, or confederation as it was called, was framed in the first moments of our separation from England, in the highest point of our jealousies of independance as to her as to each other. It formed therefore too weak a bond to produce an union of action as to foreign nations. This appeared at once on the establishment of peace, when the pressure of a common enemy which had hooped us together during the war, was taken away. Congress was found to be quite unable to point the action of the several states to a common object. A general desire therefore took place of amending the federal constitution. This was opposed by some of those who wished for monarchy to wit, the Refugees now returned, the old tories, the timid whigs who prefer tranquility to freedom, hoping monarchy might be the remedy if a state of complete anarchy could be brought on. A Convention however being decided on, some of the monocrats got elected, with a hope of introducing an English constitution, when they found that the great body of the delegates were strongly for adhering to republicanism, for giving due strength to their government under that form, they then directed their efforts to the assimilation of all the parts of the new government to the English constitution as nearly as was attainable. In this they were not altogether without success; insomuch that the monarchical features of the new constitution produced a violent opposition to it from the most zealous republicans in the several states. For this reason, because they also thought it carried the principle of a consolidation of the states farther than was requisite for the purpose of producing an union of action as to foreign powers, it is still doubted by some whether a majority of the people of the U. S. were not against adopting it. However it was carried through all the assemblies of the states, tho’ by very small majorities in the largest states. The inconveniences of an inefficient government, driving the people as is usual, into the opposite extreme, the elections to the first Congress run very much in favor of those who were known to favor a very strong government. Hence the anti-republicans appeared a considerable majority in both houses of Congress. They pressed forward the plan therefore of strengthening all the features of the government which gave it resemblance to an English constitution, of adopting the English forms principles of administration, and of forming like them a monied interest, by means of a funding system, not calculated to pay the public debt, but to render it perpetual, and to make it an engine in the hands of the executive branch of the government which, added to the great patronage it possessed in the disposal of public offices, might enable it to assume by degrees a kingly authority. The biennial period of Congress being too short to betray to the people, spread over this great continent, this train of things during the first Congress, little change was made in the members to the second. But in the mean time two very distinct parties had formed in Congress; and before the third election, the people in general became apprised of the game which was playing for drawing over them a kind of government which they never had in contemplation. At the 3d. election therefore a decided majority of Republicans were sent to the lower house of Congress; and as information spread still farther among the people after the 4th. election the anti-republicans have become a weak minority. But the members of the Senate being changed but once in 6. years, the completion of that body will be much slower in it’s assimilation to that of the people. This will account for the differences which may appear in the proceedings spirit of the two houses. Still however it is inevitable that the Senate will at length be formed to the republican model of the people, the two houses of the legislature, once brought to act on the true principles of the Constitution, backed by the people, will be able to defeat the plan of sliding us into monarchy, to keep the Executive within Republican bounds, notwithstanding the immense patronage it possesses in the disposal of public offices, notwithstanding it has been able to draw into this vortex the judiciary branch of the government by their expectancy of sharing the other offices in the Executive gift to make them auxiliary to the Executive in all it’s views instead of forming a balance between that the legislature as it was originally intended and notwithstanding the funding phalanx which a respect for public faith must protect, tho it was engaged by false brethren. Two parties then do exist within the U. S. they embrace respectively the following descriptions of persons.

The Anti-republicans consist of

1. The old refugees tories.

2. British merchants residing among us, composing the main body of our merchants.

3. American merchants trading on British capital. Another great portion.

4. Speculators Holders in the banks public funds.

5. Officers of the federal government with some exceptions.

6. Office-hunters, willing to give up principles for places. A numerous noisy tribe.

7. Nervous persons, whose languid fibres have more analogy with a passive than active state of things.

The Republican part of our Union comprehends

1. The entire body of landholders throughout the United States.

2. The body of labourers, not being landholders, whether in husbanding or the arts.

The latter is to the aggregate of the former party probably as 500 to one; but their wealth is not as disproportionate, tho’ it is also greatly superior, and is in truth the foundation of that of their antagonists. Trifling as are the numbers of the Anti-republican party, there are circumstances which give them an appearance of strength numbers. They all live in cities, together, can act in a body readily at all times; they give chief employment to the newspapers, therefore have most of them under their command. The Agricultural interest is dispersed over a great extent of country, have little means of intercommunication with each other, and feeling their own strength will, are conscious that a single exertion of these will at any time crush the machinations against their government. As in the commerce of human life, there are commodities adapted to every demand, so there are newspapers adapted to the Antirepublican palate, and others to the Republican. Of the former class are the Columbian Centinel, the Hartford newspaper, Webster’s Minerva, Fenno’s Gazette of the U. S., Davies’s Richmond paper c. Of the latter are Adams’s Boston paper, Greenleaf’s of New York, Freneau’s of New Jersey, Bache’s of Philadelphia, Pleasant’s of Virginia c. Pleasant’s paper comes out twice a week, Greenleaf’s Freneau’s one a week, Bache’s daily. I do not know how often Adam’s. I shall according to your desire endeavor to get Pleasant’s for you for 1794, 95. and will have it forwarded through 96 from time to time to your correspondent at Baltimore.

While on the subject of authorities and information, the following works are recommended to Professor Ebeling.

Minot’s history of the insurrection in Massachusetts in 1786. 8 vo .

Mazzei. Recherches historiques et politiques sur les E. U. de l’Amerique. 4 vol. 8 vo . This is to be had from Paris. The author is an exact man.

The article ‘Etats Unis de l’Amerique’ in the Dictionnaire d’Economie politique et diplomatique, de l’Encyclopedie methodique. This article occupies about 90. pages, is by De Meusnier, and his materials were worthy of confidence, except so far as they were taken from the Abbé Raynal. Against these effusions of an imagination in delirio it is presumed Professor Ebeling needs not be put on his guard. The earlier editions of the Abbé Raynal’s work were equally bad as to both South North America. A gentleman however of perfect information as to South America, undertook to reform that part of the work, and his changes additions were for the most part adopted by the Abbé in his latter editions. But the North-American part remains in it’s original state of worthlessness.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 3, ’96
Monticello
Archibald Stuart
Stuart, Archibald

TO ARCHIBALD STUART 1

Dear Sir,

I troubled you once before on the subject of my nails, and must trouble you once more, but hope my present plan will protect you from all further embarrasment with it. I set out with refusing to retail, expecting the merchants of my neighborhood and the upper country would have given a preference to my supplies, because delivered here at the Richmond wholesale prices, and at hand to be called for in small parcels, so that they need not to keep large sums invested in that article lying dead on their hands. The importing merchants however decline taking them from a principle of suppressing every effort towards domestic manufacture, the merchants who purchase here being much under the influence of the importers, take their nails from them with their other goods. I have determined therefore to establish deposits of my nails to be retailed at Milton, Charlottesville, Staunton, Wormester, Warren, but first at the three first places, because I presume my present works, which turn out a ton a month, will fully furnish them, and two additional fires which will be at work in a short time, will raise it to a ton and a half a month, and enable me to extend my supplies to Wormester Warren. I shall retail at Richmond wholesale prices, laying on 5 percent at Milton Charlottesville for commission to the retailers, and 10. percent at the other places for commission transportation. My present retailing prices at Staunton would be

Sixes 12½ d per lb. equal to 7/3½ per M
Eights 12 d per lb. equal to 10/
Tens 11½ d per lb. equal to 12/5½
Twelves 11 d per lb. equal to 14/8
Sixteens 10½ d per lb. equal to 17/6
Twenties 10 d per lb. equal to 20/10

It is tolerably certain that the moment my deposit opens there will be an entire stoppage to the sale of all imported nails, for a body can retail them in the upper country at the Richmond wholesale prices, advanced only 5 or 10 percent. and as I mean to employ only one person in each place to retail, it will be of some advantage to the merchant who will undertake it, to have the entire monopoly of the nail business, so draw to his store every one who wants nails, besides the commission of 5 percent, which in an article to be sold for ready money only, and where he does not employ a farthing of his own capital, I am advised is a sufficient allowance for commission. I should expect them to send me a copy of their sales once a month, and to hold the proceeds ready for my draughts at stated periods, say monthly. I trouble you to engage some person whom you can recommend for punctuality, to retail for me. I heard very favorable accounts of a Mr. Stuart, merch t . of Staunton, should not hesitate to prefer him if he will undertake it. If not, pray do me the favor to find some other. I have written you the details, not that you need trouble yourself with explaining them to any person but that you may put this letter into his hands. As soon as you will name to me the person you engage I will send him an assortment of nails by the first waggons which will take them in.—Will you be so good as to procure for me a good bearskin, dressed, with a soft skin the hair on. Dr. Johnson will on your application be so good as to pay for it, and take credit on his account with me. My respectful salutations to Mrs. Stuart, and assurances of attachment to yourself from yours affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
January 16, 1796
Monticello
George Wythe
Wythe, George

TO GEORGE WYTHE J. MSS.

In my letter which accompanied the box containing my collection of Printed laws, I promised to send you by post a statement of the contents of the box. On taking up the subject I found it better to take a more general view of the whole of the laws I possess, as well Manuscript as printed, as also of those which I do not possess, and suppose to be no longer extant. This general view you will have in the enclosed paper, whereof the articles stated to be printed constitute the contents of the box I sent you. Those in MS. were not sent, because not supposed to have been within your view, and because some of them will not bear removal, being so rotten, that in turning over a leaf it sometimes falls into powder. These I preserve by wrapping sewing them up in oiled cloth, so that neither air nor moisture can have access to them. Very early in the course of my researches into the laws of Virginia, I observed that many of them were already lost, and many more on the point of being lost, as existing only in single copies in the hands of careful or curious individuals, on whose death they would probably be used for waste paper. I set myself therefore to work, to collect all which were then existing, in order that when the day should come in which the public should advert to the magnitude of their loss in these precious monuments of our property, and our history, a part of their regret might be spared by information that a portion has been saved from the wreck, which is worthy of their attention preservation. In searching after these remains, I spared neither time, trouble, nor expense; and am of opinion that scarcely any law escaped me, which was in being as late as the year 1778 in the middle or Southern parts of the State. In the Northern parts, perhaps something might still be found. In the clerk’s office in the antient counties, some of these MS. copies of the laws may possibly still exist, which used to be furnished at the public expense to every county, before the use of the press was introduced; and in the same places, and in the hands of antient magistrates or of their families, some of the fugitive sheets of the laws of separate sessions, which have been usually distributed since the practice commenced of printing them. But recurring to what we actually possess, the question is, what means will be the most effectual for preserving these remains from future loss? All the care I can take of them, will not preserve them from the worm, from the natural decay of the paper, from the accidents of fire, or those of removal when it is necessary for any public purposes, as in the case of those now sent you. Our experience has proved to us that a single copy, or a few, deposited in MS. in the public offices, cannot be relied on for any great length of time. The ravages of fire and of ferocious enemies have had but too much part in producing the very loss we are now deploring. How many of the precious works of antiquity were lost while they were preserved only in manuscript? Has there ever been one lost since the art of printing has rendered it practicable to multiply disperse copies? This leads us then to the only means of preserving those remains of our laws now under consideration, that is, a multiplication of printed copies. I think therefore that there should be printed at public expense, an edition of all the laws ever passed by our legislatures which can now be found; that a copy should be deposited in every public library in America, in the principle public offices within the State, and some perhaps in the most distinguished public libraries of Europe, and that the rest should be sold to individuals, towards reimbursing the expences of the edition. Nor do I think that this would be a voluminous work. The MSS. would probably furnish matter for one printed volume in folio, would comprehend all the laws from 1624 to 1701, which period includes Purvis. My collection of Fugitive sheets forms, as we know, two volumes, and comprehends all the extant laws from 1734 to 1783; and the laws which can be gleaned up from the Revisals to supply the chasm between 1701 1734, with those from 1783 to the close of the present century, (by which term the work might be compleated,) would not be more than the matter of another volume. So that four volumes in folio, would give every law ever passed which is now extant; whereas those who wish to posses as many of them as can be procured, must now buy the six folio volumes of Revisals, to wit, Purvis those of 1732, 1748, 1768, 1783, 1794, and in all of them possess not one half of what they wish. What would be the expence of the edition I cannot say, nor how much would be reimbursed by the sales; but I am sure it would be moderate, compared with the rates which the public have hitherto paid for printing their laws, provided a sufficient latitude be given as to printers places. The first step would be to make out a single copy for the MSS., which would employ a clerk about a year or something more, to which expence about a fourth should be added for the collation of the MSS., which would employ 3. persons at a time about half a day, or a day in every week. As I have already spent more time in making myself acquainted with the contents arrangement of these MSS. than any other person probably ever will, their condition does not admit their removal to a distance, I will chearfully undertake the direction superintendence of this work, if it can be done in the neighboring towns of Charlottesville or Milton, farther than which I could not undertake to go from home. For the residue of the work, my printed volumes might be delivered to the Printer.

I have troubled you with these details, because you are in the place where they may be used for the public service, if they admit of such use, because the order of assembly, which you mention, shews they are sensible of the necessity of preserving such of these laws as relate to our landed property; and a little further consideration will perhaps convince them that it is better to do the whole work once for all, than to be recurring to it by piece-meal, as particular parts of it shall be required, that too perhaps when the materials shall be lost. You are the best judge of the weight of these observations, of the mode of giving them any effect they may merit. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Feb. 28. 96
Monticello
John Adams
Adams, John

TO JOHN ADAMS J. MSS.

I am to thank you my dear Sir for forwarding M. D’Ivernois’ book on the French Revolution. I receive everything with respect which comes from him. But it is on politics, a subject I never loved, now hate. I will not promise therefore to read it thoroughly. I fear the oligarchical executive of the French will not do. We have always seen a small council get into cabals quarrels, the more bitter relentless the fewer they are. We saw this in our committee of the states; that they were from their bad passions, incapable of doing the business of their country. I think that for the prompt, clear consistent action so necessary in an executive, unity of person is necessary as with us. I am aware of the objection to this, that the office becoming more important may bring on serious discord in elections. In our country I think it will be long first; not within our day, we may safely trust to the wisdom of our successors the remedies of the evil to arise in theirs. Both experiments however are not fairly committed the result will be seen. Never was a finer convass presented to work on than our countrymen. All of them engaged in agriculture or the pursuits of honest industry independent in their circumstances, enlightened as to their rights firm in their habits of order obedience to the laws. This I hope will be the age of experiments in government, that their basis will be founded in principles of honesty, not of mere force. We have seen no instance of this since the days of the Roman republic, nor do we read of any before that. Either force or corruption has been the principle of every modern government, unless the Dutch perhaps be excepted, I am not well enough informed to accept them absolutely. If ever the morals of a people could be made the basis of their own government it is our case; who could propose to govern such a people by the corruption of a legislature, before he could have one night of quiet sleep must convince himself that the human soul as well as body is mortal. I am glad to see that whatever grounds of apprehension may have appeared of a wish to govern us otherwise than on principles of reason honesty, we are getting the better of them. I am sure from the honesty of your heart, you join me in detestation of the corruptions of the English government, that no man on earth is more incapable than yourself of seeing that copied among us, willingly. I have been among those who have feared the design to introduce it here, it has been a strong reason with me for wishing there was an ocean of fire between that island and us. But away politics.

I owe a letter to the Auditor on the subject of my accounts while a foreign minister, he informs me yours hang on the same difficulties with mine. Before the present government there was a usage either practised on or understood which regulated our charges. This government has directed the future by a law. But this is not retrospective, I cannot conceive why the treasury cannot settle accounts under the old Congress on the principles that body acted on. I shall very shortly write to Mr. Harrison on this subject if we cannot have it settled otherwise I suppose we must apply to the Legislature. In this I will act in concert with you if you approve of it. Present my very affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams be assured that no one more cordially esteems your virtues than, dear Sir, your sincere friend servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Mar. 2. 96
James Monroe
Monroe, James

TO JAMES MONROE MON. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I wrote you two letters in the course of the last twelve months to wit May 26. Sep. 6. 95. and have received from you those of Sep. 7. 94. June 23. 95. neither of which were late enough to inform me if either of mine had got to hand. In those I gave you all the details public private which my situation enabled me to do. In the last I asked the delivery of a note to Frouillé for some books, particularly the sequel of the Encyclopedia, come out since he last furnished me. I hope these have got to hand.

The most remarkable political occurrence with us has been the treaty with England, of which no man in the U S. has had the effrontery to affirm that it was not a very bad one except A. H. under the signature of Camillus. It’s most zealous defenders only pretended that it was better than war, as if war was not invited rather than avoided by unfounded demands. I have never known the public pulse beat so full and in such universal union on any subject since the declaration of Independance, the House of representatives of the U. S. has manifested its disapprobation of the treaty. We are yet to learn whether they will exercise their constitutional right of refusing the means which depend on them for carrying it into execution. Should they be induced to lend their hand to it it will be hard swallowing with their constituents, but will be swallowed from the habits of order obedience to the laws which so much distinguish our countrymen. The resignation or rather the removal of R. you will have learnt. His vindication bears hard on the executive in the opinions of this quarter, and tho’ it clears him in their judgment of the charge of bribery, it does not give them high ideas of his wisdom or steadiness. The appointment of J. Rutledge to be C. J. seems to have been intended merely to establish a precedent against the descent of that office by seniority, and to keep five mouths always gaping for one sugar plumb: for it was immediately negatived by the very votes which so implicitly concur with the will of the executive. I may consign the appointment of Chase to the bench to your own knolege of him reflections. McHenry secty. at war, Charles Lee Atty Genl, with Pickering Wolcott by their devotion to genuine republicanism will show to our citizens on what principles alone they can expect to rise. The office of Secy. of State was offered to P. H. in order to draw him over gain some popularity: but not till there was a moral certainty that he would not accept it. I presume you receive the newspapers, will have seen the amendments to the constitution proposed by the Virginia Assembly. Their reception by some of the other assemblies has been such as to call for the sacrifice of all feeling rather than ruffle the harmony so necessary to the common good. The finances are said to have been left by the late financier in the utmost derangement, and his tools are urging the funding the new debts they have contracted. Thus posterity is to be left to pay the ordinary expenses of our government in time of peace. As small news may escape the notice of your other correspondents, I shall give you what occurs to me. The James river canal is now conducted into the town of Richmond full toll is exacted. 30. Doll. a share more however are necessary to complete it. The Patowmac Norfolk canals are not in such forwardness. Mayo’ bridge, nearly destroyed by a flood, is reestablished. R. is settled again in Richmond in the business of the law.—Carter’s lands on the back of yours Mr Short’s have got into the hands of one of the sons, Ned, who is coming to live on them. The price of wheat is 13/ here the bushel, corn 20/ the barrel, and not to be had indeed at any price. I have been desirous of planting some fruit trees for you that they may be growing during your absence. But Mr Jones’s visits to the neighborhood have been so rare short that I have not had an opportunity of asking from him the inclosure allotment of the piece of ground which seems proper for it. The season is now passing. Do not fail to send over the Abricotpeche. Bartram would receive plant it, and then furnish new plants.—Deaths are Zane, Thos. Pleasants of 4. Mile Creek. Mr Pendleton is also said to be all but gone. A remarkable marriage is that of Capt Alcock with the widow of Dr. Walker. Your brother and family well. Derieux living in Goochland under great sufferance, and hoping a renovation of the aid promised from his aunt. My sincere affections to Mrs Monroe to yourself. Adieu.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Mar. 6, 96
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

I wrote you Feb 21, since which I have recd yours of the same day. Indeed, mine of that date related only to a single article in yours of Jan 31 Feb 7. I do not at all wonder at the condition in which the finances of the U S are found. Ham’s object from the beginning, was to throw them into forms which should be utterly undecypherable. I ever said he did not understand their condition himself, nor was able to give a clear view of the excess of our debts beyond our credits, nor whether we were diminishing or increasing the debt. My own opinion was, that from the commencemt of this government to the time I ceased to attend to the subject, we had been increasing our debt about a million of D. annually. If mr. Gallatin would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, present us with a clear view of our finances, put them into a form as simple as they will admit, he will merit immortal honor. The accounts of the U S ought to be, and may be made as simple as those of a common farmer, and capable of being understood by common farmers.

Disapproving, as I do, of the unjustifiable largess to the dau’r’s of the C de Grasse, I will certainly not propose to rivet it by a second example on behalf of M. de Chastellux’s son. It will only be done in the event of such a repetition of the precedent, as will give every one a right to share in the plunder. It is, indeed, surprising you have not yet received the British treaty in form. I presume you would never receive it were not your co-operation on it necessary. But this will oblige the formal notification of it to you.

I thank you for your information respecting Lownes. There is one article still necessary to be known from mr Howell. Lownes began with credit of 90. days from the time of the departure of the nailrod from Philadelphia (not his delivery of it to the vessel; for that makes a difference sometimes of many weeks) but he afterwards reduced it to 60. days. What would be mr. Howell’s credits? I know that credit in Virginia startle a merchant in Philadelphia; but I presume that mr. Howell could have confidence enough in me (tho not personally known to him) to make a trial, govern himself afterwards according to the result, to the punctuality with which he would receive his remittances. I wish to know this, tho I am not yet decided to drop Lownes, on account of his being a good man, I like much to be in the hands of good men. There is great pleasure in unlimited confidence. My consumption has now advanced from 3. to 4. tons a quarter. I call for a quarter’s supply at once, so that the last quarter’s supply is always paid for before the next is called for, or at the very time.—The Spanish treaty will have some disagreeable features, seeds of chicanery eternal broils, instead of peace friendship. At a period not long before that, they had been ready to sign one giving us vastly more than we had ever contemplated; particularly in our intercourse with their W. Indies.—I by no means think of declining the work we have spoken of. On the contrary, I wish with ardor to begin it, since the change of form into which I propose to put it: the first ideas had always oppressed me from a consciousness of my want both of talents materials to execute it. But it will be impossible for a year to come: and I am not certain whether, even after the present year, I shall not be obliged to put my farms under such direction as that I should be considered as not here as to them, while I should be here as to my papers.

My salutations to mrs. Madison, friendly esteem to mr. Giles, Page, c.

P. S. Have you considered all the consequences of your proposition respecting post roads? I view it as a source of boundless patronage to the executive, jobbing to members of Congress their friends, and a bottomless abyss of public money. You will begin by only appropriating the surplus of the post office revenues; but the other revenues will soon be called into their aid, and it will be a scene of eternal scramble among the members, who can get the most money wasted in their State; and they will always get most who are meanest. We have thought, hitherto, that the roads of a State could not be so well administered even by the State legislature as by the magistracy of the county, on the spot. What will it be when a member of N H is to mark out a road for Georgia? Does the power to establish post roads, given you by Congress, mean that you shall make the roads, or only select from those already made, those on which there shall be a post? If the term be equivocal, ( I really do not think it so,) which is the safest construction? That which permits a majority of Congress to go to cutting down mountains bridging of rivers, or the other, which if too restricted may refer it to the states for amendment, securing still due measure proportion among us, and providing some means of information to the members of Congress tantamount to that ocular inspection, which, even in our county determinations, the magistrate finds cannot be supplied by any other evidence? The fortification of harbors were liable to great objection. But national circumstances furnished some color. In this case there is none. The roads of America are the best in the world except those of France England. But does the state of our population, the extent of our internal commerce, the want of sea river navigation, call for such expense on roads here, or are our means adequate to it? Think of all this, and a great deal more which your good judgment will suggest, and pardon my freedom.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Mar 19, 96
Monticello
William B. Giles
Giles, William B.

TO WILLIAM B. GILES J. MSS.

I know not when I have received greater satisfaction than on reading the speech of Dr. Lieb, in the Pennsylvania Assembly. He calls himself a new member. I congratulate honest republicanism on such an acquisition, and promise myself much from a career which begins on such elevated ground. We are in suspense here to see the fate and effect of mr. Pitt’s bill against democratic societies. I wish extremely to get at the true history of this effort to suppress freedom of meeting, speaking, writing and printing. Your acquaintance with Sedgwick will enable you to do it. Pray get from him the outlines of the bill he intended to have brought in for this purpose. This will enable us to judge whether we have the merit of the invention; whether we were really beforehand with the British minister on this subject; whether he took his hint from our proposition, or whether the concurrence in the sentiment is merely the result of the general truth that great men will think alike and act alike, tho without intercommunication. I am serious in desiring extremely the outlines of the bill intended for us. From the debates on the subject of our seamen, I am afraid as much harm as good will be done by our endeavours to arm our seamen against impressments. It is proposed I observe to register them give them certificates of citizenship to protect them from foreign impressment. But these certificates will be lost in a thousand ways; a sailor will neglect to take his certificate; he is wet twenty times in a voyage; if he goes ashore without it, he is impressed; if with it, he gets drunk, it is lost, stolen from him, taken from him, and then the want of it gives authority to impress, which does not exist now. After ten years’ attention to the subject, I have never been able to devise anything effectual, but that the circumstance of an American bottom be made ipso facto, a protection for a number of seamen porportioned to her tonnage; to oblige American captains when called on by foreign officers, to parade the men on deck, which would show whether they exceeded their own quota, and allow the foreign officers to send 2. or 3. persons aboard and hunt for any suspected to be concealed. This, mr. Pinckney was instructed to insist upon with Great Britain; to accept of nothing short of it; and, most especially, not to agree that a certificate of citizenship should be requirable from our seamen; because it would be made a ground for the authorized impressment of them. I am still satisfied that such a protection will place them in a worse situation than they are at present. It is true, the British minister has not shown any disposition to accede to my proposition: but it was not totally rejected; and if he still refuses, lay a duty of 1 d. sterling a yard on British oznabrigs, to make a fund for paying the expenses of the agents you are obliged to employ to seek out our suffering seamen. I congratulate you on the arrival of mr. Ames the British treaty. The newspapers had said they would arrive together. We have had a fine winter. Wheat looks well. Corn is scarce and dear. 22/ here, 30/ in Amherst. Our blossoms are but just opening. I have begun the demolition of my house, and hope to get through its re-edification in the course of the summer. But do not let this discourage you from calling on us if you wander this way in the summer. We shall have the eye of a brick-kiln to poke you into, or an Octagon to air you in. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Mar. 21. 96
Monticello
James Monroe
Monroe, James

TO JAMES MONROE MON. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I wrote you on the 2 d inst. and now take the liberty of troubling you in order to have the inclosed letter to Mr Gautier safely handed to him. I will thank you for information that it gets safely to hand, as it is of considerable importance to him, to the U S. to the state of Virginia, to myself, by conveying to him the final arrangement of the accounts of Grand Co. with all those parties.

Mr Jones happened fortunately to come into our neighborhood a few days after the date of my last, and ordered the proper ground to be inclosed reserved for trees for you. My gardener is this day gone to plant such as we had, which will serve for a beginning. We shall engraft more for you this spring plant them the next.

The British treaty has been formally at length laid before Congress. All America is a tip-toe to see what the H. of Representatives will decide on it. We conceive the constitutional doctrine to be that tho’ the P. Senate have the general power of making treaties yet whenever they include in a treaty matters confided by the constitution to the three branches of legislature, an act of legislation will be requisite to confirm these articles, and that the H. of Repr. as one branch of the legislature are perfectly free to pass the act or to refuse it, governing themselves by their own judgment whether it is for the good of their constituents to let the treaty go into effect or not. On the precedent now to be set will depend the future construction of our constitution, and whether the powers of legislation shall be transferred from the P. Senate H. of R. to the P. Senate Piarningo or any other Indian, Algerine or other chief. It is fortunate that the first decision is to be in a case so palpably atrocious as to have been predetermined by all America.—The appointm te. of Elsworth C. J. and Chace one of the judges is doubtless communicated to you. My friendly respects to mrs Monroe. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Mar. 27, 96
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Yours of the 13th is received. I am enchanted with mr. Gallatin’s speech in Bache’s paper of Mar. 14. It is worthy of being printed at the end of the Federalist, as the only rational commentary on the part of the constitution to which it relates. Not that there may not be objections, and difficult ones, to it, and which I shall be glad to see his answers to; but if they are never answered, they are more easily to be gulped down than those which lie to the doctrines of his opponents, which do in fact annihilate the whole of the powers given by the constitution to the legislature. According to the rule established by usage common sense, of construing one part of the instrument by another, the objects on which the P S may exclusively act by treaty are much reduced, but the field on which they may act with the sanction of the legislature, is large enough; and I see no harm in rendering their sanction necessary, and not much harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making power, except as to making peace. If you decide in favor of your right to refuse co-operation in any case of treaty, I should wonder on what occasion it is to be used, if not on one where the rights, the interest, the honor faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed; where a faction has entered into a conspiracy with the enemies of their country to chain down the legislature at the feet of both; where the whole mass of your constituents have condemned this work in the most unequivocal manner, and are looking to you as their last hope to save them from the effects of the avarice corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary machinations of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence of the only honest man who has assented to it. I wish that his honesty and his political errors may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim, “curse on his virtues, the ’ve undone his country.”—Cold weather, mercury at 26. in the morning. Corn fallen at Richmond to 20/—stationary here; Nicholas sure of his election; R. Jouett and Jo. Monroe in competition for the other vote of the county. Affections to mrs. M. and yourself. Adieu.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Apr. 17, 1796
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,

Yours of the 4th came to hand the day before yesterday. I have turned to the Conventional history, and enclose you an exact copy of what is there on the subject you mentioned. I have also turned to my own papers, send you some things extracted from them, which shew that the recollection of the P has not been accurate when he supposed his own opinion to have been uniformly that declared in his answer of Mar 30. The records of the Senate will vouch for this. * * *

Extract, verbatim, from last page but one the last page.

“Mr. King suggested that the journals of the Convention should be either destroyed, or deposited in the custody of the President. He thought, if suffered to be made public, a bad use would be made of them by those who would wish to prevent the adoption of the constitution.

“Mr. Wilson preferred the 2d expedient. He had at one time liked the first best; but as false suggestions may be propagated, it should not be made impossible to contradict them.

“A question was then put on depositing the journals other papers of the Convention in the hands of the President, on which N H, ay, M, ay, Ct, ay, N J, ay, Penna, ay, Del, ay, Md, no, Virga, ay, N C, ay, S C, ay, Georgia, ay. This negative of Maryland was occasioned by the language of the instructions to the Deputies of that state, which required them to report to the state the proceedings of the Convention.

“The President having asked what the Convention meant should be done with the journals, c., whether copies were to be allowed to the members, if applied for, it was resolved nem. con. ‘that he retain the journals other papers subject to the order of the Congress, if ever formed under the Constitution.’

“The members then proceeded to sign the instrument, c.”

“In the Senate, Feb 1, 1791.

“The commee, to whom was referred that part of the speech of the Prt of the U S, at the opening of the session, which relates to the commerce of the Mediterranean, also the letter from the Secy of state, dated 20 Jan, 1791, with the papers accompanying the same, reported: whereupon,

Resolved, that the Senate do advise consent, that the Pr of the U S take such measures as he may think necessary for the redemption of the citizens of the U S, now in captivity at Algiers, provided the expense shall not exceed 40,000. Dolls, also, that measures be taken to confirm the treaty now existing between the U S and the Emperor of Morocco.”

The above is a copy of a resoln of Senate, referred to me by the Pt, to prepare an answer to, and I find immediately following this, among my papers, a press copy, from an original written fairly in my own hand, ready for the P’s signature, to be given in to the Senate, the following answer:

“Gent of the Senate,—

“I will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens in captivity at Algiers, in conformity with your resoln of advice of the 1st inst, so soon as the moneys necessary shall be appropriated by the Legislature, shall be in readiness.

“The recognition of our treaty with the new Emperor of Morocco requires also previous appropriation provision. The importance of this last to the liberty property of our citizens, induces me to urge it on your earliest attention.”

Tho’ I have no memm. of the delivery of this to the Senate, yet I have not the least doubt it was given in to them, will be found among their records.

I find among my press copies, the following in my hand writing:

“The committee to report, that the President does not think that circumstances will justify, in the present instance, his entering into absolute engagements for the ransom of our captives in Algiers, nor calling for money from the treasury, nor raising it by loan, without previous authority from both branches of the legislature.”

“Apr 9, 1792.”

I do not recollect the occasion of the above paper with certainty; but I think there was a comme appointed by the Senate to confer with the P on the subject of the ransom, and to advise what is there declined, and that a member of the commee advising privately with me as to the report they were to make to the House, I minuted down the above, as the substance of what I conceived to be the proper report, after what had passed with the Prt, and gave the original to the member, preserving the press copy. I think the member was either mr. Izard or mr. Butler, and have no doubt such a report will be found on the files of the Senate.

On the 8th of May following, in consequence of questions proposed by the Prt to the Senate, they came to a resolution, on which a mission was founded. * * *

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Apr. 24, 1796
Monticello
Phillip Mazzei
Mazzei, Phillip

TO PHILLIP MAZZEI J. MSS.

My Dear Friend,

Your letter of Oct. 26. 1795. is just received and gives me the first information that the bills forwarded for you to V. S. H. of Amsterdam on V. Anderson for £39-17-10½ on George Barclay for £70-8-6 both of London have been protested. I immediately write to the drawers to secure the money if still unpaid. I wonder I have never had a letter from our friends of Amsterdam on that subject as well as acknoleging the subsequent remittances. Of these I have apprised you by triplicates, but for fear of miscarriage will just mention that on Sep. 8. I forwarded them Hodgden’s bill on Robinson Saunderson Rumney of Whitehaven for £300. and Jan. 31. that of the same on the same for £137-16-6 both received from mr. Blair for your stock sold out. I have now the pleasure to inform you that Dohrman has settled his account with you, has allowed the New York damage of 20. per cent for the protest, the New York interest of 7. per cent. and after deducting the partial payments for which he held receipts the balance was three thousand eighty-seven dollars which sum he has paid into mr. Madison’s hands as he (mr. Madison) is now in Philadelphia, I have desired him to invest the money in good bills on Amsterdam remit them to the V. Staphorsts H. whom I consider as possessing your confidence as they do mine beyond any house in London. The pyracies of that nation lately extended from the sea to the debts due from them to other nations renders theirs an unsafe medium to do business through. I hope these remittances will place you at your ease I will endeavor to execute your wishes as to the settlement of the other small matters you mention: tho’ from them I expect little. E. R. 1 is bankrupt, or tantamount to it. Our friend M. P. 2 is embarrassed, having lately sold the fine lands he lives on, being superlatively just honorable I expect we may get whatever may be in his hands. Lomax is under greater difficulties with less means, so that I apprehend you have little more to expect from this country except the balance which will remain for Colle after deducting the little matter due to me, what will be recovered by Anthony. This will be decided this summer.

I have written to you by triplicates with every remittance I sent to the V. S. H. always recapitulated in each letter the objects of the preceding ones. I enclosed in two of them some seeds of the squash as you desired. Send me in return some seeds of the winter vetch, I mean that kind which is sewn in autumn stands thro the cold of winter, furnishing a crop of green fodder in March. Put a few seeds in every letter you may write to me. In England only the spring vetch can be had. Pray fail not in this. I have it greatly at heart. 1

The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left us. In place of that noble love of liberty, republican government which carried us triumphantly thro’ the war, an Anglican monarchical, aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over us the substance, as they have already done the forms, of the British government. The main body of our citizens, however, remain true to their republican principles; the whole landed interest is republican, and so is a great mass of talents. Against us are the Executive, the Judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, British merchants Americans trading on British capitals, speculators holders in the banks public funds, a contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, for assimilating us in all things to the rotten as well as the sound parts of the British model. It would give you a fever were I to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men who were Samsons in the field Solomons in the council, but who have had their heads shorn by the harlot England. In short, we are likely to preserve the liberty we have obtained only by unremitting labors perils. But we shall preserve them; and our mass of weight wealth on the good side is so great, as to leave no danger that force will ever be attempted against us. We have only to awake and snap the Lilliputian cords with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which succeeded our labors. I will forward the testimonial of the death of mrs. Mazzei, which I can do the more incontrovertibly as she is buried in my grave yard, and I pass her grave daily. The formalities of the proof you require, will occasion delay. John Page his son Mann are well. The father remarried to a lady from N. York. Beverley Randolph e la sua consorte living well. Their only child married to the 2d of T. M. Randolph. The eldest son you know married my eldest daughter, is an able learned worthy character, but kept down by ill health. They have two children still live with me. My younger daughter well. Colo. Innis is well, a true republican still as are all those before named. Colo. Monroe is our M. P. at Paris a most worthy patriot honest man. These are the persons you inquire after. I begin to feel the effects of age. My health has suddenly broke down, with symptoms which give me to believe I shall not have much to encounter of the tedium vitæ. While it remains, however, my heart will be warm in it’s friendships, and among these, will always foster the affection with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas

CONTRACT J. MSS.

This indenture made on the 12th day of May, 1796, between Thomas Jefferson of Virginia of the one part and Nicholas and Jacob Vanstaphorst and Hubbard of Amsterdam, bankers, of the other part, witnesseth that whereas the sd Thomas is indebted to them in the two sums of one thousand and four dollars fifty-four cents, and eight hundred and eighty-eight dollars sixty seven cents, making together eighteen hundred ninety three dollars twenty one cents for so much paid for him by them to the United States, for the purpose of securing the said whole sum last mentioned, to them, and in consideration that they will forbear to demand by process in law one third of the sd sum interest till July 1797, one other third interest till July 1798. and one other third interest till July 1799. And for the further considn. of five shillings to him by them paid he the sd Thomas hath given granted conveyed to the sd Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst Hubbard the following slaves, to wit, Ned and Jenny his wife Ned, Fanny, Dick, Gill Scilla their children, Rachel Nancy Abraham her children, old Betty and Val. residing at the lands of the sd Thomas in Albermarle called Tufton, and Bagwell Minerva his wife and Ursulla, and Mary and Virginia their children residing on his lands in Albermarle called Lago, in all seventeen, to have to hold the sd slaves to the sd Nicholas Jacob Van Staphorst Hubbard their heirs exrs. admrs. Provided that if the sd Thomas shall pay to the sd. Nicholas Jacob Van Staphorst Hubbard one third of the sd debt interest before July, 1797. one other third before July 1798. and one-third before July 1799. or if they should demand in law earlier paiment then these presents to be void. In witness whereof the sd Thomas hath set his hand and seal the day and year first above written.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
June 12, 1796
James Monroe
Monroe, James

TO JAMES MONROE MON. MSS.

The dreadful misfortune of poor Derieux, who has lost his house all it’s contents by fire occasions the present letter to cover one from him to his aunt. I send it open for your perusal. Be so good as to seal send it. I hope she will, if she has not done it already, send him some relief.

I received only 3. weeks ago your favor of Nov. 18. It has been 5. months on it’s way to me. The reason for engaging laborers to prepare for your buildings was then over. They are to be got only about the new year’s day. To this is added that the plan you promised to send me is not come. It is perhaps not unfortunate that nothing was begun this year. Corn @ 25/ to 30/ a barrel would have rendered building this year extremely dear. It does so to me who had engaged in it before that circumstance was foreseen. If your plan arrives, I will consult with Mr. Jones, and according to the result of our Consultation make preparations in the winter for the next year’s work.

Congress has risen. You will have seen by their proceedings the truth of what I always observed to you, that one man outweighs them all in influence over the people who have supported his judgment against their own that of their representatives. Republicanism must lie on it’s oars, resign the vessel to it’s pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks best for them.—I had always conjectured, from such facts as I could get hold of, that our public debt was increasing about a million of dollars a year. You will see by Gallatin’s speeches that the thing is proved. You will see further that we are compleatly saddled bridled, that the bank is so firmly mounted on us that we must go where they will guide. They openly publish a resolution that the national property being increased in value they must by an increase of circulating medium furnish an adequate representation of it, and by further additions of active capital promote the enterprises of our merchants. It is supposed that the paper in circulation in and around Philadelphia amounts to 20. millions of Doll. and that in the whole union to 100. millions. I think the last too high. All the imported commodities are raised about 50 per cent. by the depreciation of the money. Tob o shares the rise because it has no competition abroad. Wheat has been extravagantly high from other causes. When these cease, it must fall to it’s antient nominal price notwithstanding the depreciation of that, because it must contend at market with foreign wheats. Lands have risen within the notice of the papers, and as far out as that can influence. They are not risen at all here. On the contrary they are lower than they were 20. years ago. Those I had mentioned to you, to wit, Carter’s Colle were sold before your letter came. Colle @ two dollars the acre. Carter’s had been offered me for two French crowns (13/2). Mechanics here get from a dollar to a dollar a half a day, yet are much worse of than at old prices.—Volney is with me at present. He is on his way to the Illinois. Some late appointments judiciary diplomatic you will have heard and stared at. The death of R. Jouett is the only small news in our neighborhood. Our best affections attend Mrs. Monroe, Eliza yourself.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
June 19, 1796
Monticello
George Washington
Washington, George

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

In Bache’s Aurora, of the 9th inst which came here by the last post, a paper appears, which, having been confided, as I presume, to but few hands, makes it truly wonderful how it should have got there. I cannot be satisfied as to my own part, till I relieve my mind by declaring, and I attest everything sacred honorable to the declaration, that it has got there neither thro’ me nor the paper confided to me. This has never been from under my own lock key, or out of my own hands. No mortal ever knew from me, that these questions had been proposed. Perhaps I ought to except one person, who possesses all my confidence, as he has possessed yours. I do not remember, indeed, that I communicated it even to him. But as I was in the habit of unlimited trust council with him, it is possible I may have read it to him; no more: for the quire of which it makes a part was never in any hand but my own, nor was a word ever copied or taken down from it, by any body. I take on myself, without fear, any divulgation on his part. We both know him incapable of it. From myself, then, or my paper, this publication has never been derived. I have formerly mentioned to you, that from a very early period of my life, I had laid it down as a rule of conduct, never to write a word for the public papers. From this, I have never departed in a single instance; on a late occasion, when all the world seemed to be writing, besides a rigid adherence to my own rule, I can say with truth, that not a line for the press was ever communicated to me, by any other, except a single petition referred for my correction; which I did not correct, however, though the contrary, as I have heard, was said in a public place, by one person through error, thro’ malice by another. I learn that this last has thought it worth his while to try to sow tares between you me, by representing me as still engaged in the bustle of politics, in turbulence intrigue against the government. I never believed for a moment that this could make any impression on you, or that your knowledge of me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer, dirtily employed in sifting the conversations of my table, where alone he could hear of me; and seeking to atone for his sins against you by sins against another, who had never done him any other injury than that of declining his confidences. Political conversations I really dislike, therefore avoid where I can without affectation. But when urged by others, I have never conceived that having been in public life requires me to belie my sentiments, or even to conceal them. When I am led by conversation to express them, I do it with the same independence here which I have practiced everywhere, and which is inseparable from my nature. But enough of this miserable tergiversator, who ought indeed either to have been of more truth, or less trusted by his country. 1

While on the subject of papers, permit me to ask one from you. You remember the difference of opinion between Hamilton Knox on the one part, myself on the other, on the subject of firing on the little Sarah, and that we had exchanged opinions reasons in writing. On your arrival in Philadelphia I delivered you a copy of my reasons, in the presence of Colo. Hamilton. On our withdrawing he told me he had been so much engaged that he had not been able to prepare a copy of his General Knox’s for you, and that if I would send you the one he had given me, he would replace it in a few days. I immediately sent it to you, wishing you should see both sides of the subject together. I often after applied to both the gentlemen but could never obtain another copy. I have often thought of asking this one, or a copy of it, back from you, but have not before written on subjects of this kind to you. Tho I do not know that it will ever be of the least importance to me, yet one loves to possess arms, tho they hope never to have occasion for them. They possess my paper in my own handwriting. It is just I should possess theirs. The only thing amiss is, that they should have left me to seek a return of the paper, or a copy of it, from you.

I put away this disgusting dish of old fragments, talk to you of my peas clover. As to the latter article, I have great encouragement from the friendly nature of our soil. I think I have had, both the last present year, as good clover from common grounds, which had brought several crops of wheat corn without ever having been manured, as I ever saw on the lots around Philadelphia. I verily believe that a yield of 34. acres, sowed on wheat April was twelvemonth, has given me a ton to the acre at it’s first cutting this spring. The stalks extended, measured 3½ feet long very commonly. Another field, a year older, which yielded as well the last year, has sensibly fallen off this year. My exhausted fields bring a clover not high enough for hay, but I hope to make seed from it. Such as these, however, I shall hereafter put into peas in the broadcast, proposing that one of my sowings of wheat shall be after two years of clover, the other after 2. years of peas. I am trying the white boiling pea of Europe (the Albany pea) this year, till I can get the hog pea of England, which is the most productive of all. But the true winter vetch is what we want extremely. I have tried this year the Caroline drill. It is absolutely perfect. Nothing can be more simple, nor perform it’s office more perfectly for a single row. I shall try to make one to sow four rows at a time of wheat or peas, at 12. inches distance. I have one of the Scotch threshing machines nearly finished. It is copied exactly from a model mr. Pinckney sent me, only that I have put the whole works (except the horse wheel) into a single frame, movable from one field to another on the two axles of a wagon. It will be ready in time for the harvest which is coming on, which will give it a full trial. Our wheat and rye are generally fine, and the prices talked of bid fair to indemnify us for the poor crops of the two last years.

I take the liberty of putting under your cover a letter to the son of the M. de la Fayette, not exactly, knowing where to direct to him.

With very affectionate compliments to mrs. Washington, I have the honor to be, with great sincere esteem respect, Dear Sir, your most obedient most humble servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
July 3, 1796
Monticello
Jonathan Williams
Williams, Jonathan

TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I take shame to myself for having so long left unanswered your valuable favor on the subject of the mountains. But in truth, I am become lazy to everything except agriculture. The preparations for harvest, and the length of the harvest itself, which is not yet finished, would have excused the delay however, at all times under all dispositions. I examined, with great satisfaction, your barometrical estimate of the heights of our mountains; and with the more, as they corroborated conjectures on this subject which I had made before. My estimates had made them a little higher than yours (I speak of the blue ridge). Measuring with a very nice instrument the angle subtended vertically by the highest mountain of the Blue ridge opposite to my own house, a distance of about 18. miles southwestward, I made the highest about 2000. f. as well as I remember, for I can no longer find the notes I made. You make the south side of the mountain near Rockfish gap, 1722. f. above Woods’. You make the other side of the mountain 767 f. Mr. Thomas Lewis dec’d, an accurate man, with a good quadrant, made the north side of the highest mountain opposite my house something more (I think) than 1000. f.; but the mountain estimated by him myself is probably higher than that next Rockfish gap. I do not remember from what principles I estimated the peaks of Otter at 4000. f.; but some late observations of Judge Tucker’s coincided very nearly with my estimate. Your measures confirm another opinion of mine, that the blue ridge, on it’s south side, is the highest ridge in our country compared with it’s base. I think your observations on these mountains well worthy of being published, and hope you will not scruple to let them be communicated to the world.—You wish me to present to the Philosophical society the result of my philosophical researches since my retirement. But, my good Sir, I have made researches into nothing but what is connected with agriculture. In this way, I have a little matter to communicate, and will do it ere long. It is the form of a mould-board of least resistance. I had some years ago conceived the principles of it, and I explained them to mr. Rittenhouse. I have since reduced the thing to practice, and have reason to believe the theory fully confirmed. I only wish for one of those instruments used in England for measuring the force exerted in the draughts of different ploughs, c., that I might compare the resistance of my mould-board with that of others. But these instruments are not to be had here. In a letter of this date to mr. Rittenhouse, I mention a discovery in animal history, very signal indeed, of which I shall lay before the society the best account I can, as soon as I shall have received some other materials which are collecting for me.

I have seen, with extreme indignation, the blasphemies lately vended against the memory of the father of American philosophy. But his memory will be preserved and venerated as long as the thunders of heaven shall be heard or feared.

With good wishes to all of his family, and sentiments of great respect esteem for yourself, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
July 10. 96
James Monroe
Monroe, James

TO JAMES MONROE MON. MSS.

Dear Sir,

Your brother received a letter from you a few days since in which he says you mention having received but two from me since you left us. I have not been a very troublesome correspondent to you, I acknoledge, but have written letters of the following dates to you, to wit 1794. Mar. 11. Apr. 24.—1795. May 26. Sep. 6.—1796 June 12. In this last I acknoleged the receipt of yours of Nov. 18. and mentioned that your plan was not yet come to hand, which with the difficulty expence of getting laborers at this season would prevent beginning your works till the new year. I have been in daily expectation of hearing of the arrival of Mr. Short, having no news from him since his leaving Madrid for Paris. I am often asked when you will return. My answer is when Eliza is 14. years old. Longer than that you will be too wise to stay. Till then I presume you will retain a post which the public good requires to be filled by a republican. I put under your cover some letters from M. de Liancourt. I wish the present government would permit his return. He is an honest man, sincerely attached to his Country, zealous against its enemies, and very desirous of being permitted to live retired in the bosom of his family. My sincere affection for his connections at Rocheguyon, and most especially for Madame D’anville would render it a peculiar felicity to me to be any ways instrumental in having him restored to them. I have no means however unless you can interpose without giving offence. If you can, I should be much pleased. The Campaign of Congress is closed, tho’ the Anglomen have in the end got their treaty through, and so far have triumphed over the cause of republicanism. Yet it has been to them a dear bought victory. It has given the most radical shock to their party which it has ever received: and there is no doubt they would be glad to be replaced on the ground they possessed the instant before Jay’s nomination extraordinary. They see that nothing can support them but the Colossus of the President’s merits with the people, and the moment he retires, that his successor, if a Monocrat, will be overborne by the republican sense of his Constituents, if a republican he will of course give fair play to that sense, and lead things into the channel of harmony between the governors governed. In the mean time, patience.—Among your neighbors there is nothing new. Mr. Rittenhouse is lately dead. Governor Brook has lost his lady. We have had the finest harvest ever known in this part of the country. Both the quantity quality of our wheat are extraordinary. We got 15/ a bushel for the last crop, hope two thirds of that at least for the present one.—Most assiduous court is paid to P. H. He has been offered every thing which they knew he would not accept. Some impression is thought to be made, but we do not believe it is radical. If they thought they could count on him they would run him for V. P. their first object being to produce a schism in this state.

As it is they will run Mr. Pinckney, in which they regard his southern position rather than his principles. Mr. J. and his advocate Camillus are compleatly treaty-foundered. We all join in love to Mrs. Monroe Elvie, and accept for yourself assurances of sincere affectionate friendship. Adieu.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Nov. 10, 1796
Monticello
Colonel John Stuart
Stuart, Colonel John

TO COLONEL JOHN STUART J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I have to acknolege the receipt of your last favor, together with the bones of the Great-claw, which accompanied it. My anxiety to obtain a thigh bone is such, that I defer communicating what we have to the Philosophical society, in the hope of adding that bone to the collection. We should then be able to fix the stature of the animal, without going into conjecture calculation, as we should possess a whole limb, from the haunch bone to the claw inclusive. Whenever you announce to me that the recovery of a thigh bone is desperate, I shall make the communication to the Philosophical society. I think it happy that this incident will make known to them a person so worthy as yourself to be taken into their body, and without whose attention to these extraordinary remains, the world might have been deprived of the knowledge of them. I cannot, however, help believing that this animal, as well as the mammoth, are still existing. The annihilation of any species of existence, is so unexampled in any parts of the economy of nature which we see, that we have a right to conclude, as to the parts we do not see, that the probabilities against such annihilation are stronger than those for it. In hopes of hearing from you, as soon as you can form a conclusion satisfactory to yourself, that the thigh bone will or will not be recovered, I remain, with great respect esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Dec. 17, 1796
Monticello
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Your favor of the 5th came to hand last night. The first wish of my heart was, that you should have been proposed for the administration of the government. On your declining it, I wish any body rather than myself; and there is nothing I so anxiously hope, as that my name may come out either second or third. These would be indifferent to me; as the last would leave me at home the whole year, the other two-thirds of it. I have no expectation that the Eastern states will suffer themselves to be so much outwitted, as to be made the tools for bringing in P. instead of A. I presume they will throw away their second vote. In this case, it begins to appear possible, that there may be an equal division where I had supposed the republican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also possible, that the Representatives may be divided. This is a difficulty from which the constitution has provided no issue. It is both my duty inclination, therefore, to relieve the embarrassment, should it happen; and in that case, I pray you and authorize you fully, to solicit on my behalf that mr. Adams may be preferred. He has always been my senior, from the commencement of my public life, and the expression of the public will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference. And when so many motives will be operating to induce some of the members to change their vote, the addition of my wish may have some effect to preponderate the scale. I am really anxious to see the speech. It must exhibit a very different picture of our foreign affairs from that presented in the adieu, or it will little correspond with my views of them. I think they never wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 83. Let those come to the helm who think they can steer clear of the difficulties. I have no confidence in myself for the undertaking.

We have had the severest weather ever known in November. The thermometer was at 12° here in Goochland, I suppose generally. It arrested my buildings very suddenly, when eight days more would have completed my walls, permitted us to cover in. The drought is excessive. From the middle of October to the middle of December, not rain enough to lay the dust. A few days ago there fell a small rain, but the succeeding cold has probably prevented it from sprouting the grain sown during the drought.

Present me in friendly terms to Messrs. Giles, Venable, Page. Adieu affectionately.

P. S. I enclose a letter for Volney because I do not know where to address to him.

Pray send me Gallatin’s view of the finances of the U. S. and Paine’s lre to the President if within the compass of a conveyance by post.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Dec. 27, 1796
Monticello
Edward Rutledge
Rutledge, Edward

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE J. MSS.

My Dear Sir,

* * * You have seen my name lately tacked to so much of eulogy of abuse, that I dare say you hardly thought it meant your old acquaintance of ’76. In truth, I did not know myself under the pens either of my friends or foes. It is unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse wounds, while unmerited praise has not the power to heal. These are hard wages for the services of all the active healthy years of one’s life. I had retired after five twenty years of constant occupation in public affairs, and total abandonment of my own. I retired much poorer than when I entered the public service, and desired nothing but rest oblivion. My name, however, was again brought forward, without concert or expectation on my part; (on my salvation I declare it.) I do not as yet know the result, as a matter of fact; for in my retired canton we have nothing later from Philadelphia than of the 2d week of this month. Yet I have never one moment doubted the result. I knew it was impossible mr. Adams should lose a vote North of the Delaware, and that the free and moral agency of the South would furnish him an abundant supplement. On principles of public respect I should not have refused; but I protest before my god, that I shall, from the bottom of my heart, rejoice at escaping. I know well that no man will ever bring out of that office the reputation which carries him into it. The honey moon would be as short in that case as in any other, its moments of extasy would be ransomed by years of torment hatred. I shall highly value, indeed, the share which I may have had in the late vote, as an evidence of the share I hold in the esteem of my countrymen. But in this point of view, a few votes more or less will be little sensible, and in every other, the minor will be preferred by me to the major vote. I have no ambition to govern men; no passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm. Flumina amo, sylvasque, inglorius. My attachment to my home has enabled me to make the calculation with rigor, perhaps with partiality, to the issue which keeps me there. The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, peas, c., in hills or drills as I please (and my oranges, by-the-bye, when you send them), while our Eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is gathering over us; perhaps be shipwrecked in it. This is certainly not a moment to covet the helm.

I have often doubted whether most to praise or to blame your line of conduct. If you had lent to your country the excellent talents you possess, on you would have fallen those torrents of abuse which have lately been poured forth on me. So far, I praise the wisdom which has descried steered clear of a water-spout ahead. But now for the blame. There is a debt of service due from every man to his country, proportioned to the bounties which nature fortune have measured to him. Counters will pay this from the poor of spirit; but from you, my friend, coin was due. There is no bankrupt law in heaven, by which you may get off with shillings in the pound; with rendering to a single State what you owed to the whole confederacy. I think it was by the Roman law that a father was denied sepulture, unless his son would pay his debts. Happy for you us, that you have a son whom genius education have qualified to pay yours. But as you have been a good father in everything else, be so in this also. Come forward pay your own debts. Your friends, the mr. Pinckneys, have at length undertaken their tour. My joy at this would be complete if you were in gear with them. I love to see honest and honorable men at the helm, men who will not bend their politics to their purses, nor pursue measures by which they may profit, then profit by their measures. Au diable les Bougres! I am at the end of my curse and bottom of my page, so God bless you and yours. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Dec. 28, 1796
Monticello
John Adams
Adams, John

TO JOHN ADAMS 1

Dear Sir,

The public the papers have been much occupied lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other. I trust with confidence that less of it has been felt by ourselves personally. In the retired canton where I am, I learn little of what is passing: pamphlets I see never: papers but a few; and the fewer the happier. Our latest intelligence from Philadelphia at present is of the 16th inst. but tho’ at that date your election to the first magistracy seems not to have been known as a fact, yet with me it has never been doubted. I knew it impossible you should lose a vote north of the Delaware, and even if that of Pennsylvania should be against you in the mass, yet that you would get enough South of that to place your succession out of danger. I have never one single moment expected a different issue; tho’ I know I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true that I have never wished it. My neighbors as my compurgators could aver that fact, because they see my occupations my attachment to them. Indeed it is impossible that you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch-friend of New York who has been able to make of your real friends tools to defeat their and your just wishes. Most probably he will be disappointed as to you; and my inclinations place me out of his reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep and a warm birth below, with the society of neighbors, friends fellow-laborers of the earth, than of spies sycophants. No one then will congratulate you with purer disinterestedness than myself. The share indeed which I may have had in the late vote, I shall still value highly, as an evidence of the share I have in the esteem of my fellow citizens. But while in this point of view, a few votes less would be little sensible, the difference in the effect of a few more would be very sensible and oppressive to me. I have no ambition to govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. Since the day too on which you signed the treaty of Paris our horizon was never so overcast. I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for us this war by which our agriculture, commerce credit will be destroyed. If you are, the glory will be all your own; and that your administration may be filled with glory, and happiness to yourself and advantage to us is the sincere wish of one who tho’ in the course of our own voyage thro’ life, various little incidents have happened or been contrived to separate us, retains still for you the solid esteem of the moments when we were working for our independence, and sentiments of respect affectionate attachment. 1

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 1. 97
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Yours of Dec. 19. has come safely. The event of the election has never been a matter of doubt in my mind. I knew that the Eastern states were disciplined in the schools of their town meetings to sacrifice differences of opinion to the great object of operating in phalanx, that the more free moral agency practiced in the other states would always make up the supplement of their weight. Indeed the vote comes much nearer an equality than I had expected. I know the difficulty of obtaining belief to one’s declarations of a disinclination to honors, that it is greatest with those who still remain in the world. But no arguments were wanting to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office or acquiescence under the second. As to the first it was impossible that a more solid unwillingness settled on full calculation, could have existed in any man’s mind, short of the degree of absolute refusal. The only view on which I would have gone into it for awhile was to put our vessel on her republican tack before she should be thrown too much to leeward of her true principles. As to the second, it is the only office in the world about which I am unable to decide in my own mind whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate; for I think with the Romans that the general of today should be a soldier tomorrow if necessary. I can particularly have no feelings which would revolt at a secondary position to mr. Adams. I am his junior in life, was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, his junior lately in the civil government. Before the receipt of your letter I had written the enclosed one to him. I had intended it some time, but had deferred it from time to time under the discouragement of a despair of making him believe I could be sincere in it. The papers by the last post not rendering it necessary to change anything in the letter I enclose it open for your perusal, not only that you may possess the actual state of dispositions between us, but that if anything should render the delivery of it ineligible in your opinion, you may return it to me. If mr. Adams can be induced to administer the government on it’s true principles, to relinquish his bias to an English constitution, it is to be considered whether it would not be on the whole for the public good to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is perhaps the only sure barrier against Hamilton’s getting in.

Since my last I have received a packet of books pamphlets, the choiceness of which testifies that they come from you. The incidents of Hamilton’s insurrection is a curious work indeed. The hero of it exhibits himself in all the attitudes of a dexterous balance master.

The Political progress is a work of value of a singular complexion. The eye of the author seems to be a natural achromatic, which divests every object of the glare of colour. The preceding work under the same title had the same merit. One is disgusted indeed with the ulcerated state which it presents of the human mind: but to cure an ulcer we must go to its bottom: no writer has ever done this more radically than this one. The reflections into which he leads one are not flattering to our species. In truth I do not recollect in all the animal kingdom a single species but man which is eternally systematically engaged in the destruction of its own species. What is called civilization seems to have no other effect on him than to teach him to pursue the principle of bellum omnium in omnia on a larger scale, in place of the little contests of tribe against tribe, to engage all the quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction. When we add to this that as to the other species of animals, the lions tigers are mere lambs compared with man as a destroyer, we must conclude that it is in man alone that nature has been able to find a sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication of other animals of man himself, an equilibrating power against the fecundity of generation. My situation points my views chiefly to his wars in the physical world: yours perhaps exhibit him as equally warring in the moral one. We both, I believe, join in wishing to see him softened. Adieu. 1

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan 4, 1797
Monticello
Archibald Stuart
Stuart, Archibald

TO ARCHIBALD STUART 1

Dear Sir,

In answer to your favor of Dec. 31. to the question whether adviseable to address the President on the subject of war against France, I shall speak explicitly, because I know I may do it safely to you. Such is the popularity of the President that the people will support him in whatever he will do or will not do, without appealing to their own reason or to anything but their feelings toward him. His mind has been so long used to unlimited applause that it could not brook contradiction, or even advice offered unasked. To advise, when asked, he is very open. I have long thought therefore it was best for the republican interest to soothe him by flattering where they could approve his measures, to be silent where they disapprove, that they may not render him desperate as to their affections, entirely indifferent to their wishes, in short to lie on their oars while he remains at the helm, and let the bark drift as his will and a superintending providence shall direct. By his answer to the House of Representatives on the subject of the French war, also by private information, it seems he is earnest that the war should be avoided, to have the credit of leaving us in full peace. I think then it is best to leave him to his own movements, not to risk the ruffling them by what he might deem an improper interference with the constituted authorities. The rather too because we do not hear of any movement in any other quarter concurrent with what you suggest, because it would scarcely reach him before his departure from office. As to the President elect, there is reason to believe that he (Mr. Adams I mean) is detached from Hamilton, there is a possibility he may swerve from his politics in a greater or less degree. Should the British faction attempt to urge him to the war by addresses of support with life fortune, as may happen, it would then be adviseable to counteract their endeavors by dissuasive addresses. At this moment therefore, at our distance from the scene of information influence, I should think it most adviseable to be silent till we see what turn the new administration will take. At the same time I mix so little with the world, that my opinion merits less attention than anybody’s else, and ought not to be weighed against your own good judgment. If therefore I have given it freely, it is because you have desired it, not because I think it worth your notice.

My information from Philadelphia confirms the opinion I gave you as to the event of the election. Mr. Adams will have a majority of three votes with respect to myself, whether Mr. Pinckney will have a few more or less than him seems uncertain. The votes of N. H. R. I. and Vermont had not come in, nor those of Georgia the two Western states. You shall receive a gong by the first conveyance. It is but fair reciprocity to give me an opportunity of gratifying you sometimes, and to prove by accepting this, that my repeated intrusions on you have not been too troublesome. It is a great satisfaction to know that the object will be acceptable to you. With every wish for your happiness I am Dear Sir your affectionate friend servt.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 8 97
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Yours of Dec. 25 is safely received. I much fear the issue of the present dispositions of France Spain. Whether it be in war or in the suppression of our commerce it will be very distressing and our commerce seems to be already sufficiently distressed through the wrongs of the belligerent nations and our own follies. It was impossible the bank and paper-mania should not produce great extensive ruin. The President is fortunate to get off just as the bubble is bursting, leaving others to hold the bag. Yet, as his departure will mark the moment when the difficulties begin to work, you will see, that they will be ascribed to the new administration, and that he will have his usual good fortune of reaping credit from the good acts of others, and leaving to them that of his errors.—We apprehend our wheat is almost entirely killed: and many people are expecting to put something else in the ground. I have so little expectations from mine, that as much as I am an enemy to tobacco, I shall endeavor to make some for taxes and clothes. In the morning of the 23d of Dec. my thermometer was 5° below 0, the 24th it was at 0. The last day of Dec. we had a snow 1½ I. deep the 4th of this month one of 3. I. deep which is still on the ground. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 16. 97
Monticello
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,

The usual accidents of the winter, ice, floods, rains, have prevented the Orange post from coming to Charlottesville the last post-day, so that we have nothing from Philadelphia the last week. I see however by the Richmond papers a probability that the choice of V. P. has fallen on me. I have written the enclosed letter therefore to Mr. Tazewell as a private friend, have left it open for your perusal. It will explain its own object I pray you Mr. Tazewell to decide in your own discretion how it may best be used for its object, so as to avoid the imputation of an indecent forwardness in me.

I observe doubts are still expressed as to the validity of the Vermont election. Surely in so great a case, substance not form should prevail. I cannot suppose that the Vermont constitution has been strict in requiring particular forms of expressing the legislative will. As far as my disclaimer may have any effect, I pray you to declare it on every occasion foreseen or not foreseen by me, in favor of the choice of the people substantially expressed, to prevent the phænomenon of a Pseudo-president at so early a day. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan 16, 1797
Monticello
Henry Tazewell
Tazewell, Henry

TO HENRY TAZEWELL J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

As far as the public papers are to be credited, I may suppose that the choice of Vicepresident has fallen on me. On this hypothesis I trouble you, and only pray, if it be wrong, that you will consider this letter as not written. I believe it belongs to the Senate to notify the V P of his election. I recollect to have heard, that on the first election of President Vice President, gentlemen of considerable office were sent to notify the parties chosen. But this was the inauguration of our new government, ought not to be drawn into example. At the 2d election, both gentlemen were on the spot and needed no messengers. On the present occasion, the President will be on the spot, so that what is now to be done respects myself alone; and considering that the season of notification will always present one difficulty, that the distance in the present case adds a second, not inconsiderable, and may in future happen to be sometimes much more considerable, I hope the Senate will adopt that method of notification, which will always be least troublesome and most certain. The channel of the post is certainly the least troublesome, is the most rapid, , considering also that it may be sent by duplicates triplicates, is unquestionably the most certain. Inclosed to the postmaster at Charlottesville, with an order to send it by express, no hazard can endanger the notification. Apprehending, that should there be a difference of opinion on this subject in the Senate, my ideas of self-respect might be supposed by some to require something more formal inconvenient, I beg leave to avail myself of your friendship to declare, if a different proposition should make it necessary, that I consider the channel of the post-office as the most eligible in every respect, that it is to me the most desirable; which I take the liberty of expressing, not with a view of encroaching on the respect due to that discretion which the Senate have a right to exercise on the occasion, but to render them the more free in the exercise of it, by taking off whatsoever weight the supposition of a contrary desire in me might have in the mind of any member.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 22, 97
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Yours of the 8th came to hand yesterday. I was not aware of any necessity of going on to Philadelphia immediately, yet I had determined to do it, as a mark of respect to the public, and to do away the doubts which have spread, that I should consider the second office as beneath my acceptance. The journey, indeed, for the month of February, is a tremendous undertaking for me, who have not been seven miles from home since my re-settlement. I will see you about the rising of Congress; and presume I need not stay there a week. Your letters written before the 7th of Feb will still find me here. My letters inform me that mr. A speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concurrence with me. 1 I am glad of the first information, because tho I saw that our antient friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles of government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the administration, if by that he meant the executive cabinet, both duty inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the scenes of 93. revived as to myself, to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every conflict. As to duty, the constitution will know me only as the member of a legislative body; and it’s principle is, that of a separation of legislative, executive judiciary functions, except in cases specified. If this principle be not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the constitution, it ought to be so commented acted on by every friend of free government.

I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France. War with them, and consequence alliance with Great Britain, will completely compass the object of the Executive council, from the commencement of the war between France England; taken up by some of them from that moment, by others more latterly. I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I do not believe mr. A wishes war with France; nor do I believe he will truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front at once, and shews that he means to attend to self-respect national dignity with both the nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. I think we should begin first with those who first begin with us, and, by an example on them, acquire a right to re-demand the respect from which the other party has departed.—I suppose you are informed of the proceeding commenced by the legislature of Maryland, to claim the South branch of the Potomac as their boundary, and thus of Albemarle, now the central county of the state, to make a frontier. As it is impossible, upon any consistent principles, after such a length of undisturbed possession, that they can expect to establish their claim, it can be ascribed to no other than an intention to irritate divide; and there can be no doubt from what bow the shaft is shot. However, let us cultivate Pennsylvania, we need not fear the universe. The Assembly have named me among those who are to manage this controversy. But I am so averse to motion contest, and the other members are so fully equal to the business, that I cannot undertake to act in it. I wish you were added to them. Indeed, I wish hope you may consent to be added to our Assembly itself. There is no post where you can render greater services, without going out of your State. Let but this block stand firm on it’s basis, Pennsylvania do the same, our Union will be perpetual, our General Government kept within the bounds form of the constitution. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 22. 97
Monticello
George Wythe
Wythe, George

TO GEORGE WYTHE J. MSS.

It seems probable that I will be called on to preside in a legislative chamber. It is now so long since I have acted in the legislative line, that I am entirely rusty in the Parliamentary rules of procedure. I know they have been more studied and are better known by you than by any man in America, perhaps by any man living. I am in hopes that while inquiring into the subject you made notes on it. If any such remain in your hands, however informal, in books or in scraps of paper, and you will be so good as to trust me with them for a little while, they shall be most faithfully returned. If they lie in small compass they might come by post, without regard to expense. If voluminous, mr. Randolph will be passing through Richmond on his way from Varina to this place about the 10th of Feb, and could give them a safe conveyance. Did the Assembly do anything for the preservation by publication of the laws? With great affection, adieu.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 22, 1797
Monticello
John Langdon
Langdon, John

TO JOHN LANGDON J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

Your friendly letter of the 2d inst, never came to hand till yesterday, I feel myself indebted for the solicitude you therein express for my undertaking the office to which you inform me I am called. I know not from what source an idea has spread itself, which I have found to be generally spread, that I would accept the office of President of the U S, but not of Vice President. When I retired from the office I last held, no man in the Union less expected than I did, ever to have come forward again; and, whatever has been insinuated to the contrary, to no man in the Union was the share which my name bore in the late contest, more unexpected than it was to me. If I had contemplated the thing beforehand, suffered my will to enter into action at all on it, it would have been in a direction exactly the reverse of what has been imputed to me; but I had no right to a will on the subject, much less to controul that of the people of the U S in arranging us according to our capacities. Least of all could I have any feelings which would revolt at taking a station secondary to mr. Adams. I have been secondary to him in every situation in which we ever acted together in public life for twenty years past. A contrary position would have been the novelty, his the right of revolting at it. Be assured then, my dear Sir, that if I had had a fibre in my composition still looking after public office, it would have been gratified precisely by the very call you are pleased to announce to me, and no other. But in truth I wish for neither honors nor offices. I am happier at home than I can be elsewhere. Since, however, I am called out, an object of great anxiety to me is that those with whom I am to act, shutting their minds to the unfounded abuse of which I have been the subject, will view me with the same candor with which I shall certainly act. An acquaintance of many long years ensures to me your just support, as it does to you the sentiments of sincere respect and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 22, 97
Monticello
Doctor John Edwards
Edwards, Doctor John

TO DOCTOR JOHN EDWARDS J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I was yesterday gratified with the receipt of your favor of December 15th, which gave me the first information of your return from Europe. On the 28th of Oct I received a letter of July 30. from Colo Monroe, but did not know through what channel it came. I should be glad to see the Defence of his conduct which you possess, tho no paper of that title is necessary for me. He was appointed to an office during pleasure merely to get him out of the Senate, with an intention to seize the first pretext for exercising the pleasure of recalling him. As I shall be at Philadelphia the first week in March, perhaps I may have an opportunity of seeing the paper there in mr. Madison’s hands. I think with you it will be best to publish nothing concerning Colo Monroe till his return, that he may accommodate the complexion of his publication to times circumstances. When you left America you had not a good opinion of the train of our affairs. I dare say you do not find that they have got into better train. It will never be easy to convince me that by a firm yet just conduct in 1793, we might not have obtained such a respect for our neutral rights from Great Britain, as that her violations of them use of our means to wage her wars, would not have furnished any pretence to the other party to do the same. War with both would have been avoided, commerce navigation protected enlarged. We shall now either be forced into a war, or have our commerce navigation at least totally annihilated, and the produce of our farms for some years left to rot on our hands. A little time will unfold these things, and shew which class of opinions would have been most friendly to the firmness of our government, to the interests to those for whom it was made. I am, with great respect, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan 22, 97
Monticello
Doctor Benjamin Rush
Rush, Doctor Benjamin

TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I received yesterday your kind favor of the 4th instant, and the eulogium it covered on the subject of our late invaluable friend Rittenhouse, I perused it with the avidity approbation which the matter manner of everything from your pen has long taught me to feel. I thank you too for your congratulations on the public call on me to undertake the 2d office in the U S, but still more for the justice you do me in viewing as I do the escape from the first. I have no wish to meddle again in public affairs, being happier at home than I can be anywhere else. Still less do I wish to engage in an office where it would be impossible to satisfy either friends or foes, and least of all at a moment when the storm is about to burst, which has been conjuring up for four years past. If I am to act however, a more tranquil unoffending station could not have been found for me, nor one so analogous to the dispositions of my mind. It will give me philosophical evenings in the winter, rural days in summer. I am indebted to the Philosophical society [for] a communication of some bones of an animal of the lion kind, but of most exaggerated size. What are we to think of a creature whose claws were 8 Inches long, when those of the lion are not 1 1-2 I; whose thigh-bone was 6 1-4 I. diameter; when that of the lion is not 1 1-2 I? Were not these things within the jurisdiction of the rule compass, and of ocular inspection, credit to them could not be obtained. I have been disappointed in getting the femur as yet, but shall bring on the bones I have, if I can, for the Society, have the pleasure of seeing you for a few days in the first week of March. I wish the usual delays of the publications of the society may admit the addition to our new volume, of this interesting article, which it would be best to have first announced under the sanction of their authority. I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Jan. 30, 97
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

Yours of the 15th came to hand yesterday. I am very thankful for the discretion you have exercised over the letter. That has happened to be the case, which I knew to be possible, that the honest expression of my feelings towards mr. A might be rendered mal-apropos from circumstances existing, known at the seat of government, but not seen by me in my retired situation. Mr. A myself were cordial friends from the beginning of the revolution. Since our return from Europe, some little incidents have happened, which were capable of affecting a jealous mind like his. The deviation from that line of politics on which we have been united, has not made me less sensible of the rectitude of his heart; and I wished him to know this, also another truth, that I am sincerely pleased at having escaped the late draught for the helm, and have not a wish which he stands in the way of. That he should be convinced of these truths, is important to our mutual satisfaction, perhaps to the harmony good of the public service. But there was a difficulty in conveying them to him, a possibility that the attempt might do mischief there or somewhere else; I would not have hazarded the attempt, if you had not been in place to decide upon it’s expediency. It is now become unnecessary to repeat it by a letter. I have had occasion to write to Langdon, in answer to one from him, in which I have said exactly the things which will be grateful to mr. A. no more. This I imagine will be shewn to him. * * *

I have turned to the constitution laws, and find nothing to warrant the opinion that I might not have been qualified here, or wherever else I could meet with a Senator; every member of that body being authorized to administer the oath, without being confined to time or place, consequently to make a record of it, and to deposit it with the records of the Senate. However, I shall come on, on the principle which had first determined me,—respect to the public. I hope I shall be made a part of no ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly as possible. If Gov Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony, pray contrive to parry them. We have now fine mild weather here. The thermometer is above the point which renders fires necessary. Adieu affectionately.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
Feb 9, 1797
Monticello
James Sullivan
Sullivan, James

TO JAMES SULLIVAN

Dear Sir,

I have many acknolegements to make for the friendly anxiety you are pleased to express in your letter of Jan. 12, for my undertaking the office to which I have been elected. The idea that I would accept the office of President, but not that of Vice President of the U S, had not its origin with me. I never thought of questioning the free exercise of the right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those whom they call into their service according to their fitness, nor ever presumed that they were not the best judges of these. Had I indulged a wish in what manner they should dispose of me, it would precisely have coincided with what they have done. Neither the splendor, nor the power, nor the difficulties, nor the fame or defamation, as may happen, attached to the first magistracy, have any attractions for me. The helm of a free government is always arduous, never was ours more so, than at a moment when two friendly people are like to be committed in war by the ill temper of their administrations. I am so much attached to my domestic situation, that I would not have wished to leave it at all. However, if I am to be called from it, the shortest absences most tranquil station suit me best. I value highly, indeed, the part my fellow citizens gave me in their late vote, as an evidence of their esteem, I am happy in the information you are so kind as to give, that many in the Eastern quarter entertain the same sentiment.

Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed aspect of monarchy republicanism, its citizens will naturally divide into two classes of sentiment, according as their tone of body or mind, their habits, connections callings, induce them to wish to strengthen either the monarchial or the republican features of the constitution. Some will consider it as an elective monarchy, which had better be made hereditary, therefore endeavor to lead towards that all the forms and principles of its administration. Others will view it as an energetic republic, turning in all its points on the pivot of free and frequent elections. The great body of our native citizens are unquestionably of the republican sentiment. Foreign education, foreign connections of interest, have produced some exceptions in every part of the Union, North and South, perhaps other circumstances in your quarter, better known to you, may have thrown into the scale of exceptions a greater number of the rich. Still there, I believe, and here, I am sure, the great mass is republican. Nor do any of the forms in which the public disposition has been pronounced in the last half dozen years, evince the contrary. All of them, when traced to their true source, have only been evidences of the preponderent popularity of a particularly great character. That influence once withdrawn, our countrymen left to the operation of their own unbiassed good sense, I have no doubt we shall see a pretty rapid return of general harmony, our citizens moving in phalanx in the paths of regular liberty, order, and a sacrosanct adherence to the constitution. Thus I think it will be, if war with France can be avoided. But if that untoward event comes athwart us in our present point of deviation, nobody, I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive us.

I am always glad of an opportunity of inquiring after my most antient respected friend mr. Samuel Adams. His principles, founded on the immovable basis of equal right reason, have continued pure unchanged. Permit me to place here my sincere veneration for him, wishes for his health happiness; to assure yourself of the sentiments of esteem respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient most humble servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
May 13, 97
Philadelphia
Elbridge Gerry
Gerry, Elbridge

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY J. MSS.

My Dear Friend,

Your favor of the 4th instt came to hand yesterday. That of the 4th of Apr, with the one for Monroe, has never been received. The first, of Mar 27, did not reach me till Apr 21, when I was within a few days of setting out for this place, I put off acknoleging it till I should come here. I entirely commend your dispositions towards mr. Adams; knowing his worth as intimately and esteeming it as much as any one, and acknoleging the preference of his claims, if any I could have had, to the high office conferred on him. But in truth, I had neither claims nor wishes on the subject, tho I know it will be difficult to obtain belief of this. When I retired from this place the office of Secy of state, it was in the firmest contemplation of never more returning here. There had indeed been suggestions in the public papers, that I was looking towards a succession to the President’s chair, but feeling a consciousness of their falsehood, and observing that the suggestions came from hostile quarters, I considered them as intended merely to excite public odium against me. I never in my life exchanged a word with any person, on the subject, till I found my name brought forward generally, in competition with that of mr. Adams. Those with whom I then communicated, could say, if it were necessary, whether I met the call with desire, or even with a ready acquiescence, and whether from the moment of my first acquiescence, I did not devoutly pray that the very thing might happen which has happened. The second office of this government is honorable easy, the first is but a splendid misery.

You express apprehensions that stratagems will be used, to produce a misunderstanding between the President and myself. Tho not a word having this tendency has ever been hazarded to me by any one, yet I consider as a certainty that nothing will be left untried to alienate him from me. These machinations will proceed from the Hamiltons by whom he is surrounded, and who are only a little less hostile to him than to me. It cannot but damp the pleasure of cordiality, when we suspect that it is suspected. I cannot help fearing, that it is impossible for mr. Adams to believe that the state of my mind is what it really is; that he may think I view him as an obstacle in my way. I have no supernatural power to impress truth on the mind of another, nor he any to discover that the estimate which he may form, on a just view of the human mind as generally constituted, may not be just in its application to a special constitution. This may be a source of private uneasiness to us; I honestly confess that it is so to me at this time. But neither of us are capable of letting it have effect on our public duties. Those who may endeavor to separate us, are probably excited by the fear that I might have influence on the executive councils; but when they shall know that I consider my office as constitutionally confined to legislative functions, and that I could not take any part whatever in executive consultations, even were it proposed, their fears may perhaps subside, their object be found not worth a machination.

I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take our stand on a ground perfectly neutral independent towards all nations. It has been my constant object thro public life; and with respect to the English French, particularly, I have too often expressed to the former my wishes, made to them propositions verbally in writing, officially privately, to official private characters, for them to doubt of my views, if they would be content with equality. Of this they are in possession of several written formal proofs, in my own hand writing. But they have wished a monopoly of commerce influence with us; and they have in fact obtained it. When we take notice that theirs is the workshop to which we go for all we want; that with them centre either immediately or ultimately all the labors of our hands and lands; that to them belongs either openly or secretly the great mass of our navigation; that even the factorage of their affairs here, is kept to themselves by factitious citizenships; that these foreign false citizens now constitute the great body of what are called our merchants, fill our sea ports, are planted in every little town district of the interior country, sway everything in the former places by their own votes, those of their dependants, in the latter, by their insinuations the influence of their ledgers; that they are advancing fast to a monopoly of our banks public funds, and thereby placing our public finances under their control; that they have in their alliance the most influential characters in out of office; when they have shewn that by all these bearings on the different branches of the government, they can force it to proceed in whatever direction they dictate, and bend the interests of this country entirely to the will of another; when all this, I say, is attended to, it is impossible for us to say we stand on independent ground, impossible for a free mind not to see to groan under the bondage in which it is bound. If anything after this could excite surprise, it would be that they have been able so far to throw dust in the eyes of our own citizens, as to fix on those who wish merely to recover self-government the charge of subserving one foreign influence, because they resist submission to another. But they possess our printing presses, a powerful engine in their government of us. At this very moment, they would have drawn us into a war on the side of England, had it not been for the failure of her bank. Such was their open loud cry, that of their gazettes till this event. After plunging us in all the broils of the European nations, there would remain but one act to close our tragedy, that is, to break up our Union; and even this they have ventured seriously solemnly to propose maintain by arguments in a Connecticut paper. I have been happy, however, in believing, from the stifling of this effort, that that dose was found too strong, excited as much repugnance there as it did horror in other parts of our country, that whatever follies we may be led into as to foreign nations, we shall never give up our Union, the last anchor of our hope, that alone which is to prevent this heavenly country from becoming an arena of gladiators. Much as I abhor war, and view it as the greatest scourge of mankind, and anxiously as I wish to keep out of the broils of Europe, I would yet go with my brethren into these, rather than separate from them. But I hope we may still keep clear of them, notwithstanding our present thraldom, that time may be given us to reflect on the awful crisis we have passed through, and to find some means of shielding ourselves in future from foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever other form it may be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from joining in the wish of Silas Deane, that there were an ocean of fire between us the old world. 1

A perfect confidence that you are as much attached to peace union as myself, that you equally prize independence of all nations, and the blessings of self-government, has induced me freely to unbosom myself to you, and let you see the light in which I have viewed what has been passing among us from the beginning of the war. And I shall be happy, at all times, in an intercommunication of sentiments with you, believing that the dispositions of the different parts of our country have been considerably misrepresented misunderstood in each part, as to the other, and that nothing but good can result from an exchange of information opinions between those whose circumstances morals admit no doubt of the integrity of their views.

I remain, with constant and sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
May 18. 97
Philadelphia
James Madison
Madison, James

TO JAMES MADISON MAD. MSS.

I was informed on my arrival here that Gov r Pinckney’s dispatches had on their first receipt excited in the administration a great deal of passion, that councils were held from day to day, and their ill temper fixed at length in war; that under this impression Congress was called: that the tone of the party in general became high, and so continued till the news of the failure of the bank of England. This first gave it a check, a great one they have been cooling down ever since, the most intemperate only still asking permission to arm the vessels for their own defence, while the more prudent disapprove of putting it in the power of their brethren leaving to their discretion to begin the war for us. The impression was too that the executive had for some time been repenting that they had called us, wished the measure undone. All the members from North as well as South concurred in attesting that negociation or any thing rather than war was the wish of their constituents. What was our surprise then at receiving the speech which will come to you by this post. I need make no observation to you on it. I believe there was not a member of either house, out of the secret, who was not much disappointed. However some had been prepared. The spirit of supporting the Executive was immediately given out in the lower house is working there. The Senate admits of no fermentation. Tracy, Laurence Livermore were appointed to draw an answer for them, Venable, Freeman, Rutledge, Griswold for the representatives the former will be reported to day, will be in time to be inclosed: the other not till tomorrow when the post will be gone. We hope this last will be in general terms, but this is not certain, a majority as is believed (of the commitee) being for arming the merchantmen, finishing the frigates, fortifying harbors, making all other military preparations as an aid to negociation. How the majority of the house will be is very doubtful. If all were here, it is thought it would be decidedly pacific, but all are not here will not be here. The division on the choice of a clerk was 41. for Condy, 40 for Beckley. Besides the loss of the ablest clerk in the US. the outrage committed on the absent members, prevented by the suddenness of the call their distance from being here on the 1st day of the session, it excites a fear that the republican interest has lost by the new changes. It is said that three from Virginia separate from their brethren. The hope however is that as the anti-Republicans take the high ground of war, and their opponents are for everything moderate that the most moderate of those who came under contrary dispositions will join them. Langdon tells me there is a considerable change working in the minds of the people to the Eastward: that the idea that they have been deceived begins to gain ground, and that were the elections to be now made their result would be considerably different. This however is doubted denied by others. France has asked of Holland to send away our Minister from them to treat our Commerce on the plan of their late decree. The Batavian government answered after due consideration that their commerce with us was now their chief commerce, that their money was in our funds, that if they broke off correspondence with us they should be without resources for themselves, for their own public for France, therefore declined doing it. France acquiesced. I have this from the President who had it from his son still at Hague. I presume that France has made the same application to Spain. For I know that Spain has memorialized our Executive against the effect of the British treaty, as to the articles concerning neutral bottoms, contraband, and the Missisipi, has been pressing for an answer has not yet been able to obtain one. It does not seem candid to have kept out of sight in the speech this discontent of Spain which is strongly and seriously pronounced to have thereby left it to be imagined that France is the only power of whom we are in danger.—The failure of the bank of England, the fear of having a paper tender there, has stopped buying bills of exchange. Specie is raked up from all quarters, remitted for paiments at a disadvantage from risks c. of 20. per cent. The bankruptcies here have been immense. I heard a sensible man well acquainted with them conjecture that the aggregate of the clear losses on all these added together in all the states would be not less than 10. millions of Dollars, a heavy tax indeed, to which are to be added the Maritime spoliations, and this tax falling on only a particular description of Citizens.—Bills of lading are arrived to a merchant for goods shipped from Bordeaux for this place in a vessel in which Monroe is coming passenger. We hope hourly therefore to receive him.—Innes is arrived that board going to work.

May 19. the answer of the Senate is reported by the Commitee. It is perfectly an echo and full as high toned as the speech. Amendments may will be attempted but cannot be carried.—Note to me the day you receive this that I may know whether I conjecture rightly what is our true post day here.

Thomas Jefferson
Jefferson, Thomas
May 29, 1797
Philadelphia
Thomas Pinckney
Pinckney, Thomas

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY J. MSS.

Dear Sir,

I received from you, before I left England, a letter enclosing one from the Prince of Parma. As I learnt soon after that you were shortly to return to America, I concluded to join my acknolegments of it to my congratulations on your arrival; both have been delayed by a blameable spirit of procrastination, forever suggesting to our indolence that we need not do to-day what may be done to-morrow. Accept these now in all the sincerity of my heart. It is but lately I have answered the Prince’s letter. It required some time to establish arrangements which might effect his purpose, I wished also to forward a particular article or two of curiosity. You have found on your return a higher style of political difference than you had left here. I fear this is inseparable from the different constitutions of the human mind, that degree of freedom which permits unrestrained expression. Political dissension is doubtless a less evil than the lethargy of despotism, but still it is a great evil, and it would be as worthy the efforts of the patriot as of the philosopher, to exclude it’s influence, if possible, from social life. The good are rare enough at best. There is no reason to subdivide them by artificial lines. But whether we shall ever be able so far to perfect the principles of society, as that political opinions shall, in it’s intercourse, be as inoffensive as those of philosophy, mechanics, or any other, may well be doubted. Foreign influence is the present just object of public hue and cry, , as often happens, the most guilty are foremost loudest in the cry. If those who are truly independent, can so trim our vessels as to beat through the waves now agitating us, they will merit a glory the greater as it seems less possible. When I contemplate the spirit which is driving us on here, that beyond the water which will view us as but a mouthful the more, I have little hope of peace. I anticipate the burning of our sea ports, havoc of our frontiers, household insurgency, with a long train of et ceteras, which is enough for a man to have met once in his life. The exchange, which is to give us new neighbors in Louisiana (probably the present French armies when disbanded) has opened us to combinations of enemies on that side where we are most vulnerable. War is not the best engine for us to resort to, nature has given us one in our commerce, which, if properly managed, will be a better instrument for obliging the interested nations of Europe to treat us with justice. If the commercial regulations had been adopted which our legislature were at one time proposing, we should at this moment have been standing on such an eminence of safety respect as ages can never recover. But having wandered from that, our object should now be to get back, with as little loss as possible, when peace shall be restored to the world, endeavor so to form our commercial regulations as that justice from other nations shall be their mechanical result. I am happy to assure you that the conduct of Gen l . Pinckney has met universal approbation. It was marked with that coolness, dignity, good sense which we expected from him. I am told that the French government had taken up an unhappy idea, that Monroe was recalled for the candor of his conduct in what related to the British treaty, Gen l . Pinckney was sent as having other dispositions towards them. I learn further, that some of their well-informed citizens here are setting them right as to Gen l . Pinckney’s dispositions, so well known to have been just towards them; I sincerely hope, not only that he may be employed as envoy extraordinary to them, but that their minds will be better prepared to receive him. I candidly acknolege, however, that I do not think the speech addresses of Congress as conciliatory as the preceding irritations on both sides would have rendered wise. I shall be happy to hear from you at all times, to make myself useful to you whenever opportunity offers, and to give every proof of the sincerity of the sentiments of esteem respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.