Successful operations against the Volscians, and Æquans, and
Prænestines. Four tribes were added. Marcus Manlius, who had
defended the Capitol from the Gauls, being condemned for
aspiring
to regal power, is thrown from the Tarpeian rock; in
commemoration
of which circumstance a decree of the senate was passed, that
none
of the Manlian family should henceforward bear the cognomen of
Marcus. Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the
people,
proposed a law that consuls might be chosen from among the
commons;
and after a violent contest, succeeded in passing that law,
notwithstanding the opposition of the patricians, the same
tribunes
of the commons being for five years the only magistrates in
the
state; and Lucius Sextius was the first consul elected from
the
commons.
1. The transactions of the Romans, from the building of the city of
Rome to the capture of the same city, first under kings, then under
consuls, and dictators, and decemvirs, and consular tribunes, their
wars abroad, their dissensions at home, I have exhibited in five books:
matters obscure, as well by reason of their very great antiquity, like
objects which from their great distance are scarcely perceptible, as
also because in those times the use of letters, the only faithful
guardian of the memory of events, was inconsiderable and rare: and,
moreover, whatever was contained in the commentaries of the pontiffs,
and other public and private records, were lost for the most part in
the burning of the city. Henceforwards, from the second origin of the
city, which sprung up again more healthfully and vigorously, as if from
its root, its achievements at home and abroad, shall be narrated with
more clearness and authenticity. But it now stood erect, leaning
chiefly on the same support, Marcus Furius, by which it had been first
raised; nor did they suffer him to lay down the dictatorship until the
end of the year. It was not agreeable to them, that the tribunes during
whose time of office the city had been taken, should preside at the
elections for the following year: the administration came to an
interregnum. Whilst the state was kept occupied in the employment and
constant labour of repairing the city, in the mean time a day of trial
was named by Caius Marcius, tribune of the people, for Quintus Fabius,
as soon as he went out of office, because whilst an ambassador he had,
contrary to the law of nations, appeared in arms against the Gauls, to
whom he had been sent as a negotiator; from which trial death removed
him so opportunely that most people thought it voluntary. The
interregnum commenced. Publius Cornelius Scipio was interrex, and after
him Marcus Furius Camillus. He nominates as military tribunes with
consular power, Lucius Valerius Publicola a second time, Lucius
Virginius, Publius Cornelius, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Æmilius, Lucius
Postumius. These having entered on their office immediately after the
interregnum, consulted the senate on no other business previous to that
which related to religion. In the first place they ordered that the
treaties and laws which could be found, should be collected; (these
consisted of the twelve tables, and some laws made under the kings.)
Some of them were publicly promulgated; but such as appertained to
religious matters were kept secret chiefly by the pontiffs, that they
might hold the minds of the people fettered by them. Then they began to
turn their attention to the subject of desecrated days; and the day
before the fifteenth day of the calends of August, remarkable for a
double disaster, (as being the day on which the Fabii were slain at
Cremera, and afterwards the disgraceful battle attended with the ruin
of the city had been fought at Allia,) they called the Allian day from
the latter disaster, and they rendered it remarkable for transacting no
business whether public or private. Some persons think, that because
Sulpicius, the military tribune, had not duly offered sacrifice on the
day after the ides of July, and because, without having obtained the
favour of the gods, the Roman army had been exposed to the enemy on the
third day after, an order was also made to abstain from all religious
undertakings on the day following the ides: thence the same religious
observance was derived with respect to the days following the calends
and the nones.
2. But it was not long allowed them to consult in quiet regarding
the means of raising the city, after so grievous a fall. On the one
side their old enemies, the Volscians, had taken arms, to extinguish
the Roman name: on the other, some traders brought [intelligence] that
a conspiracy of the leading men of Etruria from all the states had been
formed at the temple of Voltumna. A new cause of terror also had been
added by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians, who, since the
battle fought at the lake Regillus, had remained in friendship with the
Roman people with fidelity not to be questioned. Accordingly, when such
great alarms surrounded them on every side, and it became apparent to
all that the Roman name laboured not only under hatred with their
enemies, but under contempt also with their allies; it was resolved
that the state should be defended under the same auspices, as those
under which it had been recovered, and that Marcus Furius should be
nominated dictator. He, when dictator, nominated Caius Servilius Ahala
master of the horse; and a suspension of all public business being
proclaimed, he held a levy of the juniors, in such a manner as to
divide them into centuries after they had sworn allegiance to him. The
army, when raised and equipped with arms, he divided into three parts.
One part he opposed to Etruria in the Veientian territory; another he
ordered to pitch their camp before the city. A military tribune, Aulus
Manlius, commanded the latter; those who were sent against the
Etrurians, Lucius Æmilius commanded. The third part he led in person
against the Volscians; and not far from Lanuvium, (the place is called
ad Mæcium,) he set about storming their camp. Into these, who set out
to the war from motives of contempt, because they thought that all the
Roman youth were cut off by the Gauls, the fact of having heard that
Camillus was appointed to the command struck such terror, that they
fenced themselves with a rampart, and the rampart itself with trees
piled up together, lest the enemy might by any means reach to the
works. When Camillus observed this, he ordered fire to be thrown into
the fence opposed to him; and it so happened that a very strong wind
was turned towards the enemy. He therefore not only opened a passage by
the fire, but the flames being directed against the camp, by the vapour
also and the smoke, and by the crackling of the green timber as it
burned, he so confounded the enemy that the Romans had less difficulty
in passing the rampart into the camp of the Volscians, than they had
experienced in climbing over the fence which had been consumed by the
fire. The enemy being routed and cut down, after the dictator had taken
the camp by assault, he gave up the booty to the soldiers, which was so
much the more agreeable, as it was less expected, the commander being
by no means profusely generous. Then having pursued them in their
flight, after he had depopulated the entire Volscian land, he at length
in the seventieth year forced the Volscians to a surrender. After his
victory he passed from the Volscians to the Æquans, who were also
preparing for hostilities: he surprised their army at Bolæ, and having
attacked not only their camp, but their city also, he took them at the
first onset.
3. When such fortune manifested itself on that side where Camillus,
the life and soul of the Roman interest, was, a great alarm had fallen
on another quarter. For almost all Etruria, taking up arms, were
besieging Sutrium, allies of the Roman people, whose ambassadors having
applied to the senate, imploring aid in their distress, obtained a
decree, that the dictator should at the earliest opportunity bear aid
to the Sutrians. And when the circumstances of the besieged would not
suffer them to brook the delay of this hope, and the small number of
the townsmen were spent with labour, watching, and wounds, all which
fell heavily on the same individuals, and when, the city being
delivered up to the enemy by a capitulation, they were leaving their
habitations in a miserable train, being discharged without their arms
with only a single garment; at that juncture Camillus happened to come
up at the head of the Roman army. And when the mournful crowd
prostrated themselves at his feet, and the address of the leading men,
wrung from them by extreme necessity, was followed by the weeping of
women and boys, who were dragged along by the companions of their
exile, he bade the Sutrians to give over their lamentations: that he
brought with him grief and tears to the Etrurians. He then orders the
baggage to be deposited, and the Sutrians to remain there with a small
guard left with them, and the soldiers to follow him in arms. Having
thus proceeded to Sutrium with his army disencumbered, he found, as he
expected, every thing in disorder, as usually happens in success; no
advanced guard before the walls, the gates lying open, and the
conquerors dispersed, carrying out the booty from the houses of the
enemy. Sutrium is therefore taken a second time on the same day; the
Etrurians, lately victorious, are cut down in every quarter by their
new enemy, nor is time afforded them to collect and form one body, or
even to take up arms. When each pushed eagerly towards the gates, to
try if by any chance they could throw themselves into the fields, they
found the gates shut; for the dictator had given those orders in the
first instance. Upon this some took up arms, others, who happened to be
armed before the tumult came on them, called their friends together in
order to make battle; which would have been kindled by the despair of
the enemy, had not criers, sent in every direction through the city,
issued orders that their arms should be laid down, that the unarmed
should be spared, and that no one should be injured except those who
were armed. Then even those whose minds had been, in their last hope,
obstinately bent on fighting, when hopes of life were offered, threw
down their arms in every direction, and surrendered themselves unarmed
to the enemy, which fortune had rendered the safer method. Their number
being considerable, they were distributed among several guards; the
town was before night restored to the Sutrians uninjured and free from
all the calamities of war, because it had not been taken by force but
delivered up on terms.
4. Camillus returned to the city in triumph, being victorious in
three wars at the same time. By far the greatest number of the
prisoners whom he led before his chariot were from among the Etrurians.
And these being sold by auction, such a sum of money was raised, that
after paying the matrons the price of their gold, out of that which was
over and above, three golden bowls were made; which, inscribed with the
name of Camillus, it is certain, lay, before the burning of the
Capitol, in the recess of Jupiter's temple at the feet of Juno. On that
year such of the Veientians, Capenatians, and Faliscians as had come
over to the Romans during the wars with those nations, were admitted
into the state, and land was assigned to these new citizens. Those also
were recalled by a decree of the senate from Veii, who, from a dislike
to building at Rome, had betaken themselves to Veii, and had seized on
the vacant houses there. And at first there was a murmuring on their
part disregarding the order; then a day having been appointed, and
capital punishment [denounced against any one] who did not return to
Rome, from being refractory as they were collectively, rendered them
when taken singly obedient, each through fear for himself. And Rome
both now increased in numbers, and rose throughout its entire extent by
its buildings, the state assisting in the expenses, and the ædiles
urging on the work as if public, and private persons (for the want felt
of accommodation stimulated them) hastening to complete the work; and
within a year a new city was erected. At the termination of the year an
election was held of military tribunes with consular power. Those
elected were, Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a
fifth time, Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius Aquillius Corvus, Lucius
Lucretius Tricipitinus, Servius Sulpicius Rufus. They led one army
against the Æquans, not to war, (for they owned themselves conquered,)
but from motives of animosity, to lay waste their territories, lest
they should leave them any strength for new designs; the other into the
territory of Tarquinii. Here Cortuosa and Contenebra, towns belonging
to the Etrurians, were taken by storm and demolished. At Cortuosa there
was no contest; having attacked it by surprise, they took it at the
first shout and onset; the town was plundered and burned. Contenebra
sustained a siege for a few days; and it was continual labour, abated
neither by night nor by day, that reduced them. When the Roman army,
having been divided into six parts, each [division] relieved the other
in the battle one hour in six in rotation, and the paucity of numbers
exposed the same individual townsmen, wearied as they were, to a
contest ever new, they at length yielded, and an opportunity was
afforded to the Romans of entering the city. It was the wish of the
tribunes that the spoil should be made public property; but the order
[that such should be so] was too late for their determination. Whilst
they hesitate, the spoil already became the property of the soldiers;
nor could it be taken from them, except by means calculated to excite
dissatisfaction. On the same year, that the city should not increase by
private buildings only, the lower parts of the Capitol also were built
of hewn stone; a work deserving of admiration even amid the present
magnificence of the city.
5. Now, whilst the state was busily occupied in building, the
tribunes of the commons endeavoured to draw crowds to their harangues
by [proposing] the agrarian laws. The Pomptine territory was then, for
the first time since the power of the Volscians had been reduced by
Camillus, held out to them as their indisputable right. They alleged it
as a charge, that “that district was much more harassed on the part of
the nobility than it had been on that of the Volscians, for that
incursions were made by the one party on it, only as long as they had
strength and arms; that persons belonging to the nobility encroached on
the possession of land that was public, nor would there be any room in
it for the commons, unless a division were now made, before they seized
on all.” They made not much impression on the commons, who through
their anxiety for building attended the forum only in small numbers,
and were drained by their expenses on the same object, and were
therefore careless about land for the improvement of which means were
wanting. The state being full of religious impressions, and then even
the leading men having become superstitious by reason of their recent
misfortunes, in order that the auspices might be taken anew, the
government had once more recourse to an interregnum. The successive
interreges were, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, Servius Sulpicius
Camerinus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus. The last at length held an
election of military tribunes with consular power. He nominates Lucius
Papirius, Caius Cornelius, Caius Sergius, Lucius Æmilius a second time,
Lucius Menenius, and Lucius Valerius Publicola a third time. These
entered on their office after the interregnum. This year the temple of
Mars, vowed in the Gallic war, was dedicated by Titus Quinctius,
duumvir for performing religious rites. Four tribes were added from the
new citizens, the Stellatine, the Tormentine, the Sabatine, and the
Arnian, and they made up the number of twenty-five tribes.
6. Regarding the Pomptine land the matter was pressed by Lucius
Sicinius, plebeian tribune, on the people, who now attended in greater
numbers, and more readily aroused to the desire of land than they had
been. And mention having been introduced in the senate regarding war
against the Latins and Hernicians, the matter was deferred in
consequence of their attending to a more important war, because Etruria
was up in arms. Matters reverted to their electing Camillus military
tribune with consular power. Five colleagues were added, Servius
Cornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a sixth time, Lucius
Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Horatius Pulvillus, and Publius Valerius.
At the commencement of the year the attention of the people was drawn
away from the Etrurian war, because a body of fugitives from the
Pomptine district, suddenly entering the city, brought word that the
Antians were up in arms; and that the states of the Latins privately
sent their youth to that war, denying that there was any public concert
in it, they alleging that volunteers were only not prevented from
serving in whatever quarter they pleased. They had now ceased to
despise any wars. Accordingly the senate returned thanks to the gods,
because Camillus was in office; for (they knew) that it would have been
necessary to nominate him dictator, if he were in a private station.
And his colleagues agreed that when any terror with respect to war
threatened, the supreme direction of every thing should be vested in
one man, and that they had determined to consign their authority into
the hands of Camillus; and that they did not consider, that any
concession they should make to the dignity of that man, derogated in
any way from their own. The tribunes having been highly commended by
the senate, Camillus himself also, covered with confusion, returned
thanks. He then said that “a heavy burden was laid on him by the Roman
people, by their having now nominated him dictator for the fourth time;
a great one by the senate, by reason of such flattering judgments of
that house concerning him; the greatest of all, however, by the
condescension of such distinguished colleagues. Where if any addition
could be made to his diligence and vigilance, that, vying with himself,
he would strive to render the opinion of the state, [expressed] with
such unanimity regarding him, as permanent as it was most honourable.”
In reference to the war and to the people of Antium, that there was
more of threats there than of danger; that he, however, would advise
that, as they should fear nothing, so should they despise nothing. That
the city of Rome was beset by the ill-will and hatred of its
neighbours: therefore that the commonwealth should be maintained by a
plurality, both of generals and of armies. “It is my wish,” said he,
“that you, Publius Valerius, as my associate in command and counsel,
should lead the troops with me against the enemy at Antium; that you,
Quintus Servilius, after raising and equipping another army, shall
encamp in the city, ready to act, whether Etruria, as lately, or these
new causes of anxiety, the Latins and Hernicians, should bestir
themselves. I deem it as certain that you will conduct matters, as is
worthy of your father and grandfather, and of yourself and six
tribuneships. Let a third army be raised by Lucius Quinctius, out of
those excused from service and the seniors, [those past the military
age,] who may protect the city and the walls. Let Lucius Horatius
provide arms, weapons, corn, and whatever the other exigencies of the
war shall demand. You, Servius Cornelius, we your colleagues appoint
the president of this council of the state, the guardian of religion,
of the assemblies, of the laws, and of all matters pertaining to the
city.” All cheerfully promising their utmost endeavours in the
discharge of their apportioned offices, Valerius, chosen as his
associate in command, added, “that Marcus Furius should be considered
by him as dictator, and that he would act as master of the horse to
him. Wherefore, that they should entertain hopes regarding the war,
proportioned to the opinion they formed of their sole commander.” The
senate, elated with joy, cry out, that “they entertained good hopes,
both regarding war, and peace, and the republic in general; and that
the republic would never have need of a dictator, if it were to have
such men in office, united together in such harmony of sentiments,
prepared alike to obey and to command, and who were laying up praise as
common stock, rather than taking it from the common fund to themselves
individually.”
7. A suspension of civil business being proclaimed, and a levy being
held, Furius and Valerius set out to Satricum; to which place the
Antians had drawn together not only the youth of the Volscians,
selected out of the new generation, but immense numbers of the Latins
and Hernicians, out of states which by a long [enjoyment of] peace were
in the most unimpaired condition. The new enemy then added to the old
shook the spirits of the Roman soldiers. When the centurions reported
this to Camillus, whilst forming his line of battle, that “the minds of
the soldiers were disturbed, that arms were taken up by them with
backwardness, and that they left the camp with hesitation and
reluctance; nay, that some expressions were heard, that they should
each have to fight with one hundred enemies, and that such numbers,
even if unarmed, much less when furnished with arms, could with
difficulty be withstood,” he leaped on his horse, and in front of the
troops, turning to the line, and riding between the ranks, “What
dejection of mind is this, soldiers, what backwardness? Is it with the
enemy, or me, or yourselves you are unacquainted? What else are the
enemy, but the constant subject of your bravery and your glory? on the
other hand, with me as your general, to say nothing of the taking of
Falerii and Veii, you have lately celebrated a triple triumph for a
three-fold victory over these self-same Volscians and Æquans, and
Etruria. Do you not recognise me as your general, because I gave you
the signal, not as dictator, but as tribune? I neither feel the want of
the highest authority over you, and you should look to nothing in me
but myself; for the dictatorship neither added to my courage, any more
than exile took it from me. We are all therefore the same individuals;
and as we bring to this war the same requisites as we brought to former
wars, let us look for the same result of the war. As soon as you
commence the fight, each will do that which he has learned and been
accustomed to do. You will conquer, they will run.”
8. Then having given the signal, he leaps from his horse, and
seizing the standard-bearer who was next him by the hand, he hurries
him on with him against the enemy, calling aloud, “Soldiers, advance
the standard.” And when they saw Camillus himself, now disabled through
age for bodily exertion, advancing against the enemy, they all rush
forwards together, having raised a shout, each eagerly crying out,
“Follow the general.” They say further that the standard was thrown
into the enemy's line by order of Camillus, and that the van was then
exerted to recover it. That there first the Antians were forced to give
way, and that the panic spread not only to the first line, but to the
reserve troops also. Nor was it merely the ardour of the soldiers
animated by the presence of their general that made this impression,
but because nothing was more terrible to the minds of the Volscians,
than the sight of Camillus which happened to present itself. Thus, in
whatever direction he went, he carried certain victory with him. This
was particularly evident, when, hastily mounting his horse, he rode
with a footman's shield to the left wing, which was almost giving way,
by the fact of showing himself he restored the battle, pointing out the
rest of the line gaining the victory. Now the result was decided, but
the flight of the enemy was impeded by their great numbers, and the
wearied soldiers would have had tedious work in putting so great a
number to the sword, when rain suddenly falling with a violent storm,
put an end to the pursuit of the victory which was now decided, rather
than to the battle. Then the signal for retreat being given, the fall
of night put an end to the war, without further trouble to the Romans.
For the Latins and Hernicians, having abandoned the Volscians, marched
to their homes, having attained results corresponding to their wicked
measures. The Volscians, when they saw themselves deserted by those
through reliance on whom they had resumed hostilities, abandoned their
camp, and shut themselves up within the walls of Satricum. Camillus at
first prepared to surround them by lines of circumvallation, and to
prosecute the siege by a mound and other works. But seeing that this
was obstructed by no sally from the town, and considering that the
enemy possessed too little spirit for him to wait in tedious
expectation of victory under the circumstances, after exhorting his
soldiers not to waste themselves by tedious labours, as [they had done]
when besieging Veii, that the victory was in their hands, he attacked
the walls on every side, amid the great alacrity of the soldiers, and
took the town by scalade. The Volscians, having thrown down their arms,
surrendered themselves.
9. But the general's thoughts were fixed on a higher object, on
Antium: [he knew] that that was the great aim of the Volscians, and
main source of the late war. But because so strong a city could not be
taken without great preparations, engines and machines, leaving his
colleague with the army, he set out for Rome, in order to advise the
senate to have Antium destroyed. In the middle of his discourse, (I
suppose that it was the wish of the gods that the state of Antium
should last a longer time,) ambassadors came from Nepete and Sutrium,
soliciting aid against the Etrurians, urging that the time for giving
them aid would soon pass by. Thither did fortune avert the force of
Camillus from Antium; for as those places were situate opposite
Etruria, and were barriers or gates as it were on that side, both they
had a wish to get possession of them, whenever they meditated any new
enterprise, and the Romans to recover and secure them. Wherefore the
senate resolved to treat with Camillus, that he would relinquish Antium
and undertake the Etrurian war. The city troops, which Quinctius had
commanded, are decreed to him. Though he would have preferred the army
which was in the Volscian territory, as being tried and accustomed to
him, he made no objection: he only demanded Valerius as his associate
in command. Quinctius and Horatius were sent against the Volscians, as
successors to Valerius. Furius and Valerius, having set out from the
city to Sutrium, found one part of the town already taken by the
Etrurians, and on the other part, the approaches to which were
barricaded, the townsmen with difficulty repelling the assault of the
enemy. Both the approach of aid from Rome, as also the name of
Camillus, universally respected both with the enemy and the allies,
sustained their tottering state for the present, and afforded time for
bringing them relief. Accordingly Camillus, having divided his army,
orders his colleague to lead round his troops to that side which the
enemy already possessed, and to assault the walls; not so much from any
hope that the city could be taken by scalade, as that, by turning away
the enemy's attention to that quarter, both the townsmen who were
wearied with fighting might have some relaxation of their toil, and
that he himself might have an opportunity of entering the city without
a contest. This having been done on both sides, and the double terror
now surrounding the Etrurians, when they saw that the walls were
assailed with the utmost fury, and that the enemy were within the
walls, they threw themselves out in consternation, in one body, by a
gate which alone happened not to be guarded. Great slaughter was made
on them as they fled, both in the city and through the fields. The
greater number were slain within the walls by Furius' soldiers: those
of Valerius were more alert for the pursuit; nor did they put an end to
the slaughter until night, which prevented them from seeing. Sutrium
being recovered and restored to the allies, the army was led to Nepete,
which having been received by capitulation, was now entirely in the
possession of the Etrurians.
10. It appeared probable, that there would be more of labour in
recovering the city, not only for this reason, because it was all in
possession of the enemy, but also because the surrender had been made
in consequence of a party of the Nepesinians having betrayed the state.
It was determined, however, that a message should be sent to their
leading men, to separate themselves from the Etrurians, and that they
themselves should evince that strict fidelity, which they had implored
from the Romans. Whence as soon as an answer was brought that there was
nothing in their power, that the Etrurians occupied the walls and the
guards of the gates, first, terror was struck into the townsmen by
laying waste their land; then, when the faith of the capitulation was
more religiously observed than that of the alliance, the army was led
up to the walls with fascines of bushes collected from the fields, and
the ditches being filled, the scaling ladders were raised, and the town
was taken at the first shout and attack. Proclamation was then made to
the Nepesinians, that they should lay down their arms, and orders were
given that the unarmed should be spared. The Etrurians, armed and
unarmed, were put to the sword without distinction: of the Nepesinians
also the authors of the surrender were beheaded. To the unoffending
multitude their property was restored, and the town was left with a
garrison. Thus having recovered two allied cities from the enemy, the
tribunes marched back their victorious army to Rome. During the same
year restitution was demanded from the Latins and Hernicians, and the
cause was asked why they had not during some years supplied soldiers
according to stipulation. An answer was given in a full assembly of
both nations, “that neither the blame was public, nor was there any
design in the circumstance of some of their youth having served among
the Volscians. That these individuals, however, suffered the penalty of
their improper conduct, and that none of them had returned. But that
the cause of their not supplying the soldiers had been their continual
terror from the Volscians, which pest adhering to their side, had not
been capable of being destroyed by so many successive wars.” Which
answer being reported to the senate, they decided that there was
wanting rather a seasonable time for declaring war than sufficient
grounds for it.
11. In the following year, Aulus Manlius, Publius Cornelius, Titus
and Lucius Quintii Capitolini, Lucius Papirius Cursor a second time,
Caius Sergius a second time, being military tribunes with consular
power, a grievous war broke out abroad, a still more grievous
disturbance at home; the war originated on the part of the Volscians,
to which was added a revolt of the Latins and Hernicians; the sedition
from one from whom it could be least of all apprehended, a man of
patrician birth and distinguished character, Marcus Manlius
Capitolinus; who being too aspiring in mind, whilst he despised the
other leading men, envied one, who was peculiarly distinguished both by
honours and by merit, Marcus Furius: he became indignant that he should
be the only man among the magistrates; the only man at the head of the
armies; that he now attained such eminence that he treated not as
colleagues but as mere tools the persons elected under the same
auspices; though, in the mean time, if any one would form a just
estimate, his country could not have been recovered by Marcus Furius
from the siege of the enemy, had not the Capitol and citadel been first
preserved by him; and the other attacked the Gauls, whilst their
attention was distracted between receiving the gold and the hope of
peace, when he himself drove them off when armed and taking the
citadel; of the other's glory, a man's share appertained to all the
soldiers who conquered along with him; that in his victory no man
living was a sharer. His mind puffed by these notions, and moreover,
from a viciousness of disposition being vehement and headstrong, when
he perceived that his influence among the patricians did not stand
forth as prominent as he thought it should, he, the first of all the
patricians, became a plebeian partisan, and formed plans in conjunction
with the plebeian magistrates; and by criminating the fathers, and
alluring the commons to his side, he now came to be carried along by
the tide of popular applause, not by prudence, and preferred to be of a
great, rather than of a good character: and not content with agrarian
laws, which had ever served the tribunes of the commons as material for
disturbances, he now began to undermine public credit; for [he well
knew] “that the incentives of debt were sharper, as not only
threatening poverty and ignominy, but intimidated personal liberty with
stocks and chains.” And the amount of the debt was immense, contracted
by building, a circumstance most destructive even to the rich. The
Volscian war therefore, heavy in itself, charged with additional weight
by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians, was held out as a
colourable pretext, for having a higher authority resorted to. But it
was rather the reforming plans that drove the senate to create a
dictator. Aulus Cornelius Cossus having been elected dictator,
nominated Titus Quinctius Capitolinus his master of the horse.
12. The dictator, though he perceived that a greater struggle was
reserved for him at home than abroad; still, either because there was
need of despatch for the war, or supposing that by a victory and a
triumph he should add to the powers of the dictatorship itself, held a
levee and proceeds into the Pomptine territory, where he had heard that
the Volscians had appointed their army to assemble. I doubt not but
that, in addition to satiety, to persons reading of so many wars waged
with the Volscians, this same circumstance will suggest itself, which
often served as an occasion of surprise to me when perusing the writers
who lived nearer to the times of these occurrences, from what source
the Volscians and Æquans, so often vanquished, could have procured
supplies of soldiers. And as this has been unnoticed and passed over in
silence by ancient writers; on which matter what can I state, except
mere opinion, which every one may from his own conjecture form for
himself? It seems probable, either that they employed, as is now
practised in the Roman levies, successive generations of their young
men one after the other, during the intervals between the wars; or that
the armies were not always recruited out of the same states, though the
same nation may have made war; or that there was an innumerable
multitude of free-men in those places, which, at the present day, Roman
slaves save from being a desert, a scanty seminary of soldiers being
scarcely left. Certain it is, (as is agreed upon among all authors,)
although their power was very much impaired under the guidance and
auspices of Camillus, the forces of the Volscians were strong: besides,
the Latins and Hernicians had been added, and some of the Circeians,
and some Roman colonists also from Velitræ. The dictator, having
pitched his camp on that day, and on coming forth on the day following
after taking the auspices, and having, by sacrificing a victim,
implored the favour of the gods, with joyful countenance presented
himself to the soldiers, who were now taking arms at day-break,
according to orders, on the signal for battle being displayed.
“Soldiers,” says he, “the victory is ours, if the gods and their
prophets see aught into futurity. Accordingly, as it becomes men full
of well-grounded hope, and who are about to engage with their
inferiors, let us place our spears at our feet, and arm our right hands
only with our swords. I would not even wish that any should push
forward beyond the line; but that, standing firm, you receive the
enemy's charge in a steady posture. When they shall have discharged
their ineffective missives, and, breaking their ranks, they shall rush
on you as you stand firm, then let your swords glitter, and let each
man recollect, that there are gods who aid the Roman; those gods, who
have sent us into battle with favourable omens. Do you, Titus
Quinctius, keep back the cavalry, attentively observing the very
commencement of the contest; as soon as you observe the armies closed
foot to foot, then, whilst they are taken up with another panic, strike
terror into them with your cavalry, and by making a charge on them,
disperse the ranks of those engaged in the fight.” The cavalry, the
infantry conduct the fight, just as he had ordered them. Nor did either
the general disappoint the legions, nor fortune the general.
13. The army of the enemy, relying on nothing but on their number,
and measuring both armies merely by the eye, entered on the battle
inconsiderately, and inconsiderately gave it over: fierce only in their
shout and with their missive weapons, and at the first onset of the
fight, they were unable to withstand the swords, and the close
engagement foot to foot, and the looks of the enemy, darting fire
through their ardour for the fight. Their front line was driven in, and
confusion spread to the reserve troops, and the cavalry occasioned
alarm on their part: the ranks were then broken in many places, every
thing was set in motion, and the line seemed as it were fluctuating.
Then when, the foremost having fallen, each saw that death was about to
reach himself, they turn their backs. The Roman followed close on them;
and as long as they went off armed and in bodies, the labour in the
pursuit fell to the infantry; when it was observed that their arms were
thrown away in every direction, and that the enemy's line was scattered
in flight through the country; then squadrons of horse were sent out,
intimation being given that they should not, by losing time with the
massacre of individuals, afford an opportunity in the mean time to the
multitude to escape: it would be sufficient that their speed should be
retarded by missive weapons and by terror, and that the progress of
their forces should be detained by skirmishing, until the infantry
should be able to overtake and despatch the enemy by regular slaughter.
There was no end of the flight and slaughter before night; on the same
day the camp of the Volscians was taken also and pillaged, and all the
plunder, save the persons of free condition, was given up to the
soldiers. The greatest part of the prisoners consisted of Latins and
Hernicians, and these not men of plebeian rank, so that it could be
supposed that they had served for hire, but some young men of rank were
found among them: an evident proof that the Volscian enemies had been
aided by public authority. Some of the Circeians also were recognised,
and colonists from Velitræ; and being all sent to Rome, on being
interrogated by the leading senators, plainly revealed the same
circumstances as they had done to the dictator, the defection each of
his respective state.
14. The dictator kept his army in the standing camp, not at all
doubting that the senate would order war with these states; when a more
momentous difficulty having occurred at home, rendered it necessary
that he should be sent for to Rome, the sedition gaining strength every
day, which the fomenter was now rendering more than ordinarily
formidable. For now it was easy to see from what motives proceeded not
only the discourses of Manlius, but his actions also, apparently
suggested by popular zeal, but at the same time tending to create
disturbance. When he saw a centurion, illustrious for his military
exploits, leading off to prison by reason of a judgment for debt, he
ran up with his attendants in the middle of the forum and laid hands on
him; and exclaiming aloud against the insolence of the patricians, the
cruelty of the usurers, and the grievances of the commons, and the
deserts and misfortunes of the man. “Then indeed,” said he, “in vain
have I preserved the Capitol and citadel by this right hand, if I am to
see my fellow-citizen and fellow-soldier, as if captured by the
victorious Gauls, dragged into slavery and chains.” He then paid the
debt to the creditor openly before the people, and having purchased his
freedom with the scales and brass, he sets the man at liberty, whilst
the latter implored both gods and men, that they would grant a
recompence to Marcus Manlius, his liberator, the parent of the Roman
commons; and being immediately received into the tumultuous crowd, he
himself also increased the tumult, displaying the scars received in the
Veientian, Gallic, and other succeeding wars: “that he, whilst serving
in the field, and rebuilding his dwelling which had been demolished,
though he had paid off the principal many times over, the interest
always keeping down the principal, had been overwhelmed with interest:
that through the kind interference of Marcus Manlius, he now beheld the
light, the forum, and the faces of his fellow-citizens: that he
received from him all the kind services usually conferred by parents;
that to him therefore he devoted whatever remained of his person, of
his life, and of his blood; whatever ties subsisted between him and his
country, public and private guardian deities, were all centred in that
one man.” When the commons, worked upon by these expressions, were now
wholly in the interest of the one individual, another circumstance was
added, emanating from a scheme still more effectually calculated to
create general confusion. A farm in the Veientian territory, the
principal part of his estate, he subjected to public sale: “that I may
not,” says he, “suffer any of you, Romans, as long as any of my
property shall remain, to be dragged off to prison, after judgment has
been given against him, and he has been consigned to a creditor.” That
circumstance, indeed, so inflamed their minds, that they seemed
determined on following the assertor of their freedom through every
thing, right and wrong. Besides this, speeches [were made] at his
house, as if he were delivering an harangue, full of imputations
against the patricians; among which he threw out, waving all
distinction whether he said what was true or false, that treasures of
the Gallic gold were concealed by the patricians; that “they were now
no longer content with possessing the public lands, unless they
appropriated the public money also; if that were made public, that the
commons might be freed from their debt.” When this hope was presented
to them, then indeed it seemed a scandalous proceeding, that when gold
was to be contributed to ransom the state from the Gauls, the
collection was made by a public tribute; that the same gold, when taken
from the Gauls, had become the plunder of a few. Accordingly they
followed up the inquiry, where the furtive possession of so enormous a
treasure could be kept; and when he deferred, and told them that he
would inform them at the proper time, all other objects being given up,
the attention of all was directed to this point; and it became evident
that neither their gratitude, if the information were true, nor their
displeasure if it proved false, would know any bounds.
15. Matters being in this state, the dictator, being summoned home
from the army, came into the city. A meeting of the senate being held
on the following day, when, having sufficiently sounded the
inclinations of the people, he forbade the senate to leave him,
attended by that body, he placed his throne in the comitium, and sent
his sergeant to Marcus Manlius; who on being summoned by the dictator's
order, after he had given intimation to his party that a contest was at
hand, came to the tribunal, attended by a numerous party. On the one
side stood the senate, on the other the people as if in battle-array,
attentively observing, each party, their respective leader. Then
silence being made, the dictator said, “I wish that I and the Roman
patricians may agree with the commons on all other matters, as I am
confident we shall agree on the business which regards you, and on that
about which I am about to interrogate you. I perceive that hopes have
been raised by you in the minds of the citizens, that, with safety to
the public credit, their debts may be paid off out of the Gallic
treasures, which it is alleged the leading patricians are secreting. To
which proceeding so far am I from being any obstruction, that on the
contrary, Marcus Manlius, I exhort you to free the Roman commons from
the weight of interest; and to tumble from their secreted spoil, those
who lie now brooding on those public treasures. If you refuse to do
this, whether because you yourself desire to be a sharer in the spoil,
or because the information is unfounded, I shall order you to be
carried off to prison, nor will I any longer suffer the multitude to be
disquieted by you with delusive hopes.” To this Manlius replied, “That
it had not escaped him, that it was not against the Volscians, who were
enemies as often as it suited the interests of the patricians, nor
against the Latins and Hernicians, whom they were driving into
hostilities by false charges, but against him and the Roman commons,
that he was appointed dictator. Now the war being dropped, which was
only feigned, that an attack was being made against himself; that the
dictator now professed to defend the usurers against the commons; that
now a charge and destruction was sought for him out of the favour of
the multitude. Does the crowd that surrounds my person offend you,”
said he, “Aulus Cornelius, and you, conscript fathers? Why then do you
not draw it away from me, each of you by your own acts of kindness? by
becoming surety, by delivering your fellow-citizens from the stocks, by
preventing those cast in law-suits, and assigned over to their
creditors, from being dragged away to prison, by sustaining the
necessities of others out of your own superfluities? But why do I
exhort you to expend out of your own property? Fix some capital; deduct
from the principal what has been paid in interest; soon will my crowd
not be a whit more remarkable than that of any other person. But [I may
be asked] why do I alone thus interest myself in behalf of my
fellow-citizens? I have no other answer to give, than if you were to
ask me, why in the same way did I alone preserve the Capitol and the
citadel. Both then I afforded the aid which I could to all
collectively, and now I will afford it to each individually. Now with
respect to the Gallic treasures, the mode of interrogation renders
difficult a matter which in itself is easy. For why do you ask that
which you know? why do you order that which is in your own laps to be
shaken out of them rather than resign it, unless some fraud lurks
beneath? The more you require your own impositions to be examined into,
the more do I dread lest you should blind the eyes of those narrowly
watching you. Wherefore, it is not I that am to be compelled to
discover your hoard, but you must be forced to produce it to the
public.”
16. When the dictator ordered him to lay aside evasion, and urged
him to prove the truth of his information, or to own the guilt of
having advanced a false accusation against the senate, and of having
exposed them to the odium of a lying charge of concealment; when he
refused to speak, to meet the wishes of his enemies, he ordered him to
be carried off to prison. When arrested by the sergeant, he said, “O
Jupiter, supremely great and good, imperial Juno, and Minerva, and ye
other gods and goddesses, who inhabit the Capitol and citadel, do ye
suffer your soldier and defender to be thus harassed by his enemies?
Shall this right hand, by which I beat off the Gauls from your temples,
be now in bonds and chains?” Neither the eyes nor ears of any one could
well endure the indignity [thus offered him], but the state, most
patient of legitimate authority, had rendered certain offices absolute
to themselves; nor did either the tribunes of the commons, nor the
commons themselves, dare to raise their eyes or utter a sentence in
opposition to the dictatorial power. On Manlius being thrown into
prison, it appears that a great part of the commons put on mourning,
that a great many persons had let their hair and beard grow, and that a
dejected crowd presented itself at the entrance of the prison. The
dictator triumphed over the Volscians; and that triumph was the
occasion rather of ill-will than of glory. For they murmured that “it
had been acquired at home, not abroad, and that it was celebrated over
a citizen, not over an enemy; that only one thing was wanting to his
arrogance, that Manlius was not led before his car.” And now the affair
fell little short of sedition, for the purpose of appeasing which, the
senate, without the solicitation of any one, suddenly becoming
bountiful of their own free-will, decreed that a colony of two thousand
Roman citizens should be conducted to Satricum; two acres and half of
land were assigned to each. And when they considered this, both as
scanty in itself, conferred on a few, and as a bribe for betraying
Marcus Manlius, the sedition was irritated by the remedy. And now the
crowd of Manlius' partisans was become more remarkable, both by their
squalid attire and by the appearance of persons under prosecutions, and
terror being removed by the resignation of the dictatorship, after the
triumph had set both the tongues and thoughts of men at liberty.
17. Expressions were therefore heard freely uttered of persons
upbraiding the multitude, that “by their favour they always raised
their defenders to a precipice, then at the very critical moment of
danger they forsook them. That in this way Spurius Cassius, when
inviting the commons to a share in the lands, in this way Spurius
Mælius, when warding off famine from the mouths of his fellow-citizens
at his own expense, had been undone; thus Marcus Manlius was betrayed
to his enemies, whilst drawing forth to liberty and light one half of
the state, when sunk and overwhelmed with usury. That the commons
fattened their favourites that they might be slaughtered. Was this
punishment to be suffered, if a man of consular rank did not answer at
the nod of a dictator? Suppose that he had lied before, and that on
that account he had had no answer to make; what slave was ever
imprisoned in punishment of a lie? Did not the memory of that night
present itself, which was well nigh the last and an eternal one to the
Roman name? nor any idea of the band of Gauls climbing up the Tarpeian
rock? nor that of Marcus Manlius himself, such as they had seen him in
arms, covered with sweat and blood, after having in a manner rescued
Jupiter himself from the hands of the enemy? Was a recompence made to
the preserver of their country with their half pounds of corn? and
would they suffer a person, whom they almost deified, whom they had set
on a footing with Jupiter, at least with respect to the surname of
Capitolinus, to drag out an existence subject to the will of an
executioner, chained in a prison and in darkness? Was there thus
sufficient aid in one person for all; and no relief for one in so
many?” The crowd did not disperse from that place even during the
night, and they threatened that they would break open the prison; when
that being conceded which they were about to take by force, Manlius was
discharged from prison by a decree of the senate; by which proceeding
the sedition was not terminated, but a leader was supplied to the
sedition. About the same time the Latins and Hernicians, as also the
colonists of Circeii and Velitræ, when striving to clear themselves of
the charge [of being concerned] in the Volscian war, and demanding back
the prisoners, that they may punish them according to their own laws,
received a harsh answer; the colonists the severer, because being Roman
citizens they had formed the abominable design of attacking their own
country. They were therefore not only refused with respect to the
prisoners, but notice was given them in the name of the senate, who
however forbore from such a proceeding in the case of the allies,
instantly to depart from the city, from the presence and sight of the
Roman people; lest the law of embassy, provided for the foreigner, not
for the citizen, should afford them no protection.
18. The sedition excited by Manlius reassuming its former violence,
on the expiration of the year the election was held, and military
tribunes with consular power were elected from among the patricians;
they were Servius Cornelius Maluginensis a third time, Publius Valerius
Potitus a second time, Marcus Furius Camillus, Servius Sulpicius Rufus
a second time, Caius Papirius Crassus, Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus a
second time. At the commencement of which year peace with foreign
countries afforded every opportunity both to the patricians and
plebeians: to the plebeians, because not being called away by any levy,
they conceived hopes of destroying usury, whilst they had so
influential a leader; to the patricians, because their minds were not
called away by any external terror from relieving the evils existing at
home. Accordingly, as both sides arose much more strenuous then ever,
Manlius also was present for the approaching contest. Having summoned
the commons to his house, he holds consultations both by night and day
with the leading men amongst them with respect to effecting a
revolution of affairs, being filled with a much higher degree both of
spirit and of resentment than he had been before. The recent ignominy
had lighted up resentment in a mind unused to affront; it gave him
additional courage, that the dictator had not ventured to the same
extent against him, as Quinctius Cincinnatus had done in the case of
Spurius Mælius, and because the dictator had not only endeavoured to
avoid the unpopularity of his imprisonment by abdicating the
dictatorship, but not even the senate could bear up against it. Elated
by these considerations, and at the same time exasperated, he set about
inflaming the minds of the commons, already sufficiently heated of
themselves: “How long,” says he, “will you be ignorant of your own
strength, which nature has not wished even the brutes to be ignorant
of? At least count how many you are, and how many enemies you have.
Even if each of you were to attack an individual antagonist, still I
should suppose that you would strive more vigorously in defence of
liberty, than they in defence of tyranny. For as many of you as have
been clients around each single patron, in the same number will ye be
against a single enemy. Only make a show of war; ye shall have peace.
Let them see you prepared for open force; they themselves will relax
their pretensions. Collectively you must attempt something, or
individually submit to every thing. How long will you look to me? I for
my part will not be wanting to any of you: do you see that my fortune
fail not. I, your avenger, when my enemies thought well of it, was
suddenly reduced to nothing; and you all in a body beheld that person
thrown into chains, who had warded off chains from each one of you.
What am I to hope, if my enemies attempt more against me? Am I to
expect the fate of Cassius and Mælius? You acted kindly in appearing
shocked at it: the gods will avert it: but never will they come down
from heaven on my account: they must inspire you with a determination
to avert it; as they inspired me, in arms and in peace, to defend you
from barbarous foes and tyrannical fellow-citizens. Is the spirit of so
great a people so mean, that aid against your adversaries always
satisfies you? And are you not to know any contest against the
patricians, except how you may suffer them to domineer over you? Nor is
this implanted in you by nature; but you are theirs by possession. For
why is it you bear such spirit with respect to foreigners, as to think
it meet that you should rule over them? because you have been
accustomed to vie with them for empire, against these to essay liberty
rather than to maintain it. Nevertheless, whatsoever sort of leaders
you have, whatever has been your own conduct, ye have up to this
carried every thing which ye have demanded, either by force, or your
own good fortune. It is now time to aim at still higher objects. Only
make trial both of your own good fortune, and of me, who have been, as
I hope, already tried to your advantage. Ye will with less difficulty
set up some one to rule the patricians, than ye have set up persons to
resist their rule. Dictatorships and consulships must be levelled to
the ground, that the Roman commons may be able to raise their heads.
Wherefore stand by me, prevent judicial proceedings from going on
regarding money. I profess myself the patron of the commons—a title
with which my solicitude and zeal invests me. If you will dignify your
leader by any more distinguishing title of honour or command, ye will
render him still more powerful to obtain what ye desire.” From this his
first attempt is said to have arisen with respect to the obtaining of
regal power; but no sufficiently clear account is handed down, either
with whom [he acted], or how far his designs extended.
19. But, on the other side, the senate began to deliberate regarding
the secession of the commons into a private house, and that, as it so
happened, situate in the citadel, and regarding the great danger that
was threatening liberty. Great numbers cry out, that a Servilius Ahala
was wanted, who would not irritate a public enemy by ordering him to be
led to prison, but would finish an intestine war with the loss of one
citizen. They came to a resolution milder in terms, but possessing the
same force, that the magistrates should see that “the commonwealth
received no detriment from the designs of Marcus Manlius.” Then the
consular tribunes, and the tribunes of the commons, (for these also had
submitted to the authority of the senate, because they saw that the
termination of their own power and of the liberty of all would be the
same,) all these then consult together as to what was necessary to be
done. When nothing suggested itself to the mind of any, except violence
and bloodshed, and it was evident that that would be attended with
great risk; then Marcus Mænius, and Quintus Publilius, tribunes of the
commons, say, “Why do we make that a contest between the patricians and
commons, which ought to be between the state and one pestilent citizen?
Why do we attack, together with the commons, a man whom it is safer to
attack through the commons themselves, that he may fall overpowered by
his own strength? We have it in contemplation to appoint a day of trial
for him. Nothing is less popular than regal power; as soon as the
multitude shall perceive that the contest is not with them, and that
from advocates they are to be made judges, and shall behold the
prosecutors from among the commons, the accused a patrician, and that
the charge between both parties is that of aiming at regal power, they
will favour no object more than their own liberty.”
20. With the approbation of all, they appoint a day of trial for
Manlius. When this took place, the commons were at first excited,
especially when they saw the accused in a mourning habit, and with him
not only none of the patricians, but not even any of his kinsmen or
relatives, nay, not even his brothers Aulus and Titus Manlius; a
circumstance which had never occurred before, that at so critical a
juncture a man's nearest friends did not put on mourning. When Appius
Claudius was thrown into prison [they remarked], that Caius Claudius,
who was at enmity with him and the entire Claudian family, appeared in
mourning; that this favourite of the people was about to be destroyed
by a conspiracy, because he was the first who had come over from the
patricians to the commons. When the day arrived, I find in no author,
what acts were alleged by the prosecutors against the accused bearing
properly on the charge of aspiring to kingly power, except his
assembling the multitude, and his seditious expressions and his
largesses, and pretended discovery; nor have I any doubt that they were
by no means unimportant, as the people's delay in condemning him was
occasioned not by the merits of the cause, but by the place of trial.
This seems deserving of notice, that men may know what great and
glorious achievements his depraved ambition of regal power rendered not
only bereft of all merit, but absolutely hateful. He is said to have
brought forward near four hundred persons to whom he had lent money
without interest, whose goods he had prevented from being sold, whom he
had prevented from being carried off to prison after being adjudged to
their creditors. Besides this, that he not only enumerated also his
military rewards, but also produced them to view; spoils of enemies
slain up to thirty; presents from generals to the number of forty; in
which the most remarkable were two mural crowns and eight civic. In
addition to this, that he brought forward citizens saved from the
enemy, amongst whom was mentioned Caius Servilius, when master of the
horse, now absent. Then after he had recounted his exploits in war, in
pompous language suitable to the dignity of the subject, equalling his
actions by his eloquence, he bared his breast marked with scars
received in battle: and now and then, directing his eyes to the
Capitol, he called down Jupiter and the other gods to aid him in his
present lot; and he prayed, that the same sentiments with which they
had inspired him when protecting the fortress of the Capitol, for the
preservation of the Roman people, they would now inspire the Roman
people with in his critical situation: and he entreated them singly and
collectively, that they would form their judgment of him with their
eyes fixed on the Capitol and citadel and their faces turned to the
immortal gods. As the people were summoned by centuries in the field of
Mars, and as the accused, extending his hands towards the Capitol,
directed his prayers from men to the gods; it became evident to the
tribunes, that unless they removed the eyes of men also from the memory
of so great an exploit, the best founded charge would find no place in
minds prejudiced by services. Thus the day of trial being adjourned, a
meeting of the people was summoned in the Poeteline grove outside the
Nomentan gate, from whence there was no view of the Capitol; there the
charge was made good, and their minds being now unmoved [by
adventitious circumstances], a fatal sentence, and one which excited
horror even in his judges, was passed on him. There are some who state
that he was condemned by duumvirs appointed to inquire concerning cases
of treason. The tribunes cast him down from the Tarpeian rock: and the
same place in the case of one man became a monument of distinguished
glory and of extreme punishment. Marks of infamy were offered to him
when dead: one, a public one; that, when his house had been that where
the temple of Moneta and the mint-office now stand, it was proposed to
the people, that no patrician should dwell in the citadel and Capitol:
the other appertaining to his family; it being commanded by a decree
that no one of the Manlian family should ever after bear the name of
Marcus Manlius. Such was the fate of a man, who, had he not been born
in a free state, would have been celebrated with posterity. In a short
time, when there was no longer any danger from him, the people,
recollecting only his virtues, were seized with regret for him. A
pestilence too which soon followed, no causes of so great a calamity
presenting themselves, seemed to a great many to have arisen from the
punishment inflicted on Manlius: “The Capitol” [they said] “had been
polluted with the blood of its preserver; nor was it agreeable to the
gods that the punishment of him by whom their temples had been rescued
from the hands of the enemy, had been brought in a manner before their
eyes.”
21. The pestilence was succeeded by a scarcity of the fruits of the
earth, and the report of both calamities by spreading [was followed] by
a variety of wars in the following year, Lucius Valerius a fourth time,
Aulus Manlius a third time, Servius Sulpicius a third time, Lucius
Lucretius, Lucius Æmilius a third time, Marcus Trebonius, being
military tribunes with consular power. Besides the Volscians, assigned
by some fatality to give eternal employment to the Roman soldiery, and
the colonies of Circeii and Velitræ, long meditating a revolt, and
Latium which had been suspected, new enemies suddenly sprung up in the
people of Lanuvium, which had been a most faithful city. The fathers,
considering that this arose from contempt, because the revolt of their
own citizens, the people of Velitræ, had been so long unpunished,
decreed that a proposition should be submitted to the people at the
earliest opportunity on the subject of declaring war against them: and
in order that the commons might be the more disposed for that service,
they appointed five commissioners for distributing the Pomptine land,
and three for conducting a colony to Nepete. Then it was proposed to
the people that they should order a declaration of war; and the
plebeian tribunes in vain endeavouring to dissuade them, all the tribes
declared for war. That year preparations were made for war; the army
was not led out into the field on account of the pestilence. And that
delay afforded full time to the colonists to deprecate the anger of the
senate; and a great number of the people were disposed that a suppliant
embassy should be sent to Rome, had not the public been involved, as is
usual, with the private danger, and the abettors of the revolt from the
Romans, through fear, lest they, being alone answerable for the guilt,
might be given up as victims to the resentment of the Romans, dissuaded
the colonies from counsels of peace. And not only was the embassy
obstructed by them in the senate, but a great part of the commons were
excited to make predatory excursions into the Roman territory. This new
injury broke off all hope of peace. This year a report first originated
regarding a revolt of the Prænestines; and the people of Tusculum,
Gabii and Lavici, into whose territories the incursions had been made,
accusing them of the fact, the senate returned so placid an answer,
that it became evident that less credit was given to the charges,
because they wished them not to be true.
22. In the following year the Papirii, Spurius and Lucius, new
military tribunes, led the legions to Velitræ; their four colleagues in
the tribuneship, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis a fourth time, Quintus
Servilius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Æmilius a fourth time, being left
behind to protect the city, and in case any new commotion should be
announced from Etruria; for every thing was apprehended from that
quarter. At Velitræ they fought a successful battle against the
auxiliaries of the Prænestines, who were almost greater than the number
of colonists themselves; so that the proximity of the city was both the
cause of an earlier flight to the enemy, and was their only refuge
after the flight. The tribunes refrained from besieging the town, both
because [the result] was uncertain, and they considered that the war
should not be pushed to the total destruction of the colony. Letters
were sent to Rome to the senate with news of the victory, expressive of
more animosity against the Prænestine enemy than against those of
Velitræ. In consequence, by a decree of the senate and an order of the
people, war was declared against the Prænestines: who, in conjunction
with the Volscians, took, on the following year, Satricum, a colony of
the Roman people, by storm, after an obstinate defence by the
colonists, and made, with respect to the prisoners, a disgraceful use
of their victory. Incensed at this, the Romans elected Marcus Furius
Camillus a seventh time military tribune. The colleagues conjoined with
him were the two Postumii Regillenses, Aulus and Lucius, and Lucius
Furius, with Lucius Lucretius and Marcus Fabius Ambustus. The Volscian
war was decreed to Marcus Furius out of the ordinary course, Lucius
Furius is assigned by lot from among the tribunes his assistant; [which
proved] not so advantageous to the public as a source of all manner of
praise to his colleague: both on public grounds, because he restored
the [Roman] interest which had been prostrated by his rash conduct; and
on private grounds, because from his error he sought to obtain his
gratitude rather than his own glory. Camillus was now in the decline of
life, and when prepared at the election to take the usual oath for the
purpose of excusing himself on the plea of his health, he was opposed
by the consent of the people: but his active mind was still vigorous
within his ardent breast, and he enjoyed all his faculties entire, and
now that he concerned himself but little in civil affairs, war still
aroused him. Having enlisted four legions of four thousand men each,
and having ordered the troops to assemble the next day at the Esquiline
gate, he set out to Satricum. There the conquerors of the colony,
nowise dismayed, confiding in their number of men, in which they had
considerably the advantage, awaited him. When they perceived that the
Romans were approaching, they marched out immediately to the field,
determined to make no delay to put all to the risk of an engagement,
that by proceeding thus they should derive no advantage from the
judgment of their distinguished commander, on which alone they
confided.
23. The same ardour existed also in the Roman army; nor did any
thing, but the wisdom and authority of one man, delay the fortune of
the present engagement, who sought, by protracting the war, an
opportunity of aiding their strength by skill. The enemy urged them the
more on that account, and now not only did they draw out their troops
in order of battle before their camp, but advanced into the middle of
the plain, and by throwing up trenches near the battalions of the
enemy, made a show of their insolent confidence in their strength. The
Roman soldier was indignant at this; the other military tribune, Lucius
Furius, still more so, who, encouraged both by his youth and his
natural disposition, was still further elated by the hopes entertained
by the multitude, who assumed great spirits on grounds the most
uncertain. The soldiers, already excited of themselves, he still
further instigated by disparaging the authority of his colleague by
reference to his age, the only point on which he could do so: saying
constantly, “that wars were the province of young men, and that with
the body the mind also flourishes and withers; that from having been a
most vigorous warrior he was become a drone; and that he who, on coming
up, had been wont to carry off camps and cities at the first onset, now
consumed the time inactive within the trenches. What accession to his
own strength, or diminution of that of the enemy, did he hope for? What
opportunity, what season, what place for practising stratagem? that the
old man's plans were frigid and languid. Camillus had both sufficient
share of life as well as of glory. What use was it to suffer the
strength of a state which ought to be immortal, to sink into old age
along with one mortal body.” By such observations, he had attracted to
himself the attention of the entire camp; and when in every quarter
battle was called for, “We cannot,” he says, “Marcus Furius, withstand
the violence of the soldiers; and the enemy, whose spirits we have
increased by delaying, insults us by insolence by no means to be borne.
Do you, who are but one man, yield to all, and suffer yourself to be
overcome in counsel, that you may the sooner overcome in battle.” To
this Camillus replies, that “whatever wars had been waged up to that
day under his single auspices, in these that neither himself nor the
Roman people had been dissatisfied either with his judgment or with his
fortune; now he knew that he had a colleague, his equal in command and
in authority, in vigour of age superior; with respect to the army, that
he had been accustomed to rule, not to be ruled; with his colleague's
authority he could not interfere. That he might do, with the favour of
the gods, whatever he might deem to be to the interest of the state.
That he would even solicit for his years the indulgence, that he might
not be placed in the front line; that whatever duties in war an old man
could discharge, in these he would not be deficient; that he prayed to
the immortal gods, that no mischance might prove his plan to be the
more advisable.” Neither his salutary advice was listened to by men,
nor such pious prayers by the gods. The adviser of the battle draws up
the front line; Camillus forms the reserve, and posts a strong guard
before the camp; he himself took his station on an elevated place as a
spectator, anxiously watching the result of the other's plan.
24. As soon as the arms clashed at the first encounter, the enemy,
from stratagem, not from fear, retreated. There was a gentle acclivity
in their rear, between the army and their camp; and because they had
sufficient numbers, they had left in the camp several strong cohorts,
armed and ready for action, which were to rush forth, when the battle
was now commenced, and when the enemy had approached the rampart. The
Roman being drawn into disadvantageous ground by following the
retreating enemy in disorder, became exposed to this sally. Terror
therefore being turned on the victor, by reason of this new force, and
the declivity of the valley, caused the Roman line to give way. The
Volscians, who made the attack from the camp, being fresh, press on
them; those also who had given way by a pretended flight, renew the
fight. The Roman soldiers no longer recovered themselves; but unmindful
of their recent presumption and former glory, were turning their backs
in every direction, and with disorderly speed were making for their
camp, when Camillus, being mounted on his horse by those around him,
and hastily opposing the reserved troops to them, “Is this,” says he,
“soldiers, the battle which ye called for? What man, what god is there,
whom ye can blame? That was your rashness, this your cowardice. Having
followed another leader, now follow Camillus; and as ye are accustomed
to do under my leadership, conquer. Why do ye look to the rampart and
camp? Not a man of you shall that camp receive, except as victor.”
Shame at first stopped their disorderly flight; then when they saw the
standards wheel about, and a line formed to meet the enemy, and the
general, besides being distinguished by so many triumphs, venerable
also by his age, presented himself in front of the battalions, where
the greatest toil and danger was, every one began to upbraid both
himself and others, and mutual exhortation with a brisk shout pervaded
the entire line. Nor was the other tribune deficient on the occasion.
Being despatched to the cavalry by his colleague, who was restoring the
line of the infantry, not by rebuking them, (for which task his share
in their fault had rendered him an authority of little weight,) but
from command turning entirely to entreaties, he besought them
individually and collectively, “to redeem him from blame, who was
answerable for the events of that day. Notwithstanding the repugnance
and dissuasion of my colleague, I gave myself a partner in the rashness
of all rather than in the prudence of one. Camillus sees his own glory
in your fortune, whatever it be; for my part, unless the battle is
restored, I shall feel the result with you all, the infamy alone (which
is most distressing).” It was deemed best that the horse should be
transferred into the line whilst still unsteady, and that they should
attack the enemy by fighting on foot. Distinguished by their arms and
courage, they proceed in whatever direction they perceive the line of
the infantry most pressed; nor among either the officers or soldiers is
there any abatement observed from the utmost effort of courage. The
result therefore felt the aid of the bravery exerted; and the Volscians
being put to real flight in that direction in which they had lately
retreated under pretended fear, great numbers were slain both in the
battle itself, and afterwards in flight; the others in the camp, which
was taken in the same onset: more, however, were captured than slain.
25. Where when, on taking an account of the prisoners, several
Tusculans were recognised, being separated from the rest, they are
brought to the tribunes; and they confessed to those who interrogated
them, that they had taken up arms by the authority of the state. By the
fear of which war so near home Camillus being alarmed, says that he
would immediately carry the prisoners to Rome, that the senate might
not be ignorant, that the Tusculans had revolted from the alliance;
meanwhile his colleague, if he thought proper, should command the camp
and army. One day had been a lesson to him not to prefer his own
counsels to better. However neither himself, nor any person in the
army, supposed that Camillus would pass over his misconduct without
some angry feelings, by which the commonwealth had been brought into so
perilous a situation; and both in the army and at Rome, the uniform
account of all was, that, as matters had been conducted with varying
success among the Volscians, the blame of the unsuccessful battle and
of the flight lay with Lucius Furius, all the glory of the successful
one was to be attributed to Camillus. The prisoners being brought into
the senate, when the senate decreed that the Tusculans should be
punished with war, and they intrusted the management of that war to
Camillus, he requests one assistant for himself in that business, and
being allowed to select which ever of his colleagues he pleased,
contrary to the expectation of every one, he solicited Lucius Furius.
By which moderation of feeling he both alleviated the disgrace of his
colleague, and acquired great glory to himself. There was no war,
however, with the Tusculans. By firm adherence to peace they warded off
the Roman violence, which they could not have done by arms. When the
Romans entered their territories, no removals were made from the places
adjoining to the road, the cultivation of the lands was not
interrupted: the gates of the city lying open, they came forth in
crowds clad in their gowns to meet the generals; provision for the army
was brought with alacrity from the city and the lands. Camillus having
pitched his camp before the gates, wishing to know whether the same
appearance of peace, which was displayed in the country, prevailed also
within the walls, entered the city, where he beheld the gates lying
open, and every thing exposed to sale in the open shops, and the
workmen engaged each on their respective employments, and the schools
of learning buzzing with the voices of the scholars, and the streets
filled amid the different kinds of people, with boys and women going
different ways, whithersoever the occasions of their respective
callings carried them; nothing in any quarter that bore any appearance
of panic or even of surprise; he looked around at every object,
attentively inquiring where the war had been. No trace was there of any
thing having been removed, or brought forward for the occasion; so
completely was every thing in a state of steady tranquil peace, so that
it scarcely seemed that even the rumour of war could have reached them.
26. Overcome therefore by the submissive demeanour of the enemy, he
ordered their senate to be called. “Tusculans,” he says, “ye are the
only persons who have yet found the true arms and the true strength, by
which to protect your possessions from the resentment of the Romans.
Proceed to Rome to the senate. The fathers will consider, whether you
have merited more punishment for your former conduct, or forgiveness
for your present. I shall not anticipate your gratitude for a favour to
be conferred by the state. From me ye shall have the power of seeking
pardon. The senate will grant to your entreaties such a result, as they
shall consider meet.” When the Tusculans came to Rome, and the senate
[of a people], who were till a little before faithful allies, were seen
with sorrowful countenances in the porch of the senate-house, the
fathers, immediately moved [at the sight,] even then ordered them to be
called in rather in a friendly than a hostile manner. The Tusculan
dictator spoke as follows: “Conscript fathers, we against whom ye
proclaimed and made war, just as you see us now standing in the porch
of your house, so armed and so attired did we go forth to meet your
generals and your legions. This was our habit, this the habit of our
commons; and ever shall be, unless whenever we shall receive arms from
you and defence of you. We return thanks to your generals and your
troops for having trusted their eyes more than their ears; and for
having committed nothing hostile, where none subsisted. The peace,
which we observed, the same we solicit at your hands: we pray you,
avert war to that quarter where, if any where, it subsists. What your
arms may be able to effect on us, if after our submission we are to
experience it, we will experience unarmed. This is our determination.
May the immortal gods grant that it be as successful as it is dutiful!
With respect to the charges, by which you were induced to declare war
against us, though it is needless to refute by words what has been
contradicted by facts; yet, admitting they were true, we think it safe
for us to confess them, after having shown such evident marks of
repentance. Admit then that we have offended against you, since ye
deserve that such satisfaction be made to you.” These were nearly the
words used by the Tusculans. They obtained peace at the present, and
not long after the freedom of the state also. The legions were
withdrawn from Tusculum.
27. Camillus, distinguished by his prudence and bravery in the
Volscian war, by his success in the Tusculan expedition, in both by his
extraordinary moderation and forbearance towards his colleague, went
out of office; the military tribunes for the following year being
Lucius and Publius Valerius, Lucius a fifth, Publius a third time, and
Caius Sergius a third time, Lucius Menenius a second time, Spurius
Papirius, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis. The year required censors
also, chiefly on account of the uncertain representations regarding the
debt; the tribunes of the commons exaggerating the amount of it on
account of the odium of the thing, whilst it was underrated by those
whose interest it was that the difficulty of procuring payment should
appear to depend rather on [the want of] integrity, than of ability in
the debtors. The censors appointed were Caius Sulpicius Camerinus,
Spurius Postumius Regillensis; and the matter having been commenced was
interrupted by the death of Postumius, because it was not conformable
to religion that a substitute should be colleague to a censor.
Accordingly after Sulpicius had resigned his office, other censors
having been appointed under some defect, they did not discharge the
office; that a third set should be appointed was not allowed, as though
the gods did not admit a censorship for that year. The tribunes denied
that such mockery of the commons was to be tolerated; “that the senate
were averse to the public tablets, the witnesses of each man's
property, because they were unwilling that the amount of the debt
should be seen, which would clearly show that one part of the state was
depressed by the other; whilst in the mean time the commons, oppressed
with debt, were exposed to one enemy after another. Wars were now
sought out in every direction without distinction. Troops were marched
from Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitræ, and thence to
Tusculum. The Latins, Hernicians, and the Prænestines were now
threatened with hostilities, more through a hatred of their
fellow-citizens than of the enemy, in order to wear out the commons
under arms, and not suffer them to breathe in the city, or to reflect
on their liberty at their leisure, or to stand in an assembly where
they may hear a tribune's voice discussing concerning the reduction of
interest and the termination of other grievances. But if the commons
had a spirit mindful of the liberty of their fathers, that they would
neither suffer any Roman citizen to be assigned to a creditor on
account of debt, nor a levy to be held; until, the debts being
examined, and some method adopted for lessening them, each man should
know what was his own, and what another's; whether his person was still
free to him, or that also was due to the stocks.” The price held out
for sedition soon raised it: for both several were made over to
creditors, and on account of the rumour of the Prænestine war, the
senate decreed that new legions should be levied; both which measures
began to be obstructed by tribunitian interposition and the combined
efforts of the commons. For neither the tribunes suffered those
consigned to their creditors to be thrown into prison, nor did the
young men give in their names. While the senate felt less pressing
anxiety about enforcing the laws regarding the lending of money than
about the levy; for now it was announced that the enemy, having marched
from Præneste, had encamped in the Gabinian territory; meanwhile this
very report rather aroused the tribunes of the commons to the struggle
commenced than deterred them; nor did any thing else suffice to allay
the discontent in the city, but the approach of hostilities to the very
walls.
28. For when the Prænestines had been informed that no army was
levied at Rome, no general fixed on, that the senate and people were
turned the one against the other; their leaders thinking that an
opportunity presented itself, making a hasty march, and laying waste
the country as they went along, they advanced their standards as far as
the Colline gate. The panic in the city was great. The alarm was given
to take up arms; persons ran together to the walls and gates, and at
length turning from sedition to war, they created Titus Quinctius
Cincinnatus dictator. He appointed Aulus Sempronius Atratinus his
master of the horse. When this was heard, (such was the terror of that
office,) the enemy retired from the walls, and the young Romans
assembled to the edict without refusal. Whilst the army is being levied
at Rome, in the mean time the enemy's camp is pitched not far from the
river Allia: thence laying waste the land far and wide, they boasted
one to the other that they had chosen a place fatal to the Roman city;
that there would be a similar consternation and flight from thence as
occurred in the Gallic war. For “if the Romans dread a day deemed
inauspicious, and marked with the name of that place, how much more
than the Allian day would they dread the Allia itself, the monument of
so great a disaster. No doubt the fierce looks of the Gauls and the
sound of their voices would recur to their eyes and ears.” Turning over
in mind those groundless notions of circumstances as groundless, they
rested their hopes on the fortune of the place. On the other hand, the
Romans [considered] that, “in whatever place a Latin enemy stood, they
knew full well that they were the same whom, after having utterly
defeated at the lake Regillus, they kept in peaceable subjection for
one hundred years; that the place being distinguished by the memory of
their defeat, would rather stimulate them to blot out the remembrance
of their disgrace, than raise a fear that any land should be
unfavourable to their success. Were even the Gauls themselves presented
to them in that place, that they would fight just as they fought at
Rome in recovering their country, as the day after at Gabii; then, when
they took care, that no enemy, who had entered the walls of Rome,
should carry home an account of their success or defeat.”
29. With these feelings on either side they came to the Allia. The
Roman dictator, when the enemy were in view drawn up and ready for
action, says, “Aulus Sempronius, do you see that these men have taken
their stand at the Allia, relying on the fortune of the place? nor have
the immortal gods granted them any thing of surer confidence, or any
more effectual support. But do you, relying on arms and on courage,
make a brisk charge on the middle of their line; I will bear down on
them when thrown into disorder and consternation with the legions. Ye
gods, witnesses of the treaty, assist us, and exact the penalty, due
for yourselves having been violated, and for us who have been deceived
through the appeal made to your divinity.” The Prænestines sustained
not the attack of cavalry, or infantry; their ranks were broken at the
first charge and shout. Then when their line maintained its ground in
no quarter, they turn their backs; and being thrown into consternation
and carried beyond their own camp by their panic, they stop not from
their precipitate speed, until Præneste came in view. There, having
been dispersed in consequence of their flight, they select a post for
the purpose of fortifying it in a hasty manner; lest, if they betook
themselves within the walls, the country should be burned forthwith,
and when all places should be desolated, siege should be laid to the
city. But when the victorious Romans approached, the camp at the Allia
having been plundered, that fortress also was abandoned, and
considering the walls scarcely secure, they shut themselves up within
the town of Præneste. There were eight towns besides under the sway of
the Prænestines. Hostilities were carried round to these also; and
these being taken one after the other without much difficulty, the army
was led to Velitræ. This also was taken by storm. They then came to
Præneste, the main source of the war. That town was obtained, not by
force, but by capitulation. Titus Quinctius, being once victorious in a
pitched battle, having taken also two camps belonging to the enemy, and
nine towns by storm, and Præneste being obtained by surrender, returned
to Rome: and in his triumph brought into the Capitol the statue of
Jupiter Imperator, which he had conveyed from Præneste. It was
dedicated between the recesses of Jupiter and Minerva, and a tablet
fixed under it, as a monument of his exploits, was engraved with nearly
these words: “Jupiter and all the gods granted, that Titus Quinctius,
dictator, should take nine towns.” On the twentieth day after the
appointment he abdicated the dictatorship.
30. An election was then held of military tribunes with consular
power; in which the number of patricians and plebeians was equal. From
the patricians were elected Publius and Caius Manlius, with Lucius
Julius; the commons gave Caius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius
Antistius. To the Manlii, because they had the advantage of the
plebeians in family station, and of Julius in interest, the province of
the Volscians was assigned out of the ordinary course, without lots, or
mutual arrangement; of which circumstance both themselves and the
patricians who conferred it afterwards repented. Without any previous
reconnoitre they sent out some cohorts to forage. It having been
falsely reported to them that these were ensnared, whilst they march in
great haste, in order to support them, without even retaining the
author [of the report] who had deceived them, he being a Latin enemy
instead of a Roman soldier, they themselves fell into an ambuscade.
There, whilst they suffer and commit great havoc, making resistance on
disadvantageous ground solely by the valour of the soldiers, the enemy
in the mean time in another quarter attacked the Roman camp which was
situate on a plain. By their temerity and want of skill, matters were
brought into jeopardy in both places by the generals. Whatever portion
[of the army] was saved, the good fortune of the Roman people, and the
steady valour of the soldiers, even without a director, protected. When
an account of these events was brought to Rome, it was at first
agreeable to them that a dictator should be appointed; then when
intelligence was received from the Volscian country that matters were
quiet, and it appeared manifest that they knew not how to take
advantage of victory and of opportunity, the army and generals were
recalled from thence also; and there was quiet from that quarter, as
far as regarded the Volscians. The only disturbance there was towards
the end of the year was, that the Prænestines, having stirred up some
of the states of the Latins, renewed hostilities. During the same year
new colonists were enrolled for Setia, the colony itself complaining of
the paucity of men. Domestic tranquillity, which the influence of the
plebeian military tribunes and the respect shown to them among their
own party procured, was a consolation for the want of success in war.
31. The commencement of the following year blazed forth with violent
sedition, the military tribunes with consular power being Spurius
Furius, Quintus Servilius a second time, Caius Licinius, Publius
Cloelius, Marcus Horatius, Lucius Geganius. The debt was both the
ground-work and cause of the disturbance: for the purpose of
ascertaining which Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus Cloelius
Siculus, being appointed censors, were prevented by war from proceeding
in the business. For alarming news at first, then the flight [of the
country people] from the lands, brought intelligence that the legions
of the Volscians had entered the borders, and were laying waste the
Roman land in every direction. In which alarm, so far was the fear of
the foreign enemy from putting a check to the domestic feuds, that on
the contrary the tribunitian power became even more vehement in
obstructing the levy; until these conditions were imposed on the
patricians, that no one was to pay tribute as long as the war lasted,
nor issue any judicial process respecting money due. This relaxation
being obtained for the commons, there was no delay with respect to the
levy. New legions being enlisted, it was resolved that two armies
should be led into the Volscian territory, the legions being divided.
Spurius Furius and Marcus Horatius proceed to the right, towards the
sea-coast and Antium; Quintus Servilius and Lucius Geganius to the
left, to Ecetra towards the mountains. On neither side did the enemy
meet them. Devastation was therefore committed, not similar to that
straggling kind which the Volscian had practised by snatches under the
influence of trepidation after the manner of a banditti, relying on the
dissensions among the enemy and dreading their valour; but committed
with the full meed of their resentment by a regular army, more severe
also by reason of their continuance. For the incursions had been made
by the Volscians on the skirts of the borders, as they were afraid lest
an army might in the mean time come forth from Rome: the Romans, on the
contrary, had a motive for tarrying in the enemy's country, in order to
entice them to an engagement. All the houses therefore on the lands,
and some villages also, being burnt down, not a fruit-tree nor the seed
being left for the hope of a harvest, all the booty both of men and
cattle, which was outside the walls, being driven off, the troops were
led back from both quarters to Rome.
32. A short interval having been granted to the debtors to recover
breath, when matters became perfectly quiet with respect to the enemy,
legal proceedings began to be instituted anew; and so remote was all
hope of relieving the former debt, that a new one was now contracted by
a tax for building a wall of hewn stone bargained for by the censors:
to which burden the commons were obliged to submit, because the
tribunes of the commons had no levy which they could obstruct. Forced
by the influence of the nobles, they elected all the military tribunes
from among the patricians, Lucius Æmilius, Publius Valerius a fourth
time, Caius Veturius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius and Caius Quinctius
Cincinnatus. By the same influence they succeeded in raising three
armies against the Latins and Volscians, who with combined forces were
encamped at Satricum, all the juniors being bound by the military oath
without any opposition; one army for the protection of the city; the
other to be sent for the sudden emergencies of war, if any disturbance
should arise elsewhere. The third, and by far the most powerful,
Publius Valerius and Lucius Æmilius led to Satricum. Where when they
found the enemy's line of battle drawn up on level ground, they
immediately engaged; and before the victory was sufficiently declared,
the battle, which held out fair hopes of success, was put a stop to by
rain accompanied by a violent storm of wind. On the following day the
battle was renewed; and for a considerable time the Latin troops
particularly, who had learned the Roman discipline during the long
confederacy, stood their ground with equal bravery and success. A
charge of cavalry broke their ranks; when thus confused, the infantry
advanced upon them; and as much as the Roman line advanced, so much
were the enemy dislodged from their ground; and when once the battle
gave way, the Roman prowess became irresistible. When the enemy being
routed made for Satricum, which was two miles distant, not for their
camp, they were cut down chiefly by the cavalry; their camp was taken
and plundered. The night succeeding the battle, they betake themselves
to Antium in a march resembling a flight; and though the Roman army
followed them almost in their steps, fear however possessed more
swiftness than anger. Wherefore the enemy entered the walls before the
Roman could annoy or impede their rear. After that several days were
spent in laying waste the country, as the Romans were neither supplied
with military engines to attack walls, nor the others to hazard the
chance of a battle.
33. At this time a dissension arose between the Antians and the
Latins; when the Antians, overcome by misfortunes and reduced by a war,
in which they had both been born and had grown old, began to think of a
surrender; whilst their recent revolt after a long peace, their spirits
being still fresh, rendered the Latins more determined to persevere in
the war. There was an end to the contest, when it became evident to
both parties that neither would stand in the way of the other so as to
prevent them from following out their own views. The Latins by
departing redeemed themselves from a share in what they deemed a
dishonourable peace. The Antians, on the removal of those who by their
presence impeded their salutary counsels, surrender their city and
lands to the Romans. The resentment and rage of the Latins, because
they were neither able to damage the Romans in war, nor to retain the
Volscians in arms, vented itself in setting fire to the city of
Satricum, which had been their first place of retreat after their
defeat; nor did any other building in that city remain, since they cast
firebrands indiscriminately into those sacred and profane, except the
temple of Mother Matuta. From that neither the sanctity of the building
itself, nor respect for the gods, is said to have restrained them, but
an awful voice, emitted from the temple with threats of dismal
vengeance, unless they removed their abominable fires to a distance
from the temples. Fired with this rage, their impetuosity carried them
on to Tusculum, under the influence of resentment, because, having
abandoned the general association of the Latins, they joined themselves
not only in alliance with the Romans, but also as members of their
state. As they unexpectedly rushed in at the gates, which were lying
open, the town, except the citadel, was taken at the first shout. The
townsmen with their wives and children took refuge in the citadel, and
sent messengers to Rome, to inform the senate of their situation. An
army was led to Tusculum with no less expedition than was worthy of the
honour of the Roman people. Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius,
military tribunes, commanded it. They beheld the gates of Tusculum
shut, and the Latins, with the feelings of besiegers and besieged, on
the one side defending the walls of Tusculum, on the other hand
attacking the citadel; they struck terror and felt it at the same time.
The arrival of the Romans produced a change in the minds of both
parties: it turned the Tusculans from great alarm into the utmost
alacrity, and the Latins from almost assured confidence of soon taking
the citadel, as they were masters of the town, to very slender hope of
even their own safety. A shout is raised by the Tusculans from the
citadel; it is answered by a much louder one from the Roman army. The
Latins are hard pressed on both sides: they neither withstand the force
of the Tusculans pouring down on them from the higher ground; nor are
they able to repel the Romans advancing up to the walls, and forcing
the bars of the gates. The walls were first taken by scalade; the gates
were then broken open; and when the two enemies pressed them both in
front and in the rear, nor did there remain any strength for fight, nor
any room for running away, between both they were all cut to pieces to
a man. Tusculum being recovered from the enemy, the army was led back
to Rome.
34. In proportion as all matters were more tranquil abroad in
consequence of their successes in war this year, so much did the
violence of the patricians and the distresses of the commons in the
city increase every day; as the ability to pay was prevented by the
very fact that it was necessary to pay. Accordingly, when nothing could
now be paid out of their property, being cast in suits and assigned
over to custody, they satisfied their creditors by their character and
persons, and punishment was substituted for payment. Wherefore not only
the lowest, but even the leading men in the commons had sunk so low in
spirit, that no enterprising and adventurous man had courage, not only
to stand for the military tribuneship among the patricians, (for which
privilege they had strained all their energies,) but not even to take
on them and sue for plebeian magistracies: and the patricians seemed to
have for ever recovered the possession of an honour that had been only
usurped by the commons for a few years. A trifling cause, as generally
happens, which had the effect of producing a mighty result, intervened
to prevent the other party from exulting too much in that. Two
daughters of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, an influential man, both among
persons of his own station, and also with the commons, because he was
by no means considered a despiser of persons of that order, had been
married, the elder to Servius Sulpicius, the younger to Caius Licinius
Stolo, a distinguished person, but still a plebeian; and the fact of
such an alliance not having been scorned, had gained influence for
Fabius with the people. It so happened, that when the two sisters, the
Fabiæ, were passing away the time in conversation in the house of
Servius Sulpicius, military tribune, a lictor of Sulpicius, when he
returned home from the forum, rapped at the door, as is usual, with the
rod. When the younger Fabia, a stranger to this custom, was frightened
at it, she was laughed at by her sister, who was surprised at her
sister not knowing the matter. That laugh, however, gave a sting to the
female mind, sensitive as it is to mere trifles. From the number of
persons attending on her, and asking her commands, her sister's match,
I suppose, appeared to her to be a fortunate one, and she repined at
her own, according to that erroneous feeling, by which every one is
most annoyed at being outstripped by those nearest to him. When her
father happened to see her disappointed after the recent mortification,
by kindly inquiring he prevailed on her, who was dissembling the cause
of her annoyance, (as being neither affectionate with respect to her
sister, nor respectful towards her husband,) to confess, that the cause
of her chagrin was, that she had been united to an inferior, and
married into a house which neither honour nor influence could enter.
Ambustus then, consoling his daughter, bid her keep up good spirits;
that she should soon see the same honours at her own house, which she
now sees at her sister's. Upon this he began to draw up his plans with
his son-in-law, having attached to himself Lucius Sextius, an
enterprising young man, and one to whose hope nothing was wanting but
patrician descent.
35. There appeared a favourable opportunity for making innovations
on account of the immense load of debt, no alleviation of which evil
the commons could hope for unless their own party were placed in the
highest authority. To [bring about] that object [they saw] that they
should exert themselves. That the plebeians, by endeavouring and
persevering, had already gained a step towards it, whence, if they
struggled forward, they might reach the summit, and be on a level with
the patricians, in honour as well as in merit. For the present it was
resolved that plebeian tribunes should be created, in which office they
might open for themselves a way to other honours. And Caius Licinius
and Lucius Sextius, being elected tribunes, proposed laws all against
the power of the patricians, and for the interests of the commons: one
regarding the debt, that, whatever had been paid in interest being
deduced from the principal, the remainder should be paid off in three
years by equal instalments; the other concerning the limitation of
land, that no one should possess more than five hundred acres of land;
a third, that there should be no election of military tribunes, and
that one at least of the consuls should be elected from the commons;
all matters of great importance, and such as could not be attained
without the greatest struggles. A contest therefore for all those
objects, of which there is ever an inordinate desire among men, viz.
land, money, and honours, being now proposed, the patricians became
terrified and dismayed, and finding no other remedy in their public and
private consultations except the protest, which had been tried in many
previous contests, they gained over their colleagues to oppose the
bills of the tribunes. When they saw the tribes summoned by Licinius
and Sextius to announce their votes, surrounded by bands of patricians,
they neither suffered the bills to be read, nor any other usual form
for taking the votes of the commons to be gone through. And now
assemblies being frequently convened to no purpose, when the
propositions were now considered as rejected; “It is very well,” says
Sextius; “since it is determined that a protest should possess so much
power, by that same weapon will we protect the people. Come,
patricians, proclaim an assembly for the election of military tribunes;
I will take care that that word, I FORBID IT, which you listen to our
colleagues chaunting with so much pleasure, shall not be very
delightful to you.” Nor did the threats fall ineffectual: no elections
were held, except those of ædiles and plebeian tribunes. Licinius and
Sextius, being re-elected plebeian tribunes, suffered not any curule
magistrates to be appointed, and this total absence of magistrates
continued in the city for the space of five years, the people
re-electing the two tribunes, and these preventing the election of
military tribunes.
36. There was an opportune cessation of other wars: the colonists of
Velitræ, becoming wanton through ease, because there was no Roman army,
made repeated incursions on the Roman territory, and set about laying
siege to Tusculum. This circumstance, the Tusculans, old allies, new
fellow-citizens, imploring aid, moved not only the patricians, but the
commons also, chiefly with a sense of honour. The tribunes of the
commons relaxing their opposition, the elections were held by the
interrex; and Lucius Furius, Aulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, Servius
Cornelius, Publius and Caius Valerius, found the commons by no means so
complying in the levy as in the elections; and an army having been
raised amid great contention, they set out, and not only dislodged the
enemy from Tusculum, but shut them up even within their own walls.
Velitræ began to be besieged by a much greater force than that with
which Tusculum had been besieged; nor still could it be taken by those
by whom the siege had been commenced. The new military tribunes were
elected first: Quintius Servilius, Caius Veturius, Aulus and Marcus
Cornelius, Quintus Quinctius, Marcus Fabius. Nothing worthy of mention
was performed even by these at Velitræ. Matters were involved in
greater peril at home: for besides Sextius and Licinius, the proposers
of the laws, re-elected tribunes of the commons now for the eighth
time, Fabius also, military tribune, father-in-law of Stolo, avowed
himself the unhesitating supporter of those laws of which he had been
the adviser. And whereas, there had been at first eight of the college
of the plebeian tribunes protesters against the laws, there were now
only five: and (as is usual with men who leave their own party)
dismayed and astounded, they in words borrowed from others, urged as a
reason for their protest, that which had been taught them at home;
“that a great number of the commons were absent with the army at
Velitræ; that the assembly ought to be deferred till the coming of the
soldiers, that the entire body of the commons might give their vote
concerning their own interests.” Sextius and Licinius with some of
their colleagues, and Fabius one of the military tribunes, well-versed
now by an experience of many years in managing the minds of the
commons, having brought forward the leading men of the patricians,
teased them by interrogating them on each of the subjects which were
about to be brought before the people: “would they dare to demand, that
when two acres of land a head were distributed among the plebeians,
they themselves should be allowed to have more than five hundred acres?
that a single man should possess the share of nearly three hundred
citizens; whilst his portion of land scarcely extended for the plebeian
to a stinted habitation and a place of burial? Was it their wish that
the commons, surrounded with usury, should surrender their persons to
the stocks and to punishment, rather than pay off their debt by
[discharging] the principal; and that persons should be daily led off
from the forum in flocks, after being assigned to their creditors, and
that the houses of the nobility should be filled with prisoners? and
that wherever a patrician dwelt, there should be a private prison?”
37. When they had uttered these statements, exasperating and
pitiable in the recital, before persons alarmed for themselves,
exciting greater indignation in the hearers than was felt by
themselves, they affirmed “that there never would be any other limit to
their occupying the lands, or to their butchering the commons by usury,
unless the commons were to elect one consul from among the plebeians,
as a guardian of their liberty. That the tribunes of the commons were
now despised, as being an office which breaks down its own power by the
privilege of protest. That there could be no equality of right, where
the dominion was in the hands of the one party, assistance only in that
of the other. Unless the authority were shared, the commons would never
enjoy an equal share in the commonwealth; nor was there any reason why
any one should think it enough that plebeians were taken into account
at the consular elections; unless it were made indispensable that one
consul at least should be from the commons, no one would be elected. Or
had they already forgotten, that when it had been determined that
military tribunes should be elected rather than consuls, for this
reason, that the highest honours should be opened to plebeians also, no
one out of the commons was elected military tribune for forty-four
years? How could they suppose, that they would voluntarily confer, when
there are but two places, a share of the honour on the commons, who at
the election of military tribunes used to monopolize the eight places?
and that they would suffer a way to be opened to the consulship, who
kept the tribuneship so long a time fenced up? That they must obtain by
a law, what could not be obtained by influence at elections; and that
one consulate must be set apart out of the way of contest, to which the
commons may have access; since when left open to dispute it is sure
ever to become the prize of the more powerful. Nor can that now be
alleged, which they used formerly to boast of, that there were not
among the plebeians qualified persons for curule magistracies. For, was
the government conducted with less activity and less vigour, since the
tribunate of Publius Licinius Calvus, who was the first plebeian
elected to that office, than it was conducted during those years when
no one but patricians was a military tribune? Nay, on the contrary,
several patricians had been condemned after their tribuneship, no
plebeian. Quæstors also, as military tribunes, began to be elected from
the commons a few years before; nor had the Roman people been
dissatisfied with any one of them. The consulate still remained for the
attainment of the plebeians; that it was the bulwark, the prop of their
liberty. If they should attain that, then that the Roman people would
consider that kings were really expelled from the city, and their
liberty firmly established. For from that day that every thing in which
the patricians surpassed them, would flow in on the commons, power and
honour, military glory, birth, nobility, valuable at present for their
own enjoyment, sure to be left still more valuable to their children.”
When they saw such discourses favourably listened to, they publish a
new proposition; that instead of two commissioners for performing
religious rites, ten should be appointed; so that one half should be
elected out of the commons, the other half from the patricians; and
they deferred the meeting [for the discussion] of all those
propositions, till the coming of that army which was besieging Velitræ.
38. The year was completed before the legions were brought back from
Velitræ. Thus the question regarding the laws was suspended and
deferred for the new military tribunes; for the commons re-elected the
same two plebeian tribunes, because they were the proposers of the
laws. Titus Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, Servius Sulpicius, Spurius
Servilius, Lucius Papirius, Lucius Valerius, were elected military
tribunes. Immediately at the commencement of the year the question
about the laws was pushed to the extreme of contention; and when the
tribes were called, nor did the protest of their colleagues prevent the
proposers of the laws, the patricians being alarmed have recourse to
their two last aids, to the highest authority and the highest citizen.
It is resolved that a dictator be appointed: Marcus Furius Camillus is
appointed, who nominates Lucius Æmilius his master of the horse. To
meet so powerful a measure of their opponents, the proposers of the
laws also set forth the people's cause with great determination of
mind, and having convened an assembly of the people, they summon the
tribes to vote. When the dictator took his seat, accompanied by a band
of patricians, full of anger and of threats, and the business was going
on at first with the usual contention of the plebeian tribunes, some
proposing the law and others protesting against it, and though the
protest was more powerful by right, still it was overpowered by the
popularity of the laws themselves and of their proposers, and when the
first tribes pronounced, “Be it as you propose,” then Camillus says,
“Since, Romans, tribunitian extravagance, not authority, sways you now,
and ye are rendering the right of protest, acquired formerly by a
secession of the commons, totally unavailing by the same violent
conduct by which you acquired it, I, as dictator, will support the
right of protest, not more for the interest of the whole commonwealth
than for your sake; and by my authority I will defend your rights of
protection, which have been overturned. Wherefore if Caius Licinius and
Lucius Sextius give way to the protest of their colleagues, I shall not
introduce a patrician magistrate into an assembly of the commons. If,
in opposition to the right of protest, they will strive to saddle laws
on the state as though captive, I will not suffer the tribunitian power
to be destroyed by itself.” When the plebeian tribunes still persisted
in the matter with unabated energy and contemptuously, Camillus, being
highly provoked, sent his lictors to disperse the commons; and added
threats, that if they persisted he would bind down the younger men by
the military oath, and would forthwith lead an army out of the city. He
struck great terror into the people; by the opposition he rather
inflamed than lessened the spirits of their leaders. But the matter
inclining neither way, he abdicated his dictatorship, either because he
had been appointed with some informality, as some have stated; or
because the tribunes of the people proposed to the commons, and the
commons passed it, that if Marcus Furius did any thing as dictator, he
should be fined five hundred thousand asses. But both the
disposition of the man himself, and the fact that Publius Manlius was
immediately substituted as dictator for him, incline me to believe,
that he was deterred rather by some defect in the auspices than by this
unprecedented order. What could be the use of appointing him (Manlius)
to manage a contest in which Camillus had been defeated? and because
the following year had the same Marcus Furius dictator, who certainly
would not without shame have resumed an authority which but the year
before had been worsted in his hands; at the same time, because at the
time when the motion about fining him is said to have been published,
he could either resist this order, by which he saw himself degraded, or
he could not have obstructed those others on account of which this was
introduced, and throughout the whole series of disputes regarding the
tribunitian and consular authority, even down to our own memory, the
pre-eminence of the dictatorship was always decided.
39. Between the abdication of the former dictatorship and the new
one entered on by Manlius, an assembly of the commons being held by the
tribunes, as if it were an interregnum, it became evident which of the
laws proposed were more grateful to the commons, which to the
proposers. For they passed the bills regarding the interest and the
land, rejected the one regarding the plebeian consulate. And both
decisions would have been carried into effect, had not the tribunes
declared that they consulted the people on all the laws collectively.
Publius Manlius, dictator, then inclined the advantage to the side of
the people, by naming Caius Licinius from the commons, who had been
military tribune, as master of the horse. The patricians, I understand,
were much displeased at this nomination, but the dictator used to
excuse himself to the senate, alleging the near relationship between
him and Licinius; at the same time denying that the authority of master
of the horse was higher than that of consular tribune. When the
elections for the appointment of plebeian tribunes were declared,
Licinius and Sextius so conducted themselves, that by denying that they
any longer desired a continuation of the honour, they most powerfully
stimulated the commons to effectuate that which they were anxious for
notwithstanding their dissimulation. “That they were now standing the
ninth year as it were in battle-array against the patricians, with the
greatest danger to their private interests, without any benefit to the
public. That the measures published, and the entire strength of the
tribunitian authority, had grown old with them; the attack was made on
their propositions, first by the protest of their colleagues, then by
banishing their youth to the war at Velitræ; at length the dictatorial
thunder was levelled against them. That now neither colleagues, nor
war, nor dictator stood in their way; as being a man, who by nominating
a plebeian as master of the horse, has even given an omen for a
plebeian consul. That the commons retarded themselves and their
interests. They could, if they liked, have the city and forum free from
creditors, their lands immediately free from unjust possessors. Which
kindnesses, when would they ever estimate them with sufficiently
grateful feelings, if, whilst receiving the measures respecting their
own interests, they cut away from the authors of them all hopes of
distinction? That it was not becoming the modesty of the Roman people
to require that they themselves be eased from usury, and be put in
possession of the land unjustly occupied by the great, whilst they
leave those persons through whom they attained these advantages, become
old tribunitians, not only without honour, but even without the hope of
honour. Wherefore they should first determine in their minds what
choice they would make, then declare that choice at the tribunitian
elections. If they wished that the measures published by them should be
passed collectively, there was some reason for re-electing the same
tribunes; for they would carry into effect what they published. But if
they wished that only to be entertained which may be necessary for each
in private, there was no occasion for the invidious continuation of
honour; that they would neither have the tribuneship, nor the people
those matters which were proposed.”
40. In reply to such peremptory language of the tribunes, when
amazement at the insolence of their conduct and silence struck all the
rest of the patricians motionless, Appius Claudius Crassus, the
grandson of the decemvir, is said to have stepped forward to refute
their arguments, [urged on] more by hatred and anger than by hope [of
succeeding], and to have spoken nearly to this effect: “Romans, to me
it would be neither new nor surprising, if I too on the present
occasion were to hear that one charge, which has ever been advanced
against our family by turbulent tribunes, that even from the beginning
nothing in the state has been of more importance to the Claudian family
than the dignity of the patricians; that they have ever resisted the
interests of the commons. Of which charges I neither deny nor object to
the one, that we, since we have been admitted into the state and the
patricians, have strenuously done our utmost, that the dignity of those
families, among which ye were pleased that we should be, might be truly
said rather to have been increased than diminished. With respect to the
other, in my own defence and that of my ancestors, I would venture to
maintain, Romans, (unless any one may consider those things, which may
be done for the general good of the state, were injurious to the
commons as if inhabitants of another city,) that we, neither in our
private nor in our official capacity, ever knowingly did any thing
which was intended to be detrimental to the commons; and that no act
nor word of ours can be mentioned with truth contrary to your interest
(though some may have been contrary to your inclinations). Even though
I were not of the Claudian family, nor descended from patrician blood,
but an ordinary individual of the Roman citizens, who merely felt that
I was descended from free-born parents, and that I lived in a free
state, could I be silent on this matter: that Lucius Sextius and Caius
Licinius, perpetual tribunes, forsooth, have assumed such a stock of
arrogance during the nine years in which they have reigned, as to
refuse to allow you the free exercise of your suffrage either at the
elections or in enacting laws. On a certain condition, one of them
says, ye shall re-elect us tribunes for the tenth time. What else is
it, but saying, what others sue for, we disdain so thoroughly, that
without some consideration we will not accept it? But in the name of
goodness, what is that consideration, for which we may always have you
tribunes of the commons? that ye admit collectively all our measures,
whether they please or displease, are profitable or unprofitable. I beg
you, Tarquinii, tribunes of the commons, suppose that I, an individual
citizen, should call out in reply from the middle of the assembly, With
your good leave be it permitted us to select out of these measures
those which we deem to be beneficial to us; to reject the others. It
will not be permitted, he says. Must you enact concerning the interest
of money and the lands, that which tends to the interest of you all;
and must not this prodigy take place in the city of Rome, that of
seeing Lucius Sextius and this Caius Licinius consuls, a thing which
you loathe and abominate? Either admit all; or I propose none. Just as
if any one were to place poison and food together before any one who
was oppressed with famine, and order him either to abstain from that
which would sustain life, or to mix with it that which would cause
death. Wherefore, if this state were free, would they not all in full
assembly have replied to you, Begone hence with your tribuneships and
your propositions? What? if you will not propose that which it is the
interest of the people to accept, will there be no one who will propose
it? If any patrician, if (what they desire to be still more invidious)
any Claudius should say, Either accept all, or I propose nothing; which
of you, Romans, would bear it? Will ye never look at facts rather than
persons? but always listen with partial ears to every thing which that
officer will say, and with prejudiced ears to what may be said by any
of us? But, by Jove, their language is by no means becoming members of
a republic. What! what sort is the measure, which they are indignant at
its having been rejected by you? very like their language, Romans. I
ask, he says, that it may not be lawful for you to elect, as consuls,
such persons as ye may wish. Does he require any thing else, who orders
that one consul at least be elected from the commons; nor does he grant
you the power of electing two patricians? If there were wars at the
present day, such as the Etrurian for instance, when Porsenna took the
Janiculum, such as the Gallic war lately, when, except the Capitol and
citadel, all these places were in possession of the enemy; and should
Lucius Sextius stand candidate for the consulate with Marcus Furius or
any other of the patricians: could ye endure that Sextius should be
consul without any risk; that Camillus should run the risk of a
repulse? Is this allowing a community of honours, that it should be
lawful that two plebeians, and not lawful that two patricians, be made
consuls, and that it should be necessary that one be elected from among
the commons, and lawful to pass by both of the patricians? what
fellowship, what confederacy is that? Is it not sufficient, if you come
in for a share of that in which you had no share hitherto, unless
whilst suing for a part you seize on the whole? I fear, he says, lest,
if it be lawful that two patricians are to be elected, ye will elect no
plebeian. What else is this but saying, Because ye will not of your own
choice elect unworthy persons, I will impose on you the necessity of
electing persons whom you do not wish? What follows, but that if one
plebeian stand candidate with two patricians, he owes no obligation to
the people, and may say that he was appointed by the law, not by
suffrages?
41. “How they may extort, not how they may sue for honours, is what
they seek: and they are anxious to attain the highest honour, so that
they may not owe the obligations incurred even for the lowest; and they
prefer to sue for honours rather through favourable conjunctures than
by merit. Is there any one who can feel it an affront to have himself
inspected and estimated; who thinks it reasonable that to himself
alone, amidst struggling competitors, honours should be certain? who
would withdraw himself from your judgment? who would make your
suffrages necessary instead of voluntary; servile instead of free? I
omit mention of Licinius and Sextius, whose years of perpetuated power
ye number, as that of the kings in the Capitol; who is there this day
in the state so mean, to whom the road to the consulate is not rendered
easier through the advantages of that law, than to us and to our
children? inasmuch as you will sometimes not be able to elect us even
though you may wish it; those persons you must elect, even though you
were unwilling. Of the insult offered to merit enough has been said
(for merit appertains to human beings); what shall I say respecting
religion and the auspices, which is contempt and injustice relating
exclusively to the immortal gods? Who is there who does not know that
this city was built by auspices, that all things are conducted by
auspices during war and peace, at home and abroad? In whom therefore
are the auspices vested according to the usage of our forefathers? In
the patricians, no doubt; for no plebeian magistrate is ever elected by
auspices. So peculiar to us are the auspices, that not only do the
people elect in no other manner, save by auspices, the patrician
magistrates whom they do elect, but even we ourselves, without the
suffrages of the people, appoint the interrex by auspices, and in our
private station we hold those auspices, which they do not hold even in
office. What else then does he do, than abolish auspices out of the
state, who, by creating plebeian consuls, takes them away from the
patricians who alone can hold them? They may now mock at religion. For
what else is it, if the chickens do not feed? if they come out too
slowly from the coop? if a bird chaunt an unfavourable note? These are
trifling: but by not despising these trifling matters, our ancestors
have raised this state to the highest eminence. Now, as if we had no
need of the favour of the gods, we violate all religious ceremonies.
Wherefore let pontiffs, augurs, kings of the sacrifices be appointed at
random. Let us place the tiara of Jupiter's flamen on any person,
provided he be a man. Let us hand over the ancilia, the shrines, the
gods, and the charge of the worship of the gods, to those to whom it is
impious to commit them. Let not laws be enacted, nor magistrates
elected under auspices. Let not the senate give their approbation,
either to the assemblies of the centuries or of the Curiæ. Let Sextius
and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius, reign in the city of Rome,
because they give away as donations other persons' money and lands. So
great is the charm of plundering the possessions of other persons: nor
does it occur to you that by the one law vast wilds are produced
throughout the lands by expelling the proprietors from their
territories; by the other credit is destroyed, along with which all
human society ceases to exist. For every reason, I consider that those
propositions ought to be rejected by you. Whatever ye may do, I pray
the gods to render it successful.”
42. The speech of Appius merely had this effect, that the time for
passing the propositions was deferred. The same tribunes, Sextius and
Licinius, being re-elected for the tenth time, succeeded in passing a
law, that of the decemvirs for religious matters, one half should be
elected from the commons. Five patricians were elected, and five out of
the plebeians; and by that step the way appeared opened to the
consulship. The commons, content with this victory, yielded to the
patricians, that, all mention of consuls being omitted for the present,
military tribunes should be elected. Those elected were, Aulus and
Marcus Cornelius a second time, Marcus Geganius, Publius Manlius,
Lucius Veturius, and Publius Valerius a sixth time. When, except the
siege of Velitræ, a matter rather of a slow than dubious result, there
was no disquiet from foreign concerns among the Romans; the sudden
rumour of a Gallic war being brought, influenced the state to appoint
Marcus Furius dictator for the fifth time. He named Titus Quinctius
Pennus master of the horse. Claudius asserts that a battle was fought
that year with the Gauls, on the banks of the Anio; and that then the
famous battle was fought on the bridge, in which Titus Manlius,
engaging with a Gaul by whom he had been challenged, slew him in the
sight of the two armies and despoiled him of his chain. But I am
induced by the authority of several writers to believe that those
things happened not less than ten years later; but that in this year a
pitched battle was fought with the Gauls by the dictator, Marcus
Furius, in the territory of Alba. The victory was neither doubtful nor
difficult to the Romans, though from the recollection of the former
defeat the Gauls had diffused great terror. Many thousands of the
barbarians were slain in the field, and great numbers in the storming
of the camp. The rest dispersing, making chiefly for Apulia, saved
themselves from the enemy, both by continuing their flight to a great
distance, as also because panic and terror had scattered them very
widely. A triumph was decreed to the dictator with the concurrence of
the senate and commons. Scarcely had he as yet finished the war, when a
more violent disturbance awaited him at home; and by great struggles
the dictator and the senate were overpowered, so that the measures of
the tribunes were admitted; and the elections of the consuls were held
in spite of the resistance of the nobility, at which Lucius Sextius was
made consul, the first of plebeian rank. And not even was that an end
of the contests. Because the patricians refused to give their
approbation, the affair came very near a secession of the people, and
other terrible threats of civil contests: when, however, the
dissensions were accommodated on certain terms through the interference
of the dictator; and concessions to the commons were made by the
nobility regarding the plebeian consul; by the commons to the nobility,
with respect to one prætor to be elected out of the patricians, to
administer justice in the city. The different orders being at length
restored to concord after their long-continued animosity, when the
senate were of opinion that for the sake of the immortal gods they
would readily do a thing deserving, and that justly, if ever on any
occasion before, that the most magnificent games should be performed,
and that one day should be added to the three; the plebeian ædiles
refusing the office, the young patricians cried out with one accord,
that they, for the purpose of paying honour to the immortal gods, would
readily undertake the task, so that they were appointed ædiles. And
when thanks were returned to them by all, a decree of the senate
passed, that the dictator should ask of the people two persons as
ædiles from among the patricians; that the senate should give their
approbation to all the elections of that year.