The Latins with the Campanians revolt; and ambassadors
having been
sent to the senate, they propose that, if they wished for
peace,
they should elect one of the consuls from among the Latins.
Titus
Manlius, the consul, put his son to death, because he had
fought,
though successfully, against the Latins, contrary to orders.
The
Romans being hard pressed in the battle, Publius Decius, then
consul with Manlius, devoted himself for the army. The Latins
surrender. None of the young men came out to meet Manlius on
his
return to the city. Minucia, a vestal virgin, was condemned
for
incest. Several matrons convicted of poisoning. Laws then
first
made against that crime. The Ausonians, Privernians, and
Palæpolitans subdued. Quintus Publilius the first instance of
a
person continuing in command after the expiration of his
office,
and of a triumph decreed to any person not a consul. Law
against
confinement for debt. Quintus Fabius, master of the horse,
fights
the Samnites with success, contrary to the orders of Lucius
Papirius, dictator; and, with difficulty, obtains pardon,
through
the intercession of the people. Successful expedition against
the
Samnites.
1. The consuls now were Caius Plautius a second time, and Lucius
Æmilius Mamercinus; when the people of Setia and Norba came to Rome to
announce the revolt of the Privernians, with complaints of the damages
received by them. News were brought that the army of the Volscians,
under the guidance of the people of Antium, had taken post at Satricum.
Both wars fell by lot to Plautius. He, marching first to Privernum,
immediately came to an engagement. The enemy were defeated after a
slight resistance: the town was taken, and given back to the
Privernians, a strong garrison being placed in it: two thirds of their
land were taken from them. The victorious army was marched thence to
Satricum against the Antians; there a desperate battle was fought with
great slaughter on both sides; and when a storm separated the
combatants, hope inclining to neither side, the Romans, nowise
disheartened by this so indecisive an engagement, prepare for battle
against the following day. The Volscians, reckoning up what men they
had lost in battle, had by no means the same spirits to repeat the
risk. They went off in the night to Antium as a vanquished army in the
utmost confusion, leaving behind their wounded and a part of their
baggage. A vast quantity of arms was found, both among the dead bodies
of the enemy, and also in the camp. These, the consul declared, that he
offered up to Mother Lua; and he laid waste the enemy's country as far
as the sea-coast. The other consul, Æmilius, on entering the Sabellan
territory, found neither a camp of the Samnites nor legions opposed to
him. Whilst he laid waste their territories with fire and sword, the
ambassadors of the Samnites came to him, suing for peace; by whom being
referred to the senate, after leave to address them was granted, laying
aside their ferocious spirits, they sued for peace for themselves from
the Romans, and the right of waging war against the Sidicinians. Which
requests, [they alleged,] that “they were the more justified in making,
because they had both united in friendship with the Roman people, when
their affairs were flourishing, not under circumstances of distress, as
the Campanians had done, and they were taking up arms against the
Sidicinians, ever their enemies, never the friends of the Roman people;
who had neither, as the Samnites, sought their friendship in time of
peace, nor, as the Campanians, their assistance in time of war, and
were neither in alliance with, nor under subjection to the Roman
people.”
2. After the prætor Tiberius Æmilius had consulted the senate
respecting the demands of the Samnites, and the senate voted that the
treaty should be renewed with them, the prætor returned this answer to
the Samnites: “That it neither had been the fault of the Roman people
that their friendship with them was not perpetual; nor was any
objection made to that friendship being once more re-established, since
they themselves were now become tired of a war entered into through
their own fault. With respect to what regarded the Sidicinians, they
did not interfere with the Samnite nation having the free decision of
peace and war.” The treaty being concluded, on their return home, the
Roman army was immediately withdrawn after they had received a year's
pay, and corn for three months: for which the consul had stipulated, to
grant time for a truce, until the ambassadors should return. The
Samnites having marched against the Sidicinians with the same forces
which they had employed in their war against the Romans, entertained
rather sanguine hopes of becoming masters of the enemies' citadel. Then
the Sidicinians first began to surrender to the Romans. Afterwards,
when the senate rejected that offer as too late, and as being wrung
from them by extreme necessity, it was made to the Latins, who were
already taking up arms on their own account. Nor did even the
Campanians (so much stronger was their recollection of the injuries
done them by the Samnites than of the kindness of the Romans) keep
themselves from this quarrel. Out of these so many states, one vast
army, entering the territories of the Samnites under the direction of
the Latins, committed more damage by depredations than by battles; and
though the Latins had the advantage in the field, they retired out of
the enemies' territory without reluctance, that they might not be
obliged to fight too frequently. This opportunity was afforded to the
Samnites to send ambassadors to Rome. When they appeared before the
senate, having complained that they, though now confederates, were
subjected to the same hardships as those they had suffered as enemies,
solicited, with the humblest entreaties, that “the Romans would think
it enough the victory, of which they had deprived the Samnites, over
their Campanian and Sidicinian enemy; that they would not besides
suffer them to be vanquished by these most dastardly states. That they
could by their sovereign authority keep the Latins and the Campanians
out of the Samnite territory, if they really were under the dominion of
the Roman people; but if they rejected their authority, that they might
compel them by arms.” To this an equivocal answer was returned, because
it was mortifying to acknowledge, that the Latins were not now in their
power, and they were afraid lest by finding fault they might estrange
them from their side: that the case of the Campanians was different,
they having come under their protection, not by treaty but by
surrender: accordingly, that the Campanians, whether they wished or
not, should remain quiet: that in the Latin treaty there was no clause
by which they were prevented from going to war with whomsoever they
pleased.
3. Which answer, whilst it sent away the Samnites uncertain as to
what conduct they were to think that the Romans would pursue, it
further estranged the Campanians through fear; it rendered the Samnites
more presuming, they considering that there was nothing which the
Romans would now refuse them. Wherefore, proclaiming frequent meetings
under the pretext of preparing for war against the Samnites, their
leading men, in their several deliberations among themselves, secretly
fomented the plan of a war with Rome. In this war the Campanians too
joined against their preservers. But though all their schemes were
carefully concealed, and they were anxious that their Samnite enemy
should be got rid of in their rear before the Romans should be aroused,
yet through the agency of some who were attached [to the latter] by
private friendships and other ties, information of their conspiracy
made its way to Rome, and the consuls being ordered to resign their
office before the usual time, in order that the new consuls might be
elected the sooner to meet so important a war, a religious scruple
entered their minds at the idea of the elections being held by persons
whose time of office had been cut short. Accordingly an interregnum
took place. There were two interreges, Marcus Valerius and Marcus
Fabius. The consuls elected were Titus Manlius Torquatus a third time,
and Publius Decius Mus. It is agreed on that, in this year, Alexander,
king of Epirus, made a descent on Italy with a fleet. Which war, if the
first commencement had been sufficiently successful, would
unquestionably have extended to the Romans. The same was the era of the
exploits of Alexander the Great, whom, being son to the other's sister,
in another region of the world, having shown himself invincible in war,
fortune cut short in his youth by disease. But the Romans, although the
revolt of their allies and of the Latin nation was now no matter of
doubt, yet as if they felt solicitude regarding the Samnites, not for
themselves, summoned ten of the leading men of the Latins to Rome, to
whom they wished to issue such orders as they might wish. Latium had at
that time two prætors, Lucius Annius, a native of Setia, and Lucius
Numisius of Circeii, both from the Roman colonists; through whose
means, besides Signia and Velitræ, also Roman colonies, the Volscians
too had been stirred up to arms. It was determined that these two
should be summoned specially; it was a matter of doubt to no one, on
what matter they were sent for. Accordingly the prætors, having held an
assembly, before they set out for Rome, inform them, that they were
summoned by the Roman senate, and consult them as to what answer it was
their wish should be given on those subjects which they thought would
be discussed with them.
4. When different persons advanced different opinions, then Annius
says: “Though I myself put the question, as to what answer it might be
your pleasure should be given, yet I think it more concerns our general
interest how we should act than how we should speak. Your plans being
once unfolded, it will be easy to suit words to the subject; for if
even now we are capable of submitting to slavery under the shadow of a
confederacy on equal terms, what is wanting but to betray the
Sidicinians, be obedient to the orders not only of the Romans, but of
the Samnites, and tell the Romans, that we will lay down our arms
whenever they intimate it to be their wish? But if at length a desire
of liberty stimulates your minds, if a confederacy does subsist, if
alliance be equalization of rights, if there be reason now to boast
that we are of the same blood as the Romans, of which they were
formerly ashamed, if they have such an army of allies, by the junction
of which they may double their strength, such a one as their consuls
would be unwilling to separate from themselves either in concluding or
commencing their own wars; why are not all things equalized? why is not
one of the consuls chosen from the Latins? Where there is an equal
share of strength, is there also an equal share in the government? This
indeed in itself reflects no extraordinary degree of honour on us, as
still acknowledging Rome to be the metropolis of Latium; but that it
may possibly appear to do so, has been effected by our long-continued
forbearance. But if ye ever wished for an opportunity of sharing in the
government, and enjoying freedom, lo! this opportunity is now at hand,
presented both by your own valour and the bounty of the gods. Ye have
tried their patience by refusing them soldiers. Who doubts that they
were fired with rage, when we broke through a custom of more than two
hundred years? Still they submitted to this feeling of resentment. We
waged war with the Pelignians in our own name. They who formerly did
not even concede to us the right of defending our own territories
through ourselves, interfered not. They heard that the Sidicinians were
received under our protection, that the Campanians had revolted from
themselves to us, that we were preparing armies against their
confederates, the Samnites; yet they stirred not from the city. Whence
this so great forbearance on their part, except from a knowledge of our
strength and their own? I have it from competent authority, that when
the Samnites complained of us, such an answer was given them by the
Roman senate, as plainly showed that not even themselves insisted that
Latium was under the Roman jurisdiction. Only assume your rights in
demanding that which they tacitly concede to you. If fear prevents any
one from saying this, lo! I pledge myself that I will say it, in the
hearing not only of the Roman people and senate, but of Jupiter
himself, who inhabits the Capitol; that if they wish us to be in
confederacy and alliance with them, they are to receive one consul from
us, and one half of the senate.” When he not only recommended these
measures boldly, but promised also his aid, they all, with acclamations
of assent, permitted him to do and say whatever might appear to him
conducive to the republic of the Latin nation and his own honour.
5. When they arrived in Rome, an audience of the senate was granted
them in the Capitol. There, when Titus Manlius the consul, by direction
of the senate, required of them not to make war on their confederates
the Samnites, Annius, as if he had taken the Capitol by arms as a
victor, and were not addressing them as an ambassador protected by the
law of nations, says: “It were time, Titus Manlius, and you, conscript
fathers, to cease at length treating with us on a footing of
superiority, when you see Latium in a most flourishing state by the
bounty of the gods in arms and men, the Samnites being vanquished in
war, the Sidicinians and Campanians our allies, the Volscians now
united to us in alliance, and that your own colonies even prefer the
government of Latium to that of Rome. But since ye do not bring your
minds to put an end to your arbitrary despotism, we, though able by
force of arms to vindicate the independence of Latium, yet will make
this concession to the ties of blood between us, as to offer terms of
peace on terms of equality for both, since it has pleased the immortal
gods that the strength of both is equalized. One of the consuls must be
selected out of Rome, the other out of Latium; an equal portion of the
senate must be from both nations; we must be one people, one republic;
and that the seat of government may be the same, and we all may have
the same name, since the concession must be made by the one party or
other, let this, and may it be auspicious to both, have the advantage
of being the mother country, and let us all be called Romans.” It so
happened that the Romans also had a consul, a match for this man's high
spirit; who, so far from restraining his angry feelings, openly
declared, that if such infatuation took possession of the conscript
fathers, that they would receive laws from a man of Setia, he would
himself come into the senate armed with a sword, and would slay with
his hand any Latin whom he should see in the senate-house. And turning
to the statue of Jupiter, “Hear thou, Jupiter,” says he, “hear these
impious proposals; hear ye them, Justice and Equity. Jupiter, art thou
to behold foreign consuls and a foreign senate in thy consecrated
temple, as if thou wert a captive and overpowered? Were these the
treaties which Tullus, a Roman king, concluded with the Albans, your
forefathers, Latins, and which Lucius Tarquinius subsequently concluded
with you? Does not the battle at the Lake Regillus occur to your
thoughts? Have you so forgotten your own calamities and our kindnesses
towards you?”
6. When the indignation of the senate followed these words of the
consul, it is recorded that, in reply to the frequent appeals to the
gods, whom the consuls frequently invoked as witnesses to the treaties,
an expression of Annius was heard in contempt of the divinity of the
Roman Jupiter. Certainly, when aroused with wrath he was proceeding
with rapid steps from the porch of the temple, having fallen down the
stairs, his head being severely struck, he was dashed against a stone
at the bottom with such force, as to be deprived of sense. As all
writers do not say that he was killed, I too shall leave it in doubt;
as also the circumstance, that a storm, with a dreadful noise in the
heavens, took place during the appeal made in reference to the violated
treaties; for they may both be true, and also invented aptly to express
in a striking manner the resentment of heaven. Torquatus, being
despatched by the senate to dismiss the ambassadors, on seeing Annius
lying prostrate, exclaimed, so as that his voice was heard both by the
people and the senate, “It is well. The gods have excited a just war.
There is a deity in heaven. Thou dost exist, great Jove; not without
reason have we consecrated thee the father of gods and men in this
mansion. Why do ye hesitate, Romans, and you, conscript fathers, to
take up arms under the direction of the gods? Thus will I lay low the
legions of the Latins, as you now see this man lying prostrate.” The
words of the consul, received with the approbation of the people,
filled their breasts with such ardour, that the ambassadors on their
departure were protected from the anger and violence of the people more
by the care of the magistrates, who escorted them by order of the
consul, than by the law of nations. The senate also voted for the war;
and the consuls, after raising two armies, marched into the territories
of the Marsians and Pelignians, the army of the Samnites having joined
them, and pitched their camp near Capua, where the Latins and their
allies had now assembled. There it is said there appeared to both the
consuls, during sleep, the same form of a man larger and more majestic
than human, who said, “Of the one side a general, of the other an army
was due to the dii Manes and to Mother Earth; from whichever army a
general should devote the legions of the enemy and himself, in
addition, that the victory would belong to that nation and that party.”
When the consuls compared together these visions of the night, it was
resolved that victims should be slain for the purpose of averting the
anger of the gods; at the same time, that if the same portents were
exhibited in the entrails as those which had been seen during sleep,
either of the consuls should fulfil the fates. When the answers of the
haruspices coincided with the secret religious impression already
implanted in their minds; then, having brought together the
lieutenant-generals and tribunes, and having openly expounded to them
the commands of the gods, they settle among themselves, lest the
consul's voluntary death should intimidate the army in the field, that
on which side soever the Roman army should commence to give way, the
consul in that quarter should devote himself for the Roman people and
the Quirites. In this consultation it was also suggested, that if ever
on any occasion any war had been conducted with strict discipline, then
indeed military discipline should be reduced to the ancient standard.
What excited their attention particularly was, that they had to contend
against Latins, who coincided with themselves in language, manners, in
the same kind of arms, and more especially in military institutions;
soldiers had been mixed with soldiers, centurions with centurions,
tribunes with tribunes, as comrades and colleagues, in the same armies,
and often in the same companies. Lest in consequence of this the
soldiers should be involved in any mistake, the consuls issue orders
that no one should fight against an enemy out of his post.
7. It happened that among the other prefects of the troops, who had
been sent out in all directions to reconnoitre, Titus Manlius, the
consul's son, came with his troop to the back of the enemy's camp, so
near that he was scarcely distant a dart's throw from the next post. In
that place were some Tusculan cavalry; they were commanded by Geminus
Metius, a man distinguished among his countrymen both by birth and
exploits. When he recognised the Roman cavalry, and conspicuous among
them the consul's son marching at their head, (for they were all known
to each other, especially the men of note,) “Romans, are ye going to
wage war with the Latins and allies with a single troop. What in the
interim will the consuls, what will the two consular armies be doing?”
“They will be here in good time,” says Manlius, “and with them will be
Jupiter himself, as a witness of the treaties violated by you, who is
stronger and more powerful. If we fought at the lake Regillus until you
had quite enough, here also we shall so act, that a line of battle and
an encounter with us may afford you no very great gratification.” In
reply to this, Geminus, advancing some distance from his own party,
says, “Do you choose then, until that day arrives on which you are to
put your armies in motion with such mighty labour, to enter the lists
with me, that from the result of a contest between us both, it may be
seen how much a Latin excels a Roman horseman?” Either resentment, or
shame at declining the contest, or the invincible power of fate,
arouses the determined spirit of the youth. Forgetful therefore of his
father's command, and the consul's edict, he is driven headlong to that
contest, in which it made not much difference whether he conquered or
was conquered. The other horsemen being removed to a distance as if to
witness the sight, in the space of clear ground which lay between them
they spurred on their horses against each other; and when they were
together in fierce encounter, the spear of Manlius passed over the
helmet of his antagonist, that of Metius across the neck of the other's
horse. Then wheeling round their horses, when Manlius arose to repeat
the blow, he fixed his javelin between the ears of his opponent's
horse. When, by the pain of this wound, the horse, having raised his
fore-feet on high, tossed his head with great violence, he shook off
his rider, whom, when he was raising himself from the severe fall, by
leaning on his spear and buckler, Manlius pierced through the throat,
so that the steel passed out through the ribs, and pinned him to the
earth; and having collected the spoils, he returned to his own party,
and with his troop, who were exulting with joy, he proceeds to the
camp, and thence to the general's tent to his father, ignorant of what
awaited him, whether praise or punishment had been merited. “Father,”
says he, “that all may truly represent me as sprung from your blood;
when challenged, I slew my adversary, and have taken from him these
equestrian spoils.” When the consul heard this, immediately turning
away from his son, he ordered an assembly to be summoned by sound of
trumpet. When these assembled in great numbers, “Since you, Titus
Manlius,” says he, “revering neither the consular power nor a father's
majesty, have fought against the enemy out of your post contrary to our
orders, and, as far as in you lay, have subverted military discipline,
by which the Roman power has stood to this day, and have brought me to
this necessity, that I must either forget the republic, or myself and
mine; we shall expiate our own transgressions rather than the republic
should sustain so serious a loss for our misdeeds. We shall be a
melancholy example, but a profitable one, to the youth of future ages.
As for me, both the natural affection for my children, as well as that
instance of bravery which has led you astray by the false notion of
honour, affects me for you. But since either the authority of consuls
is to be established by your death, or by your forgiveness to be for
ever annulled; I do not think that even you, if you have any of our
blood in you, will refuse to restore, by your punishment, the military
discipline which has been subverted by your misconduct. Go, lictor,
bind him to the stake.” All became motionless, more through fear than
discipline, astounded by so cruel an order, each looking on the axe as
if drawn against himself. Therefore when they stood in profound
silence, suddenly, when the blood spouted from his severed neck, their
minds recovering, as it were, from a state of stupefaction, then their
voices arose together in free expressions of complaint, so that they
spared neither lamentations nor execrations: and the body of the youth,
being covered with the spoils, was burned on a pile erected outside the
rampart, with all the military zeal with which any funeral could be
celebrated: and Manlian orders were considered with horror, not only
for the present, but of the most austere severity for future times.
8. The severity of the punishment however rendered the soldiers more
obedient to the general; and besides that the guards and watches and
the regulation of the posts were every where more strictly attended to,
such severity was also profitable in the final struggle when they came
into the field of battle. But the battle was very like to a civil war;
so very similar was every thing among the Romans and Latins, except
with respect to courage. The Romans formerly used targets; afterwards,
when they began to receive pay, they made shields instead of targets;
and what before constituted phalanxes similar to the Macedonian,
afterwards became a line drawn up in distinct companies. At length they
were divided into several centuries. A century contained sixty
soldiers, two centurions, and one standard-bearer. The spearmen
(hastati) formed the first line in fifteen companies, with small
intervals between them: a company had twenty light-armed soldiers, the
rest wearing shields; those were called light who carried only a spear
and short iron javelins. This, which constituted the van in the field
of battle, contained the youth in early bloom advancing towards the age
of service. Next followed men of more robust age, in the same number of
companies, who were called principes, all wearing shields, and
distinguished by the completest armour. This band of thirty companies
they called antepilani, because there were fifteen others placed behind
them with the standards; of which each company consisted of three
divisions, and the first division of each they called a pilus. Each
company consisted of three ensigns, and contained one hundred and
eighty-six men. The first ensign was at the head of the Triarii,
veteran soldiers of tried bravery; the second, at the head of the
Rorarii, men whose ability was less by reason of their age and course
of service; the third, at the head of the Accensi, a body in whom very
little confidence was reposed. For this reason also they were thrown
back to the rear. When the army was marshalled according to this
arrangement, the spearmen first commenced the fight. If the spearmen
were unable to repulse the enemy, they retreated leisurely, and were
received by the principes into the intervals of the ranks. The fight
then devolved on the principes; the spearmen followed. The Triarii
continued kneeling behind the ensigns, their left leg extended forward,
holding their shields resting on their shoulders, and their spears
fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so that their line bristled
as if enclosed by a rampart. If the principes also did not make
sufficient impression in the fight, they retreated slowly from the
front to the Triarii. Hence, when a difficulty is felt, “Matters have
come to the Triarii,” became a usual proverb. The Triarii rising up,
after receiving the principes and spearmen into the intervals between
their ranks, immediately closing their files, shut up as it were the
openings; and in one compact body fell upon the enemy, no other hope
being now left: that was the most formidable circumstance to the enemy,
when having pursued them as vanquished, they beheld a new line suddenly
starting up, increased also in strength. In general about four legions
were raised, each consisting of five thousand infantry and three
hundred horse. As many more were added from the Latin levy, who were at
that time enemies to the Romans, and drew up their line after the same
manner; and they knew that unless the ranks were disturbed they would
have to engage not only standard with standard, spearmen with spearmen,
principes with principes, but centurion also with centurion. There were
among the veterans two first centurions in either army, the Roman by no
means possessing bodily strength, but a brave man, and experienced in
the service; the Latin powerful in bodily strength, and a first-rate
warrior; they were very well known to each other, because they had
always held equal rank. The Roman, somewhat diffident of his strength,
had at Rome obtained permission from the consuls, to select any one
whom he wished, his own subcenturion, to protect him from the one
destined to be his adversary; and this youth being opposed to him in
the battle, obtained the victory over the Latin centurion. They came to
an engagement not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, where the road
led to the Veseris.
9. The Roman consuls, before they marched out their armies to the
field, offered sacrifices. The aruspex is said to have shown to Decius
the head of the liver wounded on the side relating to himself, in other
respects the victim was acceptable to the gods; whilst Manlius obtained
highly favourable omens from his sacrifice. “But all is well,” says
Decius, “if my colleague has offered an acceptable sacrifice.” The
ranks being drawn up in the order already described, they marched forth
to battle. Manlius commanded the right, Decius the left wing. At first
the action was conducted with equal strength on both sides, and with
the same ardent courage. Afterwards the Roman spearmen on the left
wing, not sustaining the violent assault of the Latins, betook
themselves to the principes. In this state of trepidation the consul
Decius cries out with a loud voice to Marcus Valerius, “Valerius, we
have need of the aid of the gods. Come, as public pontiff of the Roman
people, dictate to me the words in which I may devote myself for the
legions.” The pontiff directed him to take the gown called prætexta,
and with his head covered and his hand thrust out under the gown to the
chin, standing upon a spear placed under his feet, to say these words:
“Janus, Jupiter, father Mars, Quirinus, Bellona, ye Lares, ye gods
Novensiles,[171] ye gods Indigetes, ye divinities, under whose power we
and our enemies are, and ye dii Manes, I pray you, I adore you, I ask
your favour, that you would prosperously grant strength and victory to
the Roman people, the Quirites; and that ye may affect the enemies of
the Roman people, the Quirites, with terror, dismay, and death. In such
manner as I have expressed in words, so do I devote the legions and
auxiliaries of the enemy, together with myself, to the dii Manes and to
Earth for the republic of the Quirites, for the army, legions,
auxiliaries of the Roman people, the Quirites.” Having uttered this
prayer, he orders the lictors to go to Titus Manlius, and without delay
to announce to his colleague that he had devoted himself for the army.
He, girding himself in a Gabine cincture, and fully armed, mounted his
horse, and rushed into the midst of the enemy. He was observed by both
armies to present a more majestic appearance than human, as one sent
from heaven as an expiation of all the wrath of the gods, to transfer
to the enemy destruction turned away from his own side: accordingly,
all the terror and panic being carried along with him, at first
disturbed the battalions of the Latins, then completely pervaded their
entire line. This was most evident, because, in whatever direction he
was carried with his horse, there they became panic-stricken, as if
struck by some pestilential constellation; but when he fell overwhelmed
with darts, instantly the cohorts of the Latins, thrown into manifest
consternation, took to flight, leaving a void to a considerable extent.
At the same time also the Romans, their minds being freed from
religious dread, exerting themselves as if the signal was then given
for the first time, commenced to fight with renewed ardour. For the
Rorarii also pushed forward among the antepilani, and added strength to
the spearmen and principes, and the Triarii resting on the right knee
awaited the consul's nod to rise up.
[Footnote 171: The Novensiles were nine deities brought to Rome by
the Sabines: Lara, Vesta, Minerva, Feronia, Concord, Faith, Fortune,
Chance, Health. See Niebuhr III. ii. 249.]
10. Afterwards, as the contest proceeded, when the superior numbers
of the Latins had the advantage in some places, the consul, Manlius, on
hearing the circumstance of his colleague's death, after he had, as was
right and just, honoured his so glorious a death with tears, as well as
with praises so well merited, hesitated, for a little time, whether it
was yet time for the Triarii to rise; then judging it better that they
should be kept fresh for the decisive blow, he ordered the Accensi to
advance from the rear before the standards. When they moved forward,
the Latins immediately called up their Triarii, as if their opponents
had done the same thing: who, when they had by desperate fighting for a
considerable time both fatigued themselves, and had either broken or
blunted their spears, and were, however, beating back their
adversaries, thinking that the battle was now nearly decided, and that
they had come to the last line; then the consul calls to the Triarii,
“Arise now, fresh as ye are, against men now wearied, mindful of your
country and parents, your wives and children; mindful of your consul
who has submitted to death to insure your victory.” When the Triarii
arose, fresh as they were, with their arms glittering, a new line which
appeared unexpectedly, receiving the antepilani into the intervals
between the ranks, raised a shout, and broke through the first line of
the Latins; and goading their faces, after cutting down those who
constituted their principal strength, they passed almost intact through
the other companies, with such slaughter that they scarcely left one
fourth of the enemy. The Samnites also, drawn up at a distance at the
foot of the mountain, struck terror into the Latins. But of all,
whether citizens or allies, the principal praise for that action was
due to the consuls; the one of whom turned on himself alone all the
threats and dangers (denounced) by the divinities of heaven and hell;
the other evinced such valour and such judgment in the battle, that it
was universally agreed among both the Romans and Latins who have
transmitted to posterity an account of the battle, that, on whichever
side Titus Manlius held the command, the victory must belong to that.
The Latins in their flight betook themselves to Minturnæ. Immediately
after the battle the camp was taken, and great numbers still alive were
surprised therein, chiefly Campanians. Night surprised them in their
search, and prevented the body of Decius from being discovered on that
day. On the day after it was found amid vast heaps of slaughtered
enemies, pierced with a great number of darts, and his funeral was
solemnized under the direction of his colleague, in a manner suited to
his death. It seems right to add here, that it is lawful for a consul,
a dictator, and a prætor, when he devotes the legions of the enemy, to
devote not himself particularly, but whatever citizen he may choose out
of a Roman legion regularly enrolled: if the person who has been
devoted die, the matter is duly performed; if he do not perish, then an
image, seven feet high or more, must be buried in the ground, and a
victim slain, as an expiation. Where that image shall be buried, there
it is not lawful that a Roman magistrate should pass. But if he wish to
devote himself, as Decius did, unless he who has devoted himself die,
he shall not with propriety perform any act of religion regarding
either himself or the public. Should he wish to devote his arms to
Vulcan or to any other god, he has a right, whether he shall please, by
a victim, or in any other manner. It is not proper that the enemy
should get possession of the weapon, on which the consul, standing,
pronounced the imprecation: if they should get possession of it, then
an expiation must be made to Mars by the sacrifices called the
Suove-taurilia. Although the memory of every divine and human custom
has been obliterated, in consequence of preferring what is modern and
foreign to that which is ancient and belonging to our own country, I
deemed it not irrelevant to relate the particulars even in the very
terms used, as they have been handed down and expressed.
11. I find it stated in some writers, that the Samnites, having
awaited the issue of the battle, came at length with support to the
Romans after the battle was over. Also aid from Lavinium, whilst they
wasted time in deliberating, was at length sent to the Latins after
they had been vanquished. And when the first standards and part of the
army just issued from the gates, news being brought of the defeat of
the Latins, they faced about and returned back to the city; on which
occasion they say that their prætor, Milionius, observed, that “for so
very short a journey a high price must be paid to the Romans.” Such of
the Latins as survived the battle, after being scattered over many
roads, collected themselves into a body, and found refuge in the city
of Vescia. There their general, Numisius, insisted in their counsels,
that “the truly common fortune of war had prostrated both armies by
equal losses, and that only the name of victory rested with the Romans;
that in other respects they too shared the lot of defeated persons; the
two pavilions of the consuls were polluted; one by the murder committed
on a son, the other by the blood of a devoted consul; that their army
was cut down in every direction; their spearmen and principes were cut
down; great havoc was made before the standards and behind them; the
Triarii at length restored their cause. Though the forces of the Latins
were cut down in an equal proportion, yet for reinforcements, Latium or
the Volscians were nearer than Rome. Wherefore, if they thought well of
it, he would speedily call out the youth from the Latin and Volscian
states, and would return to Capua with a determined army, and by his
unexpected arrival strike dismay among the Romans, who were expecting
nothing less than battle.” Deceptive letters being sent around Latium
and the Volscian nation, a tumultuary army, hastily raised from all
quarters, was assembled, for as they had not been present at the
battle, they were more disposed to believe on slight grounds. This army
the consul Torquatus met at Trisanum, a place between Sinuessa and
Minturnæ. Before a place was selected for a camp, the baggage on both
sides being piled up in a heap, they fought and terminated the war; for
so impaired was their strength, that all the Latins surrendered
themselves to the consul, who was leading his victorious army to lay
waste their lands, and the Campanians followed the example of this
surrender. Latium and Capua were fined some land. The Latin with the
addition of the Privernian land; and the Falernian land, which had
belonged to the people of Campania, as far as the river Vulturnus, is
all distributed to the commons of Rome. In the Latin land two acres a
man were assigned, so that they should receive an additional
three-fourths of an acre from the Privernian land; in the Falernian
land three acres were assigned, one fourth of an acre being further
added, in consideration of the distance. Of the Latins the Laurentians
were exempted from punishment, as also the horsemen of the Campanians,
because they had not revolted. An order was issued that the treaty
should be renewed with the Laurentians; and it is renewed every year
since, on the tenth day after the Latin festival. The rights of
citizenship were granted to the Campanian horsemen; and that it might
serve as a memorial, they hung up a brazen tablet in the temple of
Castor at Rome. The Campanian state was also enjoined to pay them a
yearly stipend of four hundred and fifty denarii each; their number
amounted to one thousand six hundred.
12. The war being thus concluded, after rewards and punishment were
distributed according to the deserts of each, Titus Manlius returned to
Rome: on his approach it appears that the aged only went forth to meet
him; and that the young men, both then, and all his life after,
detested and cursed him. The Antians made incursions on the territories
of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonia. The consul Manlius, because he was unable
by reason of his health to conduct that war, nominated as dictator
Lucius Papirius Crassus, who then happened to be prætor; by him Lucius
Papirius Cursor was appointed master of the horse. Nothing worthy of
mention was performed against the Antians by the dictator, although he
had kept a standing camp for several months in the Antian territory. To
a year signalized by a victory over so many and such powerful states,
further by the illustrious death of one of the consuls, as well as by
the unrelenting, though memorable, severity of command in the other,
there succeeded as consuls Titus Æmilius Mamercinus and Quintus
Publilius Philo; neither to a similar opportunity of exploits, and they
themselves being mindful rather of their own interests as well as of
those of the parties in the state, than of the interests of their
country. They routed on the plains of Ferentinum, and stripped of their
camp, the Latins, who, in resentment of the land they had lost, took up
arms again. Publilius, under whose guidance and auspices the action had
been fought, receiving the submission of the Latin states, who had lost
a great many of their young men there, Æmilius marched the army to
Pedum. The people of Pedum were supported by the states of Tibur,
Præneste, and Velitræ; auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and
Antium. Where, though the Romans had the advantage in several
engagements, still the entire labour remained at the city of Pedum
itself and at the camp of the allied states, which was adjoining the
city: suddenly leaving the war unfinished, because he heard that a
triumph was decreed to his colleague, he himself also returned to Rome
to demand a triumph before a victory had been obtained. The senate
displeased by this ambitious conduct, and refusing a triumph unless
Pedum was either taken or should surrender, Æmilius, alienated from the
senate in consequence of this act, administered the remainder of the
consulship like to a seditious tribuneship. For, as long as he was
consul, he neither ceased to criminate the patricians to the people,
his colleague by no means interfering, because he himself also was a
plebeian; (the scanty distribution of the land among the commons in the
Latin and Falernian territory afforded the groundwork of the
criminations;) and when the senate, wishing to put an end to the
administration of the consuls, ordered a dictator to be nominated
against the Latins, who were again in arms, Æmilius, to whom the fasces
then belonged, nominated his colleague dictator; by him Junius Brutus
was constituted master of the horse. The dictatorship was popular, both
in consequence of his discourses containing invectives against the
patricians, and because he passed three laws, most advantageous to the
commons, and injurious to the nobility; one, that the orders of the
commons should be binding on all the Romans; another, that the
patricians should, before the suffrages commenced, declare their
approbation of the laws which should be passed in the assemblies of the
centuries; the third, that one at least of the censors should be
elected from the commons, as they had already gone so far as that it
was lawful that both the consuls should be plebeians. The patricians
considered that more of detriment had been sustained on that year from
the consuls and dictator than was counterbalanced by their success and
achievements abroad.
13. On the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus and Caius Mænius
were consuls, in order that the neglect of his duty by Æmilius, the
consul of the preceding year, might be rendered more markedly
reproachful, the senate loudly urge that Pedum should be assailed with
arms, men, and every kind of force, and be demolished; and the new
consuls, being forced to give that matter the precedence of all others,
set out on that expedition. The state of affairs was now such in
Latium, that they could no longer submit to either war or peace. For
war they were deficient in resources; they spurned at peace through
resentment for the loss of their land. It seemed necessary therefore to
steer a middle course, to keep within their towns, so that the Romans
by being provoked might have no pretext for hostilities; and that if
the siege of any town should be announced to them, aid should be sent
from every quarter from all the states. And still the people of Pedum
were aided by only a very few states. The Tiburtians and Prænestines,
whose territory lay nearest, came to Pedum. Mænius suddenly making an
attack, defeated the Aricinians, and Lanuvians, and Veliternians, at
the river Astura, the Volscians of Antium forming a junction with them.
The Tiburtian, far the strongest body, Camillus engages at Pedum,
encountering much greater difficulty, though with a result equally
successful. A sudden sally of the townsmen during the battle chiefly
occasioned confusion: Camillus, turning on these with a part of his
army, not only drove them within their walls, but on the very same day,
after he had discomfited themselves and their auxiliaries, he took the
town by scalade. It was then resolved to lead round with greater energy
and spirit his victorious army from the storming of a single city to
the entire conquest of Latium. Nor did they stop until they reduced all
Latium, either by storming, or by becoming masters of the cities one
after the other by capitulation. Then, disposing garrisons in the towns
which they had taken, they departed to Rome to a triumph universally
admitted to be due to them. To the triumph was added the honour of
having equestrian statues erected to them in the forum, a compliment
very unusual at that period. Before they commenced holding the meeting
for the election of the consuls for the ensuing year, Camillus moved
the senate concerning the Latin states, and spoke thus: “Conscript
fathers, that which was to be done by war and arms in Latium has now
been fully accomplished by the bounty of the gods and the valour of the
soldiers. The armies of the enemy have been cut down at Pedum and the
Astura. All the Latin towns, and Antium belonging to the Volscians,
either taken by storm, or received into surrender, are occupied by your
garrisons. It now remains to be considered, since they annoy us by
their repeated rebellions, how we may keep them in quiet submission and
in the observance of perpetual peace. The immortal gods have put the
determination of this matter so completely in your power, that they
have placed it at your option whether Latium is to exist henceforward
or not. Ye can therefore insure to yourselves perpetual peace, as far
as regards the Latins, either by adopting severe or lenient measures.
Do ye choose to adopt cruel conduct towards people who have surrendered
and have been conquered? Ye may destroy all Latium, make a vast desert
of a place whence, in many and serious wars, ye have often made use of
an excellent army of allies. Do you wish, according to the example of
your ancestors, to augment the Roman state by admitting the vanquished
among your citizens? Materials for extending your power by the highest
glory are at hand. That government is certainly by far the most secure,
which the subjects feel a pleasure in obeying. But whatever
determination ye wish to come to, it is necessary that it be speedy. So
many states have ye in a state of suspense between hope and fear; and
it is necessary that you be discharged as soon as possible of your
solicitude about them, and that their minds, whilst they are still in a
state of insensibility from uncertainty, be at once impressed either by
punishment or clemency. It was our duty to bring matters to such a pass
that you may have full power to deliberate on every matter; yours to
decide what is most expedient to yourselves and the commonwealth.”
14. The principal members of the senate applauded the consul's
statement of the business on the whole; but said that “as the states
were differently circumstanced, that their plan might be readily
adjusted so that it might be determined according to the desert of
each, if they should put the question regarding each state
specifically.” The question was therefore so put regarding each
separately and a decree past. To the Lanuvians the right of citizenship
was granted, and the exercise of their religious rights was restored to
them with this provision, that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita
should be common between the Lanuvian burghers and the Roman people.
The Aricians, Nomentans, and Pedans were admitted into the number of
citizens on the same terms as the Lanuvians. To the Tusculans the
rights of citizenship which they already possessed were continued; and
the crime of rebellion was turned from disaffection on public grounds
against a few instigators. On the Veliternians, Roman citizens of long
standing, measures of great severity were inflicted because they had so
often rebelled; their walls were razed, and their senate removed from
thence, and they were ordered to dwell on the other side of the Tiber,
so that the fine of any individual who should be caught on the hither
side of that river should amount to one thousand asses; and that
the person who had apprehended him, should not discharge his prisoner
from confinement, until the money was paid down. Into the land of the
senators colonists were sent; from the additions of which Velitræ
recovered its appearance of former populousness. A new colony was also
sent to Antium, with this provision, that if the Antians desired to be
enrolled as colonists, permission to that effect should be granted.
Their ships of war were removed from thence, and the people of Antium
were interdicted the sea, and the rights of citizenship were granted
them. The Tiburtians and Prænestines were amerced in some land, not
only on account of the recent guilt of the rebellion, which was common
to them with the other Latins; but also because, from their dislike to
the Roman government, they had formerly associated in arms with the
Gauls, a nation of savages. From the other Latin states they took away
the privileges of intermarriage, commerce, and of holding meetings. To
the Campanians, in compliment to their horsemen, because they had
refused to join in rebellion with the Latins, and to the Fundans and
Formians, because the passage through their territories had been always
secure and peaceful, the freedom of the state was granted with the
right of suffrage. It was determined that the people of Cumæ and
Suessula should have the same rights and be on the same footing as
Capua. Of the ships of the Antians some were drawn up to the docks at
Rome, some were burned, and with the prows of these a pulpit built in
the forum was ordered to be decorated; and that temple was called
Rostra.
15. During the consulship of Caius Sulpicius Longus and Publius
Ælius Pætus, when the Roman power not more than the kindly feeling
engendered by acts of kindness diffused the blessings of peace among
all parties, a war broke out between the Sidicinians and Auruncans. The
Auruncans having been admitted into alliance on the occasion of their
surrendering, had since that period made no disturbance; accordingly
they had a juster pretext for seeking aid from the Romans. But before
the consuls led forth their army from the city, (for the senate had
ordered the Auruncans to be defended,) intelligence is brought that the
Auruncans deserted their town through fear, and flying with their wives
and children, that they fortified Suessa, which is now called Aurunca;
that their ancient walls and city were demolished by the Sidicinians.
The senate being in consequence incensed against the consuls, by whose
delays the allies had been betrayed, ordered a dictator to be created.
Caius Claudius Regillensis was appointed, and he nominated Caius
Claudius Hortator as master of the horse. A scruple afterwards arose
concerning the dictator; and when the augurs declared that he seemed to
have been created under an informality, the dictator and the master of
the horse laid down their office. This year Minucia, a vestal, at first
suspected on account of her dress being more elegant than was becoming,
afterwards being arraigned before the pontiffs on the testimony of a
slave, after she had been ordered by their decree to abstain from
meddling in sacred rites, and to keep her slaves under her own power,
when brought to trial, was buried alive at the Colline gate, on the
right of the causeway, in the field of wickedness. I suppose that name
was given to the place from her crime. On the same year Quintus
Publilius Philo was the first of the plebeians elected prætor, being
opposed by Sulpicius the consul, who refused to take any notice of him
as a candidate; the senate, as they had not succeeded on that ground in
the case of the highest offices, being less earnest with respect to the
prætorship.
16. The following year, Lucius Papirius Crassus and Kæso Duilius
being consuls, was distinguished by a war with the Ausonians, as being
new rather than important. This people inhabited the city Cales; they
had united their arms with their neighbours the Sidicinians; and the
army of the two states being defeated in one battle scarcely worthy of
record, was induced to take to flight the earlier in consequence of the
proximity of the cities, and the more sheltered on their flight. Nor
did the senate, however, discontinue their attention to that war,
because the Sidicinians had now so often taken up arms either as
principals, or had afforded aid to those who did so, or had been the
cause of hostilities. Accordingly they exerted themselves with all
their might, to raise to the consulship for the fourth time, Marcus
Valerius Corvus, the greatest general of that day. To Corvus was added
Marcus Atilius Regulus as colleague; and lest any disappointment might
by any chance occur, a request was made of the consuls, that, without
drawing lots, that province might be assigned to Corvus. Receiving the
victorious army from the former consuls, proceeding to Cales, whence
the war had originated, after he had, at the first shout and onset,
routed the enemy, who were disheartened by the recollection also of the
former engagement, he set about attacking the town itself. And such was
the ardour of the soldiers, that they wished to advance immediately up
to the walls, and strenuously asserted that they would scale them.
Corvus, because that was a hazardous undertaking, wished to accomplish
his object rather by the labour than the risk of his men. Accordingly
he formed a rampart, prepared his vineæ, and advanced towers up to the
walls; but an opportunity which accidentally presented itself,
prevented the occasion for them. For Marcius Fabius, a Roman prisoner,
when, having broken his chains during the inattention of his guards on
a festival day, suspending himself by means of a rope which was
fastened to a battlement of the wall, he let himself down by the hands,
persuaded the general to make an assault on the enemy whilst stupified
by wine and feasting; nor were the Ausonians, together with their city,
captured with greater difficulty than they had been routed in the
field. A great amount of booty was obtained; and a garrison being
stationed at Cales, the legions were marched back to Rome. The consul
triumphed in pursuance of a decree of the senate; and that Atilius
might not be without a share of glory, both the consuls were ordered to
lead the army against the Sidicinians. But first, in conformity with a
decree of the senate, they nominated as dictator for the purpose of
holding the elections, Lucius Æmilius Mamercinus; he named Quintus
Publilius Philo his master of the horse. The dictator presiding at the
elections, Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius were elected consuls.
Though a part of the war with the Sidicinians still remained; yet that
they might anticipate, by an act of kindness, the wishes of the
commons, they proposed about sending a colony to Cales; and a decree of
the senate being passed that two thousand five hundred men should be
enrolled for that purpose, they appointed Kæso Duilius, Titus
Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius commissioners for conducting the colony
and distributing the land.
17. The new consuls then, recovering the army from their
predecessors, entered the enemy's territories and carried their
depredations up to the walls and the city. There because the
Sidicinians, who had raised a numerous army, seemed determined to fight
vigorously for their last hope, and a report existed that Samnium also
was preparing for hostilities, Publius Cornelius Rufinus was created
dictator by the consuls in pursuance of a decree of the senate; Marcus
Antonius was nominated master of the horse. A scruple afterwards arose
that they were elected under an informality: and they laid down their
office; and because a pestilence followed, recourse was had to an
interregnum, as if all the auspices had been infected by that
irregularity. By Marcus Valerius Corvus, the fifth interrex from the
commencement of the interregnum, Aulus Cornelius a second time, and
Cneius Domitius were elected consuls. Things being now tranquil, the
rumour of a Gallic war had the effect of a real outbreak, so that they
were determined that a dictator should be nominated. Marcus Papirius
Crassus was nominated, and Publius Valerius Publicola master of the
horse. And when the levy was conducted by them with more activity than
was deemed necessary in the case of neighbouring wars, scouts were sent
out and brought word, that there was perfect quiet with the Gauls in
every direction. It was suspected that Samnium also was now for the
second year in a state of disturbance in consequence of their
entertaining new designs: hence the Roman troops were not withdrawn
from the Sidicinian territory. But a hostile attack made by Alexander
of Epirus on the Lucanians drew away the attention of the Samnites to
another quarter; these two nations fought a pitched battle against the
king, as he was making a descent on the district adjoining Pæstum.
Alexander, having come off victorious in that contest, concluded a
peace with the Romans; with what fidelity he would have kept it, if his
other projects had been equally successful, is uncertain. The same year
the census was performed, and the new citizens were rated; on their
account the Mæscian and Scaptian tribes were added: the censors who
added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and Spurius Postumius. The
Acerrans were enrolled as Romans, in conformity with a law introduced
by the prætor, Lucius Papirius, by which the right of citizenship with
the privilege of suffrage was conferred. These were the transactions at
home and abroad during that year.
18. The following year was disastrous, whether by the intemperature
of the air, or by human guilt, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Caius
Valerius being consuls. I find in the annals Flaccus and Potitus
variously given as the surname of the consul; but in this it is of
little consequence which is the true one. I would heartily wish that
this other account were a false one, (nor indeed do all writers mention
it,) viz. that those persons, whose death rendered the year signal for
the pestilence, were carried off by poison. The circumstance however
must be stated as it is handed down to us, that I may not detract from
the credit of any writer. When the principal persons of the state were
dying of similar diseases, and all generally with the same result, a
certain maid-servant undertook, before Quintius Fabius Maximus, curule
ædile, to discover the cause of the public malady, provided the public
faith would be given to her by him, that the discovery should not be
made detrimental to her. Fabius immediately lays the matter before the
consuls, and the consuls before the senate, and with the concurrence of
that order the public faith was pledged to the informer. It was then
disclosed that the state was afflicted by the wickedness of certain
women, and that certain matrons were preparing those poisonous drugs;
and if they wished to follow her forthwith, they might be detected in
the very fact. Having followed the informer, they found women preparing
certain drugs, and others of the same kind laid up. These being brought
into the forum, and several matrons, to the number of twenty, in whose
possession they had been detected, being summoned by the beadle, two of
them, Cornelia and Sergia, both of patrician rank, maintaining that
these drugs were wholesome, were directed by the informer who
confronted them to drink some, that they might convict her of having
stated what was false; having taken time to confer together, when, the
crowd being removed, they referred the matter to the other matrons in
the open view of all; they also not refusing to drink, they all drank
off the preparation, and perished by their own wicked device. Their
attendants being instantly seized, informed against a great number of
matrons, of whom to the number of one hundred and seventy were
condemned. Nor up to that day was there ever an inquiry made at Rome
concerning poisoning. The circumstance was considered a prodigy; and
seemed the act rather of insane persons than of persons depraved by
guilt. Wherefore mention having been found in the annals, that formerly
in the secessions of the commons the nail had been driven by the
dictator, and that the minds of the people, distracted by discord, had
been restored to a sane state, it was determined that a dictator should
be nominated for the purpose of driving the nail. Cneius Quinctilius
being nominated, appointed Lucius Valerius master of the horse, who, as
soon as the nail was driven, abdicated their offices.
19. Lucius Papirius Crassus a second time, and Lucius Plautius Venno
were elected consuls; at the commencement of which year ambassadors
came to Rome from the Fabraternians, a Volscian people, and from the
Lucanians, soliciting to be admitted into alliance: [promising] that if
they were defended from the arms of the Samnites, they would continue
in fidelity and obedience under the government of the Roman people.
Ambassadors were then sent by the senate; and the Samnites were
directed to withhold all violence from the territories of those states;
and this embassy proved effectual not so much because the Samnites were
desirous of peace, as because they were not prepared for war. The same
year a war broke out with the people of Privernum; in which the people
of Fundi were their supporters, their leader also being a Fundanian,
Vitruvius Vaccus; a man of distinction not only at home, but in Rome
also. He had a house on the Palatine hill, which, after the building
was razed and the ground thrown open, was called the Vacciprata. Lucius
Papirius having set out to oppose him whilst devastating extensively
the districts of Setia, Norba, and Cora, posted himself at no great
distance from his camp. Vitruvius neither adopted the prudent
resolution to enclose himself with his trenches against an enemy his
superior in strength, nor had he sufficient courage to engage at any
great distance from his camp. When his army had scarcely got out of the
gate of the camp, and his soldiers were looking backwards to flight
rather than to battle or the enemy, he enters on an engagement without
judgment or boldness; and as he was conquered by a very slight effort
and unequivocally, so did he by the very shortness of the distance, and
by the facility of his retreat into the camp so near at hand, protect
his soldiers without difficulty from much loss; and scarcely were any
slain in the engagement itself, and but few in the confusion of the
flight in the rear, whilst they were making their way into the camp;
and as soon as it was dark they repaired to Privernum in trepidation,
so that they might protect themselves rather by walls than by a
rampart. Plautius, the other consul, after laying waste the lands in
every direction and driving off the spoil, leads his army into the
Fundanian territory. The senate of the Fundanians met him as he was
entering their borders; they declare that “they had not come to
intercede in behalf of Vitruvius or those who followed his faction, but
in behalf of the people of Fundi, whose exemption from any blame in the
war had been proved by Vitruvius himself, when he made Privernum his
place of retreat, and not his native country, Fundi. At Privernum,
therefore, the enemies of the Roman people were to be looked for, and
punished, who revolted at the same time from the Fundanians and the
Romans, unmindful of both countries. That the Fundanians were at peace,
that they had Roman feelings and a grateful recollection of the
political rights received. They entreated the consul to withhold war
from an inoffensive people; their lands, city, their own bodies and
those of their wives and children, were, and ever should be, at the
disposal of the Roman people.” The consul, having commended the
Fundanians, and despatched letters to Rome that the Fundanians had
preserved their allegiance, turned his march to Privernum. Claudius
states, that the consul first punished those who were at the head of
the conspiracy; that three hundred and fifty of the conspirators were
sent in chains to Rome; and that such submission was not received by
the senate, because they considered that the people of Fundi wished to
come off with impunity by the punishment of needy and humble persons.
20. While the siege of Privernum was being conducted by the two
consular armies, one of the consuls was recalled to Rome, on account of
the elections. This year gaols were first erected in the circus. While
the attention of the public was still occupied by the Privernian war,
an alarming report of the Gauls being in arms, a matter scarcely ever
slighted by the senate, suddenly came on them. The new consuls,
therefore, Lucius Æmilius Mamercinus and Caius Plautius, on the calends
of July, the very day on which they entered into office, received
orders to settle the provinces immediately between themselves; and
Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war fell, was directed to levy troops,
without admitting any plea of immunity: nay, it is said, that even the
rabble of handicrafts, and those of sedentary trades, of all the worst
qualified for military service, were called out; and a vast army was
collected at Veii, in readiness to meet the Gauls. It was thought
proper not to proceed to a greater distance, lest the enemy might by
some other route arrive at the city without being observed. In the
course of a few days it being ascertained, on a careful inquiry, that
every thing on that side was quiet at the time; the whole force, which
was to have opposed the Gauls, was then turned against Privernum. Of
the issue of the business, there are two different accounts: some say,
that the city was taken by storm; and that Vitruvius fell alive into
the hands [of the conquerors]: others maintain that the townsmen, to
avoid the extremities of a storm, presenting the rod of peace,
surrendered to the consul; and that Vitruvius was delivered up by his
troops. The senate, being consulted with respect to Vitruvius and the
Privernians, sent directions, that the consul Plautius should demolish
the walls of Privernum, and, leaving a strong garrison there, come home
to enjoy the honour of a triumph; at the same time ordering that
Vitruvius should be kept in prison, until the return of the consul, and
that he should then be beaten with rods, and put to death. His house,
which stood on the Palatine hill, they commanded to be razed to the
ground, and his effects to be devoted to Semo Sancus. With the money
produced by the sale of them, brazen globes were formed, and placed in
the chapel of Sancus, opposite to the temple of Quirinus. As to the
senate of Privernum, it was decreed, that every person who had
continued to act as a senator of Privernum, after the revolt from the
Romans, should reside on the farther side of the Tiber, under the same
restrictions as those of Velitræ. After the passing of these decrees,
there was no further mention of the Privernians, until Plautius had
triumphed. After the triumph, Vitruvius, with his accomplices, having
been put to death, the consul thought that all being now fully
gratified by the sufferings of the guilty, allusion might be safely
made to the business of the Privernians, he spoke in the following
manner: “Conscript fathers, since the authors of the revolt have
received, both from the immortal gods and from you, the punishment so
well merited, what do ye judge proper to be done with respect to the
guiltless multitude? For my part, although my duty consists rather in
collecting the opinions of others than in offering my own, yet, when I
reflect that the Privernians are situated in the neighbourhood of the
Samnites, our peace with whom is exceedingly uncertain, I should wish,
that as little ground of animosity as possible may be left between them
and us.”
21. The affair naturally admitted of a diversity of opinions, each,
agreeably to his particular temper, recommending either severity or
lenity; matters were still further perplexed by one of the Privernian
ambassadors, more mindful of the prospects to which he had been born,
than to the exigency of the present juncture: who being asked by one of
the advocates for severity, “What punishment he thought the Privernians
deserved?” answered, “Such as those deserve who deem themselves worthy
of liberty.” The consul observing, that, by this stubborn answer, those
who were adverse to the cause of the Privernians were the more
exasperated against them, and wishing, by a question of favourable
import, to draw from him a more conciliating reply, said to him, “What
if we remit the punishment, in what manner may we expect that ye will
observe the peace which shall be established between us?” He replied,
“If the peace which ye grant us be a good one, both inviolable and
eternal; if bad, of no long continuance.” Then indeed some exclaimed,
that the Privernian menaced them, and not in ambiguous terms; and that
by such expressions peaceable states were incited to rebellion. But the
more reasonable part of the senate interpreted his answers more
favourably, and said, that “the words they had heard were those of a
man, and of a free-man. Could it be believed that any people, or even
any individual, would remain, longer than necessity constrained, in a
situation which he felt painful? That peace was faithfully observed,
only when those at peace were voluntarily so; but that fidelity was not
to be expected where they wished to establish slavery.” In this opinion
they were led to concur, principally, by the consul himself, who
frequently observed to the consulars, who had proposed the different
resolutions, in such a manner as to be heard by several, that “surely
those men only who thought of nothing but liberty, were worthy of being
made Romans.” They consequently both carried their cause in the senate;
and, moreover, by direction of that body, a proposal was laid before
the people, that the freedom of the state should be granted to the
Privernians. The same year a colony of three hundred was sent to Anxur,
and received two acres of land each.
22. The year following, in which the consuls were Publius Plautius
Proculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula, was remarkable for no one
transaction, civil or military, except the sending of a colony to
Fregellæ, a district which had belonged to the Sidicinians, and
afterwards to the Volscians; and a distribution of meat to the people,
made by Marcus Flavius, on occasion of the funeral of his mother. There
were many who represented, that, under the appearance of doing honour
to his parent, a deserved recompence was made to the people, for having
acquitted him, when prosecuted by the ædiles on a charge of having
debauched a married woman. This distribution of meat intended as a
return for favours shown on the trial, proved also the means of
procuring him the honour of a public office; for, at the next election,
though absent, he was preferred before the candidates who solicited in
person the tribuneship of the commons. The city of Palæpolis was
situated at no great distance from the spot where Neapolis now stands.
The two cities were inhabited by one people: these came from Cumæ, and
the Cumans derive their origin from Chalcis in Euboea. By means of the
fleet in which they had been conveyed hither, they possessed great
power on the coast of the sea, near which they dwelt. Having first
landed on the islands of Ænaria, and the Pithecusæ, they afterwards
ventured to transfer their settlement to the continent. This state,
relying both on their own strength, as well as on the treacherous
nature of the alliance of the Samnites with the Romans; or, encouraged
by the report of a pestilence having attacked the city of Rome,
committed various acts of hostility against the Romans settled in the
Campanian and Falernian territories. Wherefore, in the succeeding
consulate of Lucius Cornelius, and Quintus Publilius Philo a second
time, heralds being sent to Palæpolis to demand satisfaction, when a
haughty answer was returned by these Greeks, a race more magnanimous in
words than in action, the people, in pursuance of the direction of the
senate, ordered war to be declared against the Palæpolitans. On
settling the provinces between the consuls, the war against the Greeks
fell to Publilius. Cornelius, with another army, was appointed to watch
the Samnites if they should attempt any movement; but a report
prevailed that they, anxiously expecting a revolt in Campania, intended
to march their troops thither; that was judged by Cornelius the
properest station for him.
23. The senate received information, from both the consuls, that
there was very little hope of peace with the Samnites. Publilius
informed them, that two thousand soldiers from Nolæ, and four thousand
of the Samnites, had been received into Palæpolis, a measure rather
forced on the Greeks by the Nolans than agreeable to their inclination.
Cornelius wrote, that a levy of troops had been ordered, that all
Samnium was in motion, and that the neighbouring states of Privernum,
Fundi, and Formiæ, were openly solicited to join them. When in
consequence it was thought proper, that, before hostilities were
commenced, ambassadors should be sent to the Samnites, an insolent
answer is returned by them; they even went so far as to accuse the
Romans of behaving injuriously towards them; but, nevertheless, they
took pains to clear themselves of the charges made against them,
asserting, that “the Greeks were not assisted with either counsel or
aid by their state, nor were the Fundanians or Formians tampered with
by them; for, if they were disposed to war, they had not the least
reason to be diffident of their own strength. However, they could not
dissemble, that it gave great offence to the state of the Samnites,
that Fregellæ, by them taken from the Volscians and demolished, should
have been rebuilt by the Romans; and that they should have established
a colony within the territory of the Samnites, to which their colonists
gave the name of Fregellæ. This injury and affront, if not done away by
the authors, they were determined themselves to remove, by every means
in their power.” When one of the Roman ambassadors proposed to discuss
the matter before their common allies and friends, their magistrate
said, “Why do we disguise our sentiments? Romans, no conferences of
ambassadors, nor arbitration of any person whatever, can terminate our
differences; but the plains of Campania, in which we must meet; our
arms and the common fortune of war will settle the point. Let our
armies, therefore, meet between Capua and Suessula; and there let us
decide, whether the Samnite or the Roman shall hold the sovereignty of
Italy.” To this the ambassadors of the Romans replied, “that they would
go, not whither their enemy called, but whither their commanders should
lead.” In the mean time, Publilius, by seizing an advantageous post
between Palæpolis and Neapolis, had cut off that interchange of mutual
aid, which they had hitherto afforded each other, according as either
place was hard pressed. Accordingly, when both the day of the elections
approached, and as it was highly inexpedient for the public interest
that Publilius should be called away when on the point of assailing the
enemy's walls, and in daily expectation of gaining possession of their
city, application was made to the tribunes, to recommend to the people
the passing of an order, that Publilius Philo, when his year of office
should expire, might continue in command, as pro-consul, until the war
with the Greeks should be finished. A letter was despatched to Lucius
Cornelius, with orders to name a dictator; for it was not thought
proper that the consul should be recalled from the vigorous prosecution
of the war now that he had entered into Samnium. He nominated Marcus
Claudius Marcellus, who appointed Spurius Postumius master of the
horse. The elections, however, were not held by the dictator, because
it became a question whether he had been appointed under an
irregularity; and the augurs being consulted, pronounced that it
appeared that the dictator's appointment was defective. The tribunes
inveighed against this proceeding as dangerous and dishonourable; “for
it was not probable,” they said, “that such defect could have been
discovered, as the consul, rising in the night, had nominated the
dictator while every thing was still;[172] nor had the said consul in
any of his letters, either public or private, made any mention of such
a thing to any one; nor did any person whatever come forward who said
that he saw or heard any thing which could vitiate the auspices.
Neither could the augurs sitting at Rome divine what inauspicious
circumstance had occurred to the consul in the camp. Who did not
plainly perceive, that the dictator's being a plebeian, was the defect
which the augurs had discovered?” These and other arguments were urged
in vain by the tribunes: the affair however ended in an interregnum. At
last, after the elections had been adjourned repeatedly on one pretext
or another, the fourteenth interrex, Lucius Æmilius, elected consuls
Caius Pætelius, and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, or Cursor, as I find
him named in some annals.
[Footnote 172: Any noise happening during the taking of the auspices
was reckoned inauspicious; hence silentium signified among the
augurs, every circumstance being favourable.]
24. It has been recorded, that in this year Alexandria in Egypt was
founded; and that Alexander, king of Epirus, being slain by a Lucanian
exile, verified in the circumstances of his death the prediction of
Jupiter of Dodona. At the time when he was invited into Italy by the
Tarentines, a caution had been given him, “to beware of the Acherusian
waters and the city Pandosia, for there were fixed the limits of his
destiny.” For that reason he made the greater haste to pass over to
Italy, in order to be at as great a distance as possible from the city
Pandosia in Epirus, and the river Acheron, which, after flowing through
Molossis, runs into the lakes called Infernal, and is received into the
Thesprotian gulf. But, (as it frequently happens, that men, by
endeavouring to shun their fate, run directly upon it,) after having
often defeated the armies of Bruttium and Lucania, and taken Heraclea,
a colony of the Tarentines, Consentia and Metapontum from the
Lucanians, Terina from the Bruttians, and several other cities of the
Messapians and Lucanians; and having sent into Epirus three hundred
illustrious families, whom he intended to keep as hostages, he posted
his troops on three hills, which stood at a small distance from each
other, not far from the city Pandosia, and close to the frontiers of
the Bruttians and Lucanians, in order that he might thence make
incursions into every part of the enemy's country. At that time he kept
about his person two hundred Lucanian exiles, as faithful attendants,
but whose fidelity, according to the general disposition of people of
that description, was ever ready to follow the changes of fortune. When
continual rains spread such an inundation over all the plains, as cut
off from the three separate divisions of the army all means of mutual
aid, the two parties, in neither of which the king was present, were
suddenly attacked and overpowered by the enemy, who, after putting them
to the sword, employed their whole force in blockading the king
himself. From this place the Lucanian exiles sent emissaries to their
countrymen, and stipulating a safe return for themselves, promised to
deliver the king, either alive or dead, into their power. But he,
bravely resolving to make an extraordinary effort, at the head of a
chosen band, broke through the midst of their forces; engaged singly,
and slew the general of the Lucanians, and collecting together his men,
who had been scattered in the retreat, arrived at a river which pointed
out his road by the ruins of a bridge which had been recently broken by
the violence of the flood. Here, while the party was fording the river
on a very uneven bottom, a soldier, almost spent with fatigue and
apprehension, cried out as a reflection on the odious name of it,—“You
are justly named Acheros (dismal):” which expression reaching the
king's ears, and instantly recalling to his mind the fate denounced on
him, he halted, hesitating whether he should cross over or not. Then
Sotimus, one of the royal band of youths which attended him, asking why
he delayed in such a critical moment, showed him that the Lucanians
were watching an opportunity to perpetrate some act of treachery:
whereupon the king, looking back, and seeing them coming towards him in
a body, drew his sword, and pushed on his horse through the middle of
the river. When he had now reached the shallow, a Lucanian exile from a
distance transfixed him with a javelin: after his fall, the current
carried down his lifeless body, with the weapon sticking in it, to the
posts of the enemy: there a shocking mangling of it took place; for
dividing it in the middle, they sent one half to Consentia, and kept
the other, as a subject of mockery, to themselves. While they were
throwing darts and stones at it, a woman mixing with the crowd, who
were enraged to a degree beyond the credible extent of human
resentment, prevailed on them to stop for a moment. She then told them
with tears in her eyes that she had a husband and children, prisoners
among the enemy; and that she hoped to be able with the king's body,
however disfigured, to ransom her friends: this put an end to their
outrages. The remnants of his limbs were buried at Consentia, entirely
through the care of the woman; and his bones were sent to Metapontum to
the enemy, from whence they were conveyed to Epirus to his wife
Cleopatra and his sister Olympias; the latter of whom was the mother,
the former the sister, of Alexander the Great. Such was the melancholy
end of Alexander of Epirus; of which, although fortune did not allow
him to engage in hostilities with the Romans, yet, as he waged war in
Italy, I have thought it proper to give this brief account. This year,
the fifth time since the building of the city, the lectisternium was
performed at Rome for procuring the favour of the same deities to whom
it was addressed before.
25. When the new consuls had, by order of the people, sent persons
to declare war against the Samnites, and they themselves were making
all preparations with greater energy than against the Greeks, a new
accession of strength also came to them when expecting no such thing.
The Lucanians and Apulians, nations who, until that time, had no kind
of intercourse with the Roman people, proposed an alliance with them,
promising a supply of men and arms for the war: a treaty of friendship
was accordingly concluded. At the same time, their affairs went on
successfully in Samnium. Three towns fell into their hands, Allifæ,
Callifæ, and Ruffrium; and the adjoining country to a great extent was,
on the first arrival of the consuls, laid entirely waste. Whilst the
war on this side was commenced with so much success, so the war in the
other quarter where the Greeks were held besieged, now drew towards a
conclusion. For, besides the communication between the two posts of the
enemy being cut off, by the besiegers having possession of part of the
works through which it had been carried on, they now suffered within
the walls hardships far more grievous than those with which the enemy
threatened them, and as if made prisoners by their own garrison, they
were now subjected to the greatest indignities in the persons of their
wives and children, and to such extremities as are generally felt on
the sacking of cities. When, therefore, intelligence arrived that
reinforcements were to come from Tarentum and from the Samnites, all
agreed that there were more of the latter already within the walls than
they wished; but the young men of Tarentum, who were Greeks as well as
themselves, they earnestly longed for, as they hoped to be enabled by
their means to oppose the Samnites and Nolans, no less than to resist
their Roman enemies. At last a surrender to the Romans appeared to be
the lightest evil. Charilaus and Nymphius, the two principal men in the
state, consulting together on the subject, settled the part which each
was to act; it, was, that one should desert to the Roman general, and
the other stay behind to manage affairs in the city, so as to
facilitate the execution of their plan. Charilaus was the person who
came to Publilius Philo; he told him that “he had taken a resolution,
which he hoped would prove advantageous, fortunate, and happy to the
Palæpolitans and to the Roman people, of delivering the fortifications
into his hands. Whether he should appear by that deed to have betrayed
or preserved his country, depended on the honour of the Romans. That
for himself in particular, he neither stipulated nor requested any
thing; but, in behalf of the state, he requested rather than
stipulated, that in case the design should succeed, the Roman people
would consider more especially the zeal and hazard with which it sought
a renewal of their friendship, than its folly and rashness in deviating
from its duty.” He was commended by the general, and received a body of
three thousand soldiers, with which he was to seize on that part of the
city which was possessed by the Samnites; this detachment was commanded
by Lucius Quinctius, military tribune.
26. At the same time also, Nymphius, on his part, artfully
addressing himself to the commander of the Samnites, prevailed upon
him, as all the troops of the Romans were employed either about
Palæpolis or in Samnium, to allow him to sail round with the fleet to
the territory of Rome, where he undertook to ravage, not only the
sea-coast, but the country adjoining the very city. But, in order to
avoid observation, it was necessary, he told him, to set out by night,
and to launch the ships immediately. That this might be effected with
the greater despatch, all the young Samnites, except the necessary
guards of the city, were sent to the shore. While Nymphius wasted the
time there, giving contradictory orders, designedly, to create
confusion, which was increased by the darkness, and by the crowd, which
was so numerous as to obstruct each other's operations, Charilaus,
according to the plan concerted, was admitted by his associates into
the city; and have filled the higher parts of it with Roman soldiers,
he ordered them to raise a shout; on which the Greeks, who had received
previous directions from their leaders, kept themselves quiet. The
Nolans fled through the opposite part of the town, by the road leading
to Nola. The flight of the Samnites, who were shut out from the city,
was easier, but had a more disgraceful appearance; for they returned to
their homes without arms, stripped, and destitute of every thing; all,
in short, belonging to them being left with their enemies; so that they
were objects of ridicule, not only to foreigners, but even to their own
countrymen. I know that there is another account of this matter,
according to which the town is represented to have been betrayed by the
Samnites; but I have this account on the authority most worthy of
credit; besides, the treaty of Neapolis, for to that place the seat of
government of the Greeks was then transferred, renders it more probable
that the renewal of friendship was voluntary on their side. A triumph
was decreed to Publilius, because people were well convinced that the
enemy, reduced by the siege, had adopted terms of submission. These two
extraordinary incidents, which never before occurred in any case,
befell this man: a prolongation of command never before granted to any
one; and a triumph after the expiration of his office.
27. Another war soon after arose with the Greeks of the other coast.
For the Tarentines having, for a considerable time, buoyed up the state
of Palæpolis with delusive hopes of assistance, when they understood
that the Romans had gotten possession of that city, as if they were the
persons who had suffered the disappointment, and not the authors of it,
they inveighed against the Palæpolitans, and became furious in their
anger and malice towards the Romans; on this account also, because
information was brought that the Lucanians and Apulians had submitted
to the Roman people; for a treaty of alliance had been this year
concluded with both these nations. “The business,” they observed, “was
now brought almost to their doors; and that the matter would soon come
to this, that the Romans must either be dealt with as enemies, or
received as masters: that, in fact, their interests were involved in
the war of the Samnites, and in its issue. That that was the only
nation which continued to make opposition; and that with power very
inadequate, since the Lucanians left them: these however might yet be
brought back, and induced to renounce the Roman alliance, if proper
skill were used in sowing dissension between them.” These reasonings
being readily adopted, by people who wished for a change, some young
Lucanians of considerable note among their countrymen, but devoid of
honour, were procured for money; these having lacerated each other's
persons with stripes, after they had come naked into a public meeting
of their countrymen, exclaimed that, because they had ventured to go
into the Roman camp, they had been thus beaten with rods, by order of
the consul, and had hardly escaped the loss of their heads. A
circumstance, so shocking in its nature, carrying strong proofs of the
ill-treatment, none of artifice, the people were so irritated, that, by
their clamours, they compelled the magistrates to call together the
senate; and some standing round that assembly, insisted on a
declaration of war against the Romans, others ran different ways to
rouse to arms the multitude residing in the country. Thus the tumult
hurrying into imprudence the minds even of rational men, a decree was
passed, that the alliance with the Samnites should be renewed, and
ambassadors sent for that purpose. Because this so sudden a proceeding
was totally devoid of any obvious cause for its adoption, and
consequently was little relied on for its sincerity; they were,
however, obliged both to give hostages, and also to receive garrisons
into their fortified places; and they, blinded by fraud and resentment,
refused no terms. In a little time after, on the authors of the false
charges removing to Tarentum, the whole imposition came to light. But
as they had given all power out of their own hands, nothing was left
them but unavailing repentance.
28. This year there arose, as it were, a new era of liberty to the
Roman commons; in this that a stop was put to the practice of confining
debtors. This alteration of the law was effected in consequence of the
lust and signal cruelty of one usurer. His name was Lucius Papirius. To
him one Caius Publilius having surrendered his person to be confined
for a debt due by his father, his youth and beauty, which ought to have
excited commiseration, operated on the other's mind as incentives to
lust and insult. He first attempted to seduce the young man by impure
discourses, considering the bloom of his youth his own adventitious
gain; but finding that his ears were shocked at their infamous
tendency, he then endeavoured to terrify him by threats, and reminded
him frequently of his situation. At last, convinced of his resolution
to act conformably to his honourable birth, rather than to his present
condition, he ordered him to be stripped and scourged. When with the
marks of the rods imprinted in his flesh the youth rushed out into the
public street, loudly complaining of the depravedness and inhumanity of
the usurer; a vast number of people, moved by compassion for his early
age, and indignation at his barbarous treatment, reflecting at the same
time on their own lot and that of their children, flocked together into
the forum, and from thence in a body to the senate-house. When the
consuls were obliged by the sudden tumult to call a meeting of the
senate, the people, falling at the feet of each of the senators, as
they were going into the senate-house, presented to their view the
lacerated back of the youth. On that day, in consequence of the
outrageous conduct of an individual, the strongest bonds of credit were
broken; and the consuls were commanded to propose to the people, that
no person should be held in fetters or stocks, except convicted of a
crime, and in order to punishment; but that, for money due, the goods
of the debtor, not his person, should be answerable. Thus the confined
debtors were released; and provision made, for the time to come, that
they should not be liable to confinement.
29. In the course of this year, while the war with the Samnites was
sufficient in itself to give full employment to the senate, besides the
sudden defection of the Lucanians, and the Tarentines, the promoters of
the defection, [another source of uneasiness] was added in a union
formed by the state of the Vestinians with the Samnites. Which event,
though it continued, during the present year, to be the general subject
of conversation, without coming under any public discussion, appeared
so important to the consuls of the year following, Lucius Furius
Camillus a second time, and Junius Brutus Scæva, that it was the first
business which they proposed to the consideration of the state. And
though the matter was still recent, still great perplexity seized the
senate, as they dreaded equally the consequences, either of passing it
over, or of taking it up; lest, on the one hand, impunity might stir up
the neighbouring states with wantonness and arrogance; and, on the
other, punishment inflicted on them by force of arms, and dread of
immediate danger, might produce the same effect by exciting resentment.
And the whole body, too, was in every way equal in strength to the
Samnites, being composed of the Marsians, the Pelignians, and the
Marrusinians; all of whom would have to be encountered as enemies, if
the Vestinians were to be interfered with. However, that side prevailed
which might, at the time, seem to have more spirit than prudence; but
the event proved that fortune assists the brave. The people, in
pursuance of the direction of the senate, ordered war against the
Vestinians; that province fell by lot to Junius, Samnium to Camillus.
Armies were led to both places, and by carefully guarding the
frontiers, the enemy were prevented from joining their forces. But the
other consul, Lucius Furius, on whom the principal weight of the
business rested, was withdrawn by chance from the war, being seized
with a severe sickness. Being therefore ordered to nominate a dictator
to conduct the business, he nominated Lucius Papirius Cursor, the most
celebrated general, by far, of any in that age, who appointed Quintus
Fabius Maximus Rullianus master of the horse: a pair of commanders
distinguished for their exploits in war; more so, however, for a
quarrel between themselves, and which proceeded almost to violence. The
other consul, in the territory of the Vestinians, carried on operations
of various kinds; and, in all, was uniformly successful. For he both
utterly laid waste their lands, and, by spoiling and burning their
houses and corn, compelled them to come to an engagement; and, in one
battle, he reduced the strength of the Vestinians to such a degree,
though not without loss on his own side, that the enemy not only fled
to their camp, but, fearing even to trust to the rampart and trench,
dispersed from thence into the several towns, in hopes of finding
security in the situation and fortifications of their cities. At last,
having undertaken to reduce their towns by force, amid the great ardour
of the soldiers, and their resentment for the wounds which they had
received, (hardly one of them having come out of the battle unhurt,) he
took Cutina by scalade, and afterwards Cingilia. The spoil of both
cities he gave to the soldiers, in consideration of their having
bravely surmounted the obstruction both of gates and walls.
30. The commanders entered Samnium under uncertain auspices; an
informality which pointed, not at the event of war, for that was
prosperous, but at the furious passions and the quarrels which broke
out between the leaders. For Papirius the dictator, returning to Rome
in order to take the auspices anew, in consequence of a caution
received from the aruspex, left strict orders with the master of the
horse to remain in his post, and not to engage in battle during his
absence. After the departure of the dictator, Fabius having discovered
by his scouts that the enemy were in as unguarded a state as if there
was not a single Roman in Samnium, the high-spirited youth, (either
conceiving indignation at the sole authority in every point appearing
to be lodged in the hands of the dictator, or induced by the
opportunity of striking an important blow,) having made the necessary
preparations and dispositions, marched to a place called Imbrinium, and
there fought a battle with the Samnites. His success in the fight was
such, that there was no one circumstance which could have been improved
to more advantage, if the dictator had been present. The leader was not
wanting to the soldiers, nor the soldiers to their leader. The cavalry
too, (finding, after repeated charges, that they could not break the
ranks,) by the advice of Lucius Cominius, a military tribune, pulled
off the bridles from their horses and spurred them on so furiously,
that no power could withstand them; forcing their way through the
thickest of the enemy, they bore down every thing before them; and the
infantry seconding the charge, the whole body was thrown into
confusion. Twenty thousand of the enemy are said to have fallen on that
day. I have authority for saying that there were two battles fought
during the dictator's absence, and two victories obtained; but,
according to the most ancient writers, only this one is found, and in
some histories the whole transaction is omitted. The master of the
horse getting possession of abundance of spoils, in consequence of the
great numbers slain, collected the arms into a huge heap, and burned
them; either in pursuance of a vow to some of the gods, or, if we
choose to credit the authority of Fabius, it was done on this account,
that the dictator might not reap the fruits of his glory, inscribe his
name on them, or carry the spoils in triumph. His letters also,
containing an account of the success, being sent to the senate, not to
the dictator, showed plainly that he wished not to impart to him any
share of the honour; who certainly viewed the proceeding in this light,
for while others rejoiced at the victory obtained, he showed only
surliness and anger; insomuch that, immediately dismissing the senate,
he hastened out of the senate-house, and frequently repeated with
warmth, that the legions of the Samnites were not more effectually
vanquished and overthrown by the master of the horse, than were the
dictatorial dignity and military discipline, if such contempt of orders
escaped with impunity. Thus, breathing resentment and menaces, he set
out for the camp; but, though he travelled with all possible
expedition, he was unable, however, to outstrip the report of his
coming. For messengers had started from the city before him, who
brought intelligence that the dictator was coming, eager for vengeance,
and in almost every second sentence applauding the conduct of Titus
Manlius.
31. Fabius instantly called an assembly, and entreated the soldiers
to “show the same courage in protecting him, under whose conduct and
auspices they had conquered, from the outrageous cruelty of the
dictator, which they had so lately displayed in defending the
commonwealth from its most inveterate enemies. He was now coming,” he
told them, “frantic with envy; enraged at another's bravery and
success, he was mad, because, in his absence, the business of the
public had been executed, with remarkable success; and if he could
change the fortune of the engagement, would wish the Samnites in
possession of victory rather than the Romans. He talked much of
contempt of orders; as if his prohibition of fighting were not dictated
by the same motive, which caused his vexation at the fight having taken
place. He wished to shackle the valour of others through envy, and
meant to take away the soldiers' arms when they were most eager for
action, and that no use might be made of them in his absence: he was
further enraged too, because without Lucius Papirius the soldiers were
not without hands or arms, and because Quintus Fabius considered
himself as master of the horse, not as a beadle to the dictator. How
would he have behaved, had the issue of the fight been unfortunate;
which, through the chances of war and the uncertainty of military
operations, might have been the case; since now, when the enemy has
been vanquished, (as completely, indeed, as if that leader's own
singular talents had been employed in the matter,) he yet threatens the
master of the horse with punishment? Nor is he more incensed against
the master of the horse, than against the military tribunes, the
centurions, and the soldiers. On all, he would vent his rage if he
could; and because that is not in his power, he vents it on one. Envy,
like flame, soars upwards; aims at the summit; that he makes his attack
on the head of the business, on the leader. If he could put him out of
the way, together with the glory of the service performed, he would
then lord it, like a conqueror over vanquished troops; and, without
scruple, practise against the soldiers what he had been allowed to act
against their commander. That they should, therefore, in his cause,
support the general liberty of all. If the dictator perceived among the
troops the same unanimity in justifying their victory that they had
displayed in the battle, and that all interested themselves in the
safety of one, it would bend his temper to milder counsels. In fine,”
he told them, “that he committed his life, and all his interests, to
their honour and to their courage.”
32. His speech was received with the loudest acclamations from every
part of the assembly, bidding him “have courage; for while the Roman
legions were in being, no man should offer him violence.” Not long
after, the dictator arrived, and instantly summoned an assembly by
sound of trumpet. Then silence being made, a crier cited Quintus
Fabius, master of the horse, and as soon as, on the lower ground, he
had approached the tribunal, the dictator said, “Quintus Fabius, I
demand of you, when the authority of dictator is acknowledged to be
supreme, and is submitted to by the consuls, officers endowed with
regal power; and likewise by the prætors, created under the same
auspices with consuls; whether or no you think it reasonable that it
should not meet obedience from a master of the horse? I also ask you
whether, when I knew that I set out from home under uncertain auspices,
the safety of the commonwealth ought to have been endangered by me,
whilst the omens were confused, or whether the auspices ought to be
newly taken, so that nothing might be done while the will of the gods
remained doubtful? And further, when a religious scruple was of such a
nature as to hinder the dictator from acting, whether the master of the
horse could be exempt from it and at liberty? But why do I ask these
questions, when, though I had gone without leaving any orders, your own
judgment ought to have been regulated according to what you could
discover of my intention? Why do you not answer? Did I not forbid you
to act, in any respect, during my absence? Did I not forbid you to
engage the enemy? Yet, in contempt of these my orders, while the
auspices were uncertain, while the omens were confused, contrary to the
practice of war, contrary to the discipline of our ancestors, and
contrary to the authority of the gods, you dared to enter on the fight.
Answer to these questions proposed to you. On any other matter utter
not a word. Lictor, draw near him.” To each of these particulars,
Fabius, finding it no easy matter to answer, at one time remonstrated
against the same person acting as accuser and judge, in a cause which
affected his very existence; at another, he asserted that his life
should sooner be forced from him, than the glory of his past services;
clearing himself and accusing the other by turns; so then Papirius'
anger blazing out with fresh fury, he ordered the master of the horse
to be stripped, and the rods and axes to be got ready. Fabius,
imploring the protection of the soldiers, while the lictors were
tearing his garments, betook himself to the quarters of the veterans,
who were already raising a commotion in the assembly: from them the
uproar spread through the whole body; in one place the voice of
supplication was heard; in another, menaces. Those who happened to
stand nearest to the tribunal, because, being under the eyes of the
general, they could easily be known, entreated him to spare the master
of the horse, and not in him to condemn the whole army. The remoter
parts of the assembly, and the crowd collected round Fabius, railed at
the unrelenting spirit of the dictator, and were not far from mutiny;
nor was even the tribunal perfectly quiet. The lieutenants-general
standing round the general's seat besought him to adjourn the business
to the next day, and to allow time to his anger, and room for
consideration; representing that “the indiscretion of Fabius had been
sufficiently rebuked; his victory sufficiently disgraced; and they
begged him not to proceed to the extreme of severity; not to brand with
ignominy a youth of extraordinary merit, or his father, a man of most
illustrious character, together with the whole family of the Fabii.”
When they made but little impression either by their prayers or
arguments, they desired him to observe the violent ferment of the
assembly, and told him that “while the soldiers' tempers were heated to
such a degree, it became not either his age or his wisdom to kindle
them into a flame, and afford matter for a mutiny; that no one would
lay the blame of such an event on Quintus Fabius, who only deprecated
punishment; but on the dictator, if, blinded by resentment, he should,
by an ill-judged contest, draw on himself the fury of the multitude:
and lest he should think that they acted from motives of regard to
Quintus Fabius, they were ready to make oath that, in their judgment,
it was not for the interest of the commonwealth that Quintus Fabius
should be punished at that time.”
33. When by these expostulations they rather irritated the dictator
against themselves, than appeased his anger against the master of the
horse, the lieutenants-general were ordered to go down from the
tribunal; and after several vain attempts were made to procure silence
by means of a crier, the noise and tumult being so great that neither
the voice of the dictator himself, nor that of his apparitors, could be
heard; night, as in the case of a battle, put an end to the contest.
The master of the horse was ordered to attend on the day following; but
when all assured him that Papirius, being agitated and exasperated in
the course of the present contention, would proceed against him with
greater violence, he fled privately from the camp to Rome; where, by
the advice of his father, Marcus Fabius, who had been three times
consul, and likewise dictator, he immediately called a meeting of the
senate. While he was strenuously complaining before the fathers of the
rage and injustice of the dictator, on a sudden was heard the noise of
lictors before the senate-house, clearing the way, and Papirius himself
arrived, full of resentment, having followed, with a guard of light
horse, as soon as he heard that the other had quitted the camp. The
contention then began anew, and the dictator ordered Fabius to be
seized. Where, when his unrelenting spirit persisted in its purpose,
notwithstanding the united intercessions of the principal patricians,
and of the whole senate, Fabius, the father, then said, “Since neither
the authority of the senate has any weight with you; nor my age, which
you wish to render childless; nor the noble birth and merit of a master
of the horse, nominated by yourself; nor prayers which have often
mitigated the rage of an enemy, and which appease the wrath of the
gods; I call upon the tribunes of the commons for support, and appeal
to the people; and since you decline the judgment of your own army, as
well as of the senate, I call you before a judge who must certainly be
allowed, though no other should, to possess more power and authority
than yourself, though dictator. I shall see whether you will submit to
an appeal, to which Tullus Hostilius, a Roman king, submitted.” They
proceeded directly from the senate-house to the assembly; where, being
arrived, the dictator attended by few, the master of the horse by all
the people of the first rank in a body, Papirius commanded him to be
taken from the rostrum to the lower ground; his father, following him,
said, “You do well in ordering us to be brought down to a place where
even as private persons we have liberty of speech.” At first, instead
of regular speeches, nothing but altercation was heard; at length, the
indignation of old Fabius, and the strength of his voice, got the
better of noise, while he reproached Papirius with arrogance and
cruelty. “He himself,” he said, “had been dictator at Rome; and no man,
not even the lowest plebeian, or centurion, or soldier, had been
outraged by him. But Papirius sought for victory and triumph over a
Roman commander, as over the generals of the enemy. What an immense
difference between the moderation of the ancients, and modern
oppression and cruelty. Quinctius Cincinnatus when dictator exercised
no further severity on Lucius Minucius the consul, although rescued by
him from a siege, than leaving him at the head of the army, in the
quality of lieutenant-general, instead of consul. Marcus Furius
Camillus, in the case of Lucius Furius, who, in contempt of his great
age and authority, had fought a battle with a most disgraceful result,
not only restrained his anger at the time so as to write no
unfavourable representation of his conduct to the people or the senate;
but after returning home, when the patricians gave him a power of
electing from among his colleagues whoever he might approve as an
associate with himself in the command, chose that very man in
preference to all the other consular tribunes. Nay, that not even the
resentment of the people, with whom lay the supreme power in all cases,
was ever exercised with greater severity towards those who, through
rashness and ignorance, had occasioned the loss of armies, than the
fining them in a sum of money. Until that day, a capital prosecution
for ill conduct in war had never been instituted against any commander,
but now generals of the Roman people when victorious, and meriting the
most honourable triumphs, are threatened with rods and axes; a
treatment which would not have been deemed allowable, even towards
those who had been defeated by an enemy. What would his son have to
suffer, if he had occasioned the loss of the army? if he had been
routed, put to flight, and driven out of his camp? To what greater
length could his resentment and violence be stretched, than to scourge
him, and put him to death? How was it consistent with reason, that
through the means of Quintus Fabius, the state should be filled with
joy, exulting in victory, and occupied in thanksgivings and
congratulations; while at the same time, he who had given occasion to
the temples of the gods being thrown open, their altars yet smoking
with sacrifices, and loaded with honours and offerings, should be
stripped naked, and torn with stripes in the sight of the Roman people;
within view of the Capitol and citadel, and of those gods not in vain
invoked in two different battles? With what temper would the army which
had conquered under his conduct and auspices have borne it? What
mourning would there be in the Roman camp! what joy among their
enemies!” This speech he accompanied with an abundant flow of tears;
uniting reproaches and complaints, imploring the aid both of gods and
men, and warmly embracing his son.
34. On his side stood the majesty of the senate, the favour of the
people, the support of the tribunes, and regard for the absent army. On
the other side were urged the inviolable authority of the Roman
government and military discipline; the edict of the dictator, always
observed as the mandate of a deity; the orders of Manlius, and his
postponing even parental affection to public utility. “The same also,”
said the dictator, “was the conduct of Lucius Brutus, the founder of
Roman liberty, in the case of his two sons. That now fathers were
become indulgent, and the aged indifferent in the case of the authority
of others being despised, and indulge the young in the subversion of
military order, as if it were a matter of trifling consequence. For his
part, however, he would persevere in his purpose, and would not remit
the smallest part of the punishment justly due to a person who fought
contrary to his orders, while the rites of religion were imperfectly
executed, and the auspices uncertain. Whether the majesty of the
supreme authority was to be perpetual or not, depended not on him; but
Lucius Papirius would not diminish aught of its rights. He wished that
the tribunitian office, inviolate itself, would not by its
interposition violate the authority of the Roman government; nor the
Roman people, to their own detriment particularly, annihilate the
dictator and the rights of the dictatorship together. But if this
should be the case, not Lucius Papirius but the tribunes and the people
would be blamed by posterity in vain; when military discipline being
once dissolved, the soldier would no longer obey the orders of the
centurion, the centurion those of the tribune, the tribune those of the
lieutenant-general, the lieutenant-general those of the consul, nor the
master of the horse those of the dictator. No one would then pay any
deference to men, no, nor even to the gods. Neither edicts of generals
nor auspices would be observed. The soldiers, without leave of absence,
would straggle at random through the lands of friends and of foes; and
regardless of their oath would, influenced solely by a wanton humour,
quit the service whenever they might choose. The standards would be
unattended and forsaken: the men would neither assemble in pursuance of
orders, nor would any distinction be made as to fighting by night or by
day, on favourable or unfavourable ground, by order or without the the
orders of the general; nor would they observe standards or ranks; the
service, instead of being solemn and sacred, would be confused and the
result of mere chance, like that of freebooters. Render yourselves
then, tribunes of the commons, accountable for all these evils to all
future ages. Expose your own persons to these heavy imputations in
defence of the licentious conduct of Quintus Fabius.”
35. The tribunes now confounded, and more anxiously concerned at
their own situation than at his for whom their support was sought, were
freed from this embarrassment by the Roman people unanimously having
recourse to prayers and entreaties, that the dictator would, for their
sakes, remit the punishment of the master of the horse. The tribunes
likewise, following the example set them of employing entreaties,
earnestly beseech the dictator to pardon human error, to consider the
immaturity of the offender's age; that he had suffered sufficiently;
and now the youth himself, now his father, Marcus Fabius, disclaiming
further contest, fell at the dictator's knees and deprecated his wrath.
Then the dictator, after causing silence, said, “Romans, it is well.
Military discipline has prevailed; the majesty of government has
prevailed; both which were in danger of ceasing this day to exist.
Quintus Fabius, who fought contrary to the order of his commander, is
not acquitted of guilt; but after being condemned as guilty, is granted
as a boon to the Roman people; is granted to the college of tribunes,
supporting him with their prayers, not with the regular power of their
office. Live, Quintus Fabius, more happy in this united sympathy of the
state for your preservation, than in the victory in which you lately
exulted. Live, after having ventured on such an act, as your father
himself, had he been in the place of Lucius Papirius, would not have
pardoned. With me you shall be reconciled whenever you wish it. To the
Roman people, to whom you owe your life, you can perform no greater
service than to let this day teach you a sufficient lesson to enable
you to submit to lawful commands, both in war and peace.” He then
declared, that he no longer detained the master of the horse, and as he
retired from the rostrum, the senate being greatly rejoiced, and the
people still more so, gathered round him and escorted him, on one hand
commending the dictator, on the other congratulating the master of the
horse; while it was considered that the authority of military command
was confirmed no less effectually by the danger of Quintus Fabius that
the lamentable punishment of young Manlius. It so happened, that,
through the course of that year, as often as the dictator left the army
the Samnites were in motion: but Marcus Valerius, the
lieutenant-general who commanded in the camp, had Quintus Fabius before
his eyes for an example, not to fear any violence of the enemy, so much
as the unrelenting anger of the dictator. So that when a body of his
foragers fell into an ambuscade and were cut to pieces in
disadvantageous ground, it was generally believed that the
lieutenant-general could have given them assistance if he had not been
held in dread by his rigorous orders. The resentment for this also
alienated the affections of the soldiery from the dictator, already
incensed against him because he had been implacable towards Quintus
Fabius, and because he had granted him pardon at the intercession of
the Roman people, a thing which he had refused to their entreaties.
36. The dictator, having appointed Lucius Papirius Crassus, as
master of the horse, to the command of the city, and prohibited Quintus
Fabius from acting in any case as magistrate, returned to the camp;
where his arrival brought neither any great joy to his countrymen, nor
any degree of terror to the enemy: for on the day following, either not
knowing that the dictator had arrived, or little regarding whether he
were present or absent, they approached his camp in order of battle. Of
such importance, however, was that single man, Lucius Papirius, that
had the zeal of the soldiers seconded the dispositions of the
commander, no doubt was entertained that an end might have been put
that day to the war with the Samnites; so judiciously did he draw up
his army with respect to situation and reserves, in such a manner did
he strengthen them with every advantage of military skill: but the
soldiers exerted no vigour; and designedly kept from conquering, in
order to injure the reputation of their leader. Of the Samnites,
however, very many were slain; and great numbers of the Romans wounded.
The experienced commander quickly perceived the circumstance which
prevented his success, and that it would be necessary to moderate his
temper, and to mingle mildness with austerity. Accordingly, attended by
the lieutenants-general, going round to the wounded soldiers, thrusting
his head into their tents, and asking them, one by one, how they were
in health; then, mentioning them by name, he gave them in charge to the
officers, tribunes, and præfects. This behaviour, popular in itself, he
maintained with such dexterity, that by his attention to their recovery
he gradually gained their affection; nor did any thing so much
contribute towards their recovery as the circumstance of this attention
being received with gratitude. The army being restored to health, he
came to an engagement with the enemy; and both himself and the troops,
being possessed with full confidence of success, he so entirely
defeated and dispersed the Samnites, that that was the last day they
met the dictator in the field. The victorious army, afterwards,
directed its march wherever a prospect of booty invited, and traversed
the enemies' territories, encountering not a weapon, nor any
opposition, either openly or by stratagem. It added to their alacrity,
that the dictator had, by proclamation, given the whole spoil to the
soldiers; so that they were animated not only by the public quarrel,
but by their private emolument. Reduced by these losses, the Samnites
sued to the dictator for peace, and, after they had engaged to supply
each of his soldiers with a suit of clothes and a year's pay, being
ordered to apply to the senate, they answered, that they would follow
the dictator, committing their cause wholly to his integrity and
honour. On this the troops were withdrawn out of Samnium.
37. The dictator entered the city in triumph; and, though desirous
of resigning his office immediately, yet, by order of the senate, he
held it until the consuls were elected: these were Caius Sulpicius
Longus a second time, and Quintus Æmilius Cerretanus. The Samnites,
without finishing the treaty of peace, the terms being still in
negotiation, brought home with them a truce for a year. Nor was even
that faithfully observed; so strongly was their inclination for war
excited, on hearing that Papirius was gone out of office. In this
consulate of Caius Sulpicius and Quintus Æmilius, (some histories have
Aulius,) to the revolt of the Samnites was added a new war with the
Apulians. Armies were sent against both. The Samnites fell by lot to
Sulpicius, the Apulians to Æmilius. Some writers say, that this war was
not waged with the Apulians, but that the allied states of that nation
were defended against the violence and injustice of the Samnites. But
the circumstances of the Samnites, who could with difficulty, at that
period, support a war in which themselves were engaged, render it more
probable that they did not make war on the Apulians, but that both
nations were in arms against the Romans at the same time. However, no
memorable event occurred. The lands of the Apulians and of Samnium were
utterly laid waste; but in neither quarter were the enemy to be found.
At Rome, an alarm, which happened in the night, suddenly roused the
people from their sleep, in such a fright, that the Capitol and
citadel, the walls and gates, were all filled with men in arms. But
after they had called all to their posts, and run together in bodies,
in every quarter, when day approached, neither the author nor cause of
the alarm could be discovered. This year, in pursuance to the advice of
Flavius, the Tusculans were brought to a trial before the people.
Marcus Flavius, a tribune of the commons, proposed, that punishment
should be inflicted on those of the Tusculans, “by whose advice and
assistance the Veliternians and Privernians had made war on the Roman
people.” The Tusculans, with their wives and children, came to Rome.
The whole party in mourning habits, like persons under accusation, went
round the tribes, throwing themselves at the feet of the citizens. The
compassion thus excited operated more effectually towards procuring
them pardon, than all their arguments did towards clearing them of
guilt. Every one of the tribes, except the Pollian, negatived the
proposition. The sentence of the Pollian tribe was, that the grown-up
males should be beaten and put to death, and their wives and children
sold by auction, according to the rules of war. It appears that the
resentment which rose against the advisers of so rigorous a measure,
was retained in memory by the Tusculans down to the age of our fathers;
and that hardly any candidate of the Pollian tribe could, ever since,
gain the votes of the Papirian.
38. On the following year, in the consulate of Quintus Fabius and
Lucius Fulvius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina being made dictator, and Marcus
Fabius Ambustus master of the horse, a levy being held with more than
usual rigour in consequence of their apprehension of a very serious war
in Samnium, (for it was reported that some young men had been hired
from their neighbours,) led forth a very strong army against the
Samnites. Although in a hostile country, their camp was pitched in as
careless a manner as if the foe were at a great distance; when,
suddenly, the legions of the Samnites approached with so much boldness
as to advance their rampart close to an out-post of the Romans. Night
was now coming on; that prevented their assaulting the works; but they
did not conceal their intention of doing so next day, as soon as the
light should appear. The dictator found that there would be a necessity
for fighting sooner than he had expected, and lest the situation should
be an obstruction to the bravery of the troops, he led away the legions
in silence, leaving a great number of fires the better to deceive the
enemy. On account of the proximity of the camps, however, he could not
escape their observation: their cavalry instantly pursued, and pressed
closely on his troops, in such a way as to refrain from attacking them
until the day appeared. Their infantry did not even quit their camp
before daylight. As soon as it was dawn, the cavalry venturing to
attack the enemy by harassing the Roman rear, and pressing them in
places of difficult passage, considerably delayed their march.
Meanwhile their infantry overtook the cavalry; and now the Samnites
pursued close with their entire force. The dictator then, finding that
he could no longer go forward without great inconvenience, ordered the
spot where he stood to be measured out for a camp. But it was
impossible, while the enemy's horse were spread about on every side,
that palisades could be brought, and the work be begun: seeing it,
therefore, impracticable, either to march forward or to settle himself
there, he drew up his troops for battle, removing the baggage out of
the line. The enemy likewise formed their line opposite to his; fully
equal both in spirit and in strength. Their courage was chiefly
improved from not knowing that the motive of the Romans' retreat was
the incommodiousness of the ground, so that they imagined themselves
objects of terror, and supposed that they were pursuing men who fled
through fear. This kept the balance of the fight equal for a
considerable time; though, of late, it had been unusual with the
Samnites to stand even the shout of a Roman army. Certain it is, that
the contest, on this day, continued so very doubtful from the third
hour to the eighth, that neither was the shout repeated, after being
raised at the first onset, nor the standards moved either forward or
backward; nor any ground lost on either side. They fought without
taking breath or looking behind them, every man in his post, and
pushing against their opponents with their shields. The noise
continuing equal, and the terror of the fight the same, seemed to
denote, that the decision would be effected either by fatigue or by the
night. The men had now exhausted their strength, the sword its power,
and the leaders their skill; when, on a sudden, the Samnite cavalry,
having learned from a single troop which had advanced beyond the rest,
that the baggage of the Romans lay at a distance from their army,
without any guard or defence; through eagerness for booty, they attack
it: of which the dictator being informed by a hasty messenger, said,
“Let them only encumber themselves with spoils.” Afterwards came
several, one after another, crying out, that they were plundering and
carrying off all the effects of the soldiers: he then called to him the
master of the horse, and said, “Do you see, Marcus Fabius, that the
fight has been forsaken by the enemy's cavalry? They are entangled and
encumbered with our baggage. Attack them whilst scattered about, as is
the case of every multitude employed in plundering; you will find few
mounted on horseback, few with swords in their hands; and, while they
are loading their horses with spoil, and unarmed, put them to the
sword, and make it bloody spoil for them. I will take care of the
legions, and the fight of the infantry: yours be the honour which the
horse shall acquire.”
39. The body of cavalry, in the most exact order possible, charging
the enemy, who were straggling and embarrassed, filled every place with
slaughter: for amid the packages which they hastily threw down, and
which lay in the way of their feet, and of the affrighted horses, as
they endeavoured to escape, being now unable either to fight or fly,
they are slaughtered. Then Fabius, after he had almost entirely cut off
the enemy's horse, led round his squadrons in a small circuit, and
attacked the infantry in the rear. The new shout, raised in that
quarter, terrified the Samnites on the one hand; and when, on the
other, the dictator saw their troops in the van looking behind them,
their battalions in confusion, and their line wavering, he earnestly
exhorted and animated his men, calling on the tribunes and chief
centurions, by name, to join him in renewing the fight. Raising the
shout anew, they pressed forward, and as they advanced, perceived the
enemy more and more confused. The cavalry now could be seen by those in
front, and Cornelius, turning about to the several companies, made them
understand, by raising his voice and hands, that he saw the standards
and bucklers of his own horsemen. On hearing which, and at the same
time seeing them, they, at once, so far forgot the fatigue which they
had endured through almost the whole day, and even their wounds, that
they rushed on against the enemy with as much vigour and alacrity as if
they were coming fresh out of camp on receiving the signal for battle.
The Samnites could no longer sustain the charge of horse and foot
together; part of them, enclosed on both sides, were cut off; the rest
were scattered and fled different ways. The infantry slew those who
were surrounded and made resistance; and the cavalry made great havoc
of the fugitives, among whom fell their general. This battle crushed,
at length, the power of the Samnites so effectually, that, in all their
meetings, they said, “it was not at all to be wondered at, if in an
impious war, commenced in violation of a treaty, when the gods were,
with justice, more incensed against them than men, they succeeded in
none of their undertakings. That war must be expiated and atoned for
with a heavy penalty. The only alternative they had, was whether the
penalty should be the guilty blood of a few, or the innocent blood of
all.” Some now ventured to name the authors of the war; one name in
particular, by the united voices of all, was mentioned, that of
Brutulus Papius; he was a man of power and noble birth, and undoubtedly
the violator of the late truce. The prætors being compelled to take the
opinion of the assembly concerning him, a decree was made, “that
Brutulus Papius should be delivered into the hands of the Romans; and
that, together with him, all the spoil taken from the Romans, and the
prisoners, should be sent to Rome, and that the restitution demanded by
the heralds, in conformity to treaty, should be made, as was agreeable
to justice and equity.” In pursuance of this determination heralds were
sent to Rome, and also the dead body of Brutulus; for, by a voluntary
death, he avoided the punishment and ignominy intended for him. It was
thought proper that his goods also should be delivered up along with
the body. But none of all those things were accepted, except the
prisoners, and such articles of the spoil as were recognised by the
owners. The dictator obtained a triumph by a decree of the senate.
40. Some writers affirm, that this war was conducted by the consuls,
and that they triumphed over the Samnites; and also, that Fabius
advanced into Apulia, and carried off from thence abundance of spoil.
But that Aulus Cornelius was dictator that year is an undisputed fact.
The question then is, whether he was appointed for the purpose of
conducting the war, or on occasion of the illness of Lucius Plautius,
the prætor; in order that there might be a magistrate to give the
signal for the starting of the chariots at the Roman games. This latter
is asserted of him; and that after performing the business, which in
truth reflected no great lustre on his office, he resigned the
dictatorship. It is not easy to determine between either the facts or
the writers, which of them deserves the preference: I am inclined to
think that history has been much corrupted by means of funeral
panegyrics and false inscriptions on statues; each family striving by
false representations to appropriate to itself the fame of warlike
exploits and public honours. From this cause, certainly, both the
actions of individuals and the public records of events have been
confused. Nor is there extant any writer, contemporary with those
events, on whose authority we can with certainty rely.
END OF VOL. I.
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.