Now first of all it is sufficiently established that, Troy having
been taken, the utmost severity was shown to all the other Trojans; but
that towards two, Æneas and Antenor, the Greeks forbore all the rights
of war, both in accordance with an ancient tie of hospitality, and
because they had ever been the advisers of peace, and of the
restoration of Helen—then that Antenor after various vicissitudes came
into the innermost bay of the Adriatic Sea, with a body of the Heneti,
who having been driven from Paphlagonia in consequence of a civil
commotion, were in quest both of a settlement and a leader, their king
Pylæmenes having been lost at Troy; and that the Heneti and Trojans,
having expelled the Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps,
took possession of the country; and the place where they first landed
is called Troy; from whence also the name of Trojan is given to the
canton; but the nation in general is called Veneti: that Æneas was
driven from home by a similar calamity, but the fates leading him to
the founding of a greater empire, he came first to Macedonia: that he
sailed from thence to Sicily in quest of a settlement: that from Sicily
he made for the Laurentine territory; this place also has the name of
Troy. When the Trojans, having disembarked there, were driving plunder
from the lands,—as being persons to whom, after their almost
immeasurable wandering, nothing was left but their arms and
ships,—Latinus the king, and the Aborigines, who then occupied those
places, assembled in arms from the city and country to repel the
violence of the new-comers. On this point the tradition is two-fold:
some say, that Latinus, after being overcome in battle, made first a
peace, and then an alliance with Æneas: others, that when the armies
were drawn out in battle-array, before the signals were sounded,
Latinus advanced to the front of the troops and invited the leader of
the adventurers to a conference. That he then inquired who they were,
whence (they had come), or by what casualty they had left their home,
and in quest of what they had landed on the Laurentine territory: after
he heard that the host were Trojans, their chief Æneas, the son of
Anchises and Venus, and that, driven from their own country and their
homes, which had been destroyed by fire, they were seeking a settlement
and a place for building a town, struck with admiration of the noble
origin of the nation and of the hero, and their spirit, alike prepared
for peace or war, he confirmed the assurance of future friendship by
giving his right hand: that upon this a compact was struck between the
chiefs, and mutual greetings passed between the armies: that Æneas was
hospitably entertained by Latinus: that Latinus, in the presence of his
household gods, added a family league to the public one, by giving
Æneas his daughter in marriage. This event confirms the Trojans in the
hope of at length terminating their wanderings by a fixed and permanent
settlement. They build a town. Æneas calls it Lavinium, after the name
of his wife. In a short time, too, a son was the issue of the new
marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of Ascanius.
2. The Aborigines and Trojans were soon after attacked together in
war. Turnus, king of the Rutulians, to whom Lavinia had been affianced
before the coming of Æneas, enraged that a stranger had been preferred
to himself, made war on Æneas and Latinus together. Neither side came
off from that contest with cause for rejoicing. The Rutulians were
vanquished; the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leader
Latinus. Upon this Turnus and the Rutulians, diffident of their
strength, have recourse to the flourishing state of the Etruscans, and
their king Mezentius; who holding his court at Coere, at that time an
opulent town, being by no means pleased, even from the commencement, at
the founding of the new city, and then considering that the Trojan
power was increasing much more than was altogether consistent with the
safety of the neighbouring states, without reluctance joined his forces
in alliance with the Rutulians. Æneas, in order to conciliate the minds
of the Aborigines to meet the terror of so serious a war, called both
nations Latins, so that they might all be not only under the same laws,
but also the same name. Nor after that did the Aborigines yield to the
Trojans in zeal and fidelity towards their king Æneas; relying
therefore on this disposition of the two nations, who were now daily
coalescing more and more, although Etruria was so powerful, that it
filled with the fame of its prowess not only the land, but the sea
also, through the whole length of Italy, from the Alps to the Sicilian
Strait, though he might have repelled the war by means of
fortifications, yet he led out his forces to the field. Upon this a
battle ensued successful to the Latins, the last also of the mortal
acts of Æneas. He was buried, by whatever name human and divine laws
require him to be called,[8] on the banks of the river Numicius. They
call him Jupiter Indiges.
[Footnote 8: Æneas, being now deified, could not be called by his
human name; and in speaking of his being buried, it would be improper
to name him by his divine title. ——Indigetem. He is called by
Dionysius [Greek: Chthonios Theos].]
3. Ascanius, the son of Æneas, was not yet old enough to take the
government upon him; that government, however, remained secure for him
till the age of maturity. In the interim, the Latin state and the
kingdom of his grandfather and father was secured for the boy under the
regency of his mother (such capacity was there in Lavinia). I have some
doubts (for who can state as certain a matter of such antiquity)
whether this was the Ascanius, or one older than he, born of Creusa
before the fall of Troy, and the companion of his father in his flight
from thence, the same whom, being called Iulus, the Julian family call
the author of their name. This Ascanius, wheresoever and of whatever
mother born, (it is at least certain that he was the son of Æneas,)
Lavinium being overstocked with inhabitants, left that flourishing and,
considering these times, wealthy city to his mother or step-mother, and
built for himself a new one at the foot of Mount Alba, which, being
extended on the ridge of a hill, was, from its situation, called Longa
Alba. Between the founding of Lavinium and the transplanting this
colony to Longa Alba, about thirty years intervened. Yet its power had
increased to such a degree, especially after the defeat of the
Etrurians, that not even upon the death of Æneas, nor after that,
during the regency of Lavinia, and the first essays of the young
prince's reign, did Mezentius, the Etrurians, or any other of its
neighbours dare to take up arms against it. A peace had been concluded
between the two nations on these terms, that the river Albula, now
called Tiber, should be the common boundary between the Etrurians and
Latins. After him Sylvius, the son of Ascanius, born by some accident
in a wood, ascends the throne. He was the father of Æneas Sylvius, who
afterwards begot Latinus Sylvius. By him several colonies, called the
ancient Latins, were transplanted. From this time, all the princes, who
reigned at Alba, had the surname of Sylvius. From Latinus sprung Alba;
from Alba, Atys; from Atys, Capys; from Capys, Capetus; from Capetus,
Tiberinus, who, being drowned in crossing the river Albula, gave it a
name famous with posterity. Then Agrippa, the son of Tiberinus; after
Agrippa, Romulus Silvius ascends the throne, in succession to his
father. The latter, having been killed by a thunderbolt, left the
kingdom to Aventinus, who being buried on that hill, which is now part
of the city of Rome, gave his name to it. After him reigns Proca; he
begets Numitor and Amulius. To Numitor, his eldest son, he bequeaths
the ancient kingdom of the Sylvian family. But force prevailed more
than the father's will or the respect due to seniority: for Amulius,
having expelled his brother, seizes the kingdom; he adds crime to
crime, murders his brother's male issue; and under pretence of doing
his brother's daughter, Rhea Sylvia, honour, having made her a vestal
virgin, by obliging her to perpetual virginity he deprives her of all
hopes of issue.
4. But, in my opinion, the origin of so great a city, and the
establishment of an empire next in power to that of the gods, was due
to the Fates. The vestal Rhea, being deflowered by force, when she had
brought forth twins, declares Mars to be the father of her illegitimate
offspring, either because she believed it to be so, or because a god
was a more creditable author of her offence. But neither gods nor men
protect her or her children from the king's cruelty: the priestess is
bound and thrown into prison; the children he commands to be thrown
into the current of the river. By some interposition of providence,[9]
the Tiber having overflowed its banks in stagnant pools, did not admit
of any access to the regular bed of the river; and the bearers supposed
that the infants could be drowned in water however still; thus, as if
they had effectually executed the king's orders, they expose the boys
in the nearest land-flood, where now stands the ficus Ruminalis (they
say that it was called Romularis). The country thereabout was then a
vast wilderness. The tradition is, that when the water, subsiding, had
left the floating trough, in which the children had been exposed, on
dry ground, a thirsty she-wolf, coming from the neighbouring mountains,
directed her course to the cries of the infants, and that she held down
her dugs to them with so much gentleness, that the keeper of the king's
flock found her licking the boys with her tongue. It is said his name
was Faustulus; and that they were carried by him to his homestead to be
nursed by his wife Laurentia. Some are of opinion that she was called
Lupa among the shepherds, from her being a common prostitute, and that
this gave rise to the surprising story. The children thus born and thus
brought up, when arrived at the years of manhood, did not loiter away
their time in tending the folds or following the flocks, but roamed and
hunted in the forests. Having by this exercise improved their strength
and courage, they not only encountered wild beasts, but even attacked
robbers laden with plunder, and afterwards divided the spoil among the
shepherds. And in company with these, the number of their young
associates daily increasing, they carried on their business and their
sports.
[Footnote 9: Forte quádam divinitus. [Greek: theia tini
tychê]. Plut.]
5. They say, that the festival of the lupercal, as now celebrated,
was even at that time solemnized on the Palatine hill, which, from
Palanteum, a city of Arcadia, was first called Palatium, and afterwards
Mount Palatine. There they say that Evander, who belonged to the tribe
of Arcadians,[10] that for many years before had possessed that
country, appointed the observance of a feast, introduced from Arcadia,
in such manner, that young men ran about naked in sport and wantonness,
doing honour to Pan Lycæus, whom the Romans afterwards called Inuus.
That the robbers, through rage at the loss of their booty, having lain
in wait for them whilst intent on this sport, as the festival was now
well known, whilst Romulus vigorously defended himself, took Remus
prisoner; that they delivered him up, when taken, to king Amulius,
accusing him with the utmost effrontery. They principally alleged it as
a charge against them, that they had made incursions upon Numitor's
lands, and plundered them in a hostile manner, having assembled a band
of young men for the purpose. Upon this Remus was delivered to Numitor
to be punished. Now, from the very first, Faustulus had entertained
hopes that the boys whom he was bringing up were of the blood royal;
for he both knew that the children had been exposed by the king's
orders, and that the time at which he had taken them up agreed exactly
with that period: but he had been unwilling that the matter, as not
being yet ripe for discovery, should be disclosed, till either a fit
opportunity or necessity should arise. Necessity came first;
accordingly, compelled by fear, he discovers the whole affair to
Romulus. By accident also, whilst he had Remus in custody, and had
heard that the brothers were twins, on comparing their age, and
observing their turn of mind entirely free from servility, the
recollection of his grand-children struck Numitor; and on making
inquiries[11] he arrived at the same conclusion, so that he was well
nigh recognising Remus. Thus a plot is concerted for the king on all
sides. Romulus, not accompanied by a body of young men, (for he was
unequal to open force,) but having commanded the shepherds to come to
the palace by different roads at a fixed time, forces his way to the
king; and Remus, with another party from Numitor's house, assists his
brother, and so they kill the king.
[Footnote 10: Scil. “The Pallantean.”]
[Footnote 11: By all his inquiries he arrived at the same conclusion
as before, viz. that they were his grand-children.]
6. Numitor, at the beginning of the fray, having given out that
enemies had invaded the city, and assaulted the palace, after he had
drawn off the Alban youth to secure the citadel with a garrison and
arms, when he saw the young men, after they had killed the king,
advancing to congratulate him, immediately called an assembly of the
people, and represented to them the unnatural behaviour of his brother
towards him, the extraction of his grand-children, the manner of their
birth and education, and how they came to be discovered; then he
informed them of the king's death, and that he was killed by his
orders. When the young princes, coming up with their band through the
middle of the assembly, saluted their grandfather king, an approving
shout, following from all the people present, ratified to him both that
title and the sovereignty. Thus the government of Alba being committed
to Numitor, a desire seized Romulus and Remus to build a city on the
spot where they had been exposed and brought up. And there was an
overflowing population of Albans and of Latins. The shepherds too had
come into that design, and all these readily inspired hopes, that Alba
and Lavinium would be but petty places in comparison with the city
which they intended to build. But ambition of the sovereignty, the bane
of their grandfather, interrupted these designs, and thence arose a
shameful quarrel from a beginning sufficiently amicable. For as they
were twins, and the respect due to seniority could not determine the
point, they agreed to leave to the tutelary gods of the place to
choose, by augury, which should give a name to the new city, which
govern it when built.
7. Romulus chose the Palatine and Remus the Aventine hill as their
stands to make their observations. It is said, that to Remus an omen
came first, six vultures; and now, the omen having been declared, when
double the number presented itself to Romulus, his own party saluted
each king; the former claimed the kingdom on the ground of priority of
time, the latter on account of the number of birds. Upon this, having
met in an altercation, from the contest of angry feelings they turn to
bloodshed; there Remus fell from a blow received in the crowd. A more
common account is, that Remus, in derision of his brother, leaped over
his new-built wall, and was, for that reason, slain by Romulus in a
passion; who, after sharply chiding him, added words to this effect:
“So shall every one fare, who shall dare to leap over my
fortifications.”[12] Thus Romulus got the sovereignty to himself; the
city, when built, was called after the name of its founder. His first
work was to fortify the Palatine hill where he had been educated. To
the other gods he offers sacrifices according to the Alban rite; to
Hercules, according to the Grecian rite, as they had been instituted by
Evander. There is a tradition, that Hercules, having killed Geryon,
drove his oxen, which were extremely beautiful, into those places; and
that, after swimming over the Tiber, and driving the cattle before him,
being fatigued with travelling, he laid himself down on the banks of
the river, in a grassy place, to refresh them with rest and rich
pasture. When sleep had overpowered him, satiated with food and wine, a
shepherd of the place, named Cacus, presuming on his strength, and
charmed with the beauty of the oxen, wished to purloin that booty, but
because, if he had driven them forward into the cave, their footsteps
would have guided the search of their owner thither, he therefore drew
the most beautiful of them, one by one, by the tails, backwards into a
cave. Hercules, awaking at day-break, when he had surveyed his herd,
and observed that some of them were missing, goes directly to the
nearest cave, to see if by chance their footsteps would lead him
thither. But when he observed that they were all turned from it, and
directed him no other way, confounded, and not knowing what to do, he
began to drive his cattle out of that unlucky place. Upon this, some of
the cows, as they usually do, lowed on missing those that were left;
and the lowings of those that were confined being returned from the
cave, made Hercules turn that way. And when Cacus attempted to prevent
him by force, as he was proceeding to the cave, being struck with a
club, he was slain, vainly imploring the assistance of the shepherds.
At that time Evander, who had fled from the Peloponnesus, ruled this
country more by his credit and reputation than absolute sway. He was a
person highly revered for his wondrous knowledge of letters,[13] a
discovery that was entirely new and surprising to men ignorant of every
art; but more highly respected on account of the supposed divinity of
his mother Carmenta, whom these nations had admired as a prophetess,
before the coming of the Sibyl into Italy. This prince, alarmed by the
concourse of the shepherds hastily crowding round the stranger, whom
they charged with open murder, after he heard the act and the cause of
the act, observing the person and mien of the hero to be larger, and
his gait more majestic, than human, asked who he was? As soon as he was
informed of his name, his father, and his native country, he said,
“Hail! Hercules! son of Jupiter, my mother, a truth-telling interpreter
of the gods, has revealed to me, that thou shalt increase the number of
the celestials; and that to thee an altar shall be dedicated here,
which some ages hence the most powerful people on earth shall call Ara
Maxima, and honour according to thy own institution.” Hercules having
given him his right hand, said, “That he accepted the omen, and would
fulfil the predictions of the fates, by building and consecrating an
altar.” There for the first time a sacrifice was offered to Hercules of
a chosen heifer, taken from the herd, the Potitii and Pinarii, who were
then the most distinguished families that inhabited these parts, having
been invited to the service and the entertainment. It so happened that
the Potitii were present in due time, and the entrails were set before
them; when they were eaten up, the Pinarii came to the remainder of the
feast. From this time it was ordained, that while the Pinarian family
subsisted, none of them should eat of the entrails of the solemn
sacrifices. The Potitii, being instructed by Evander, discharged this
sacred function as priests for many ages, until the office, solemnly
appropriated to their family, being delegated to public slaves, their
whole race became extinct. This was the only foreign religious
institution which Romulus adopted, being even then an abettor of
immortality attained by merit, to which his own destinies were
conducting him.
[Footnote 12: According to Cato, Rome was founded on the day of the
Palilia, the 11th of the Calends of May, in the first year of the
7th Olympiad, and 751 B.C. This is two years short of Varro's
computation.]
[Footnote 13: He taught the Italians to read and write.]
8. The duties of religion having been duly performed, and the
multitude summoned to a meeting, as they could be incorporated into one
people by no other means than fixed rules, he gave them a code of laws,
and judging that these would be best respected by this rude class of
men, if he made himself dignified by the insignia of authority, he
assumed a more majestic appearance both in his other appointments, and
especially by taking twelve lictors to attend him. Some think that he
chose this number of officers from that of the birds, which in the
augury had portended the kingdom to him. I do not object to be of the
opinion of those who will have it that the apparitors (in general), and
this particular class of them,[14] and even their number, was taken
from their neighbours the Etrurians, from whom were borrowed the curule
chair, and the gown edged with purple; and that the Etrurians adopted
that number, because their king being elected in common from twelve
states, each state assigned him one lictor. Meanwhile the city
increased by their taking in various lots of ground for buildings,
whilst they built rather with a view to future numbers, than for the
population[15] which they then had. Then, lest the size of the city
might be of no avail, in order to augment the population, according to
the ancient policy of the founders of cities, who, after drawing
together to them an obscure and mean multitude, used to feign that
their offspring sprung out of the earth, he opened as a sanctuary, a
place which is now enclosed as you go down “to the two groves.”[16]
Hither fled from the neighbouring states, without distinction whether
freemen or slaves, crowds of all sorts, desirous of change: and this
was the first accession of strength to their rising greatness. When he
was now not dissatisfied with his strength, he next sets about forming
some means of directing that strength. He creates one hundred senators,
either because that number was sufficient, or because there were only
one hundred who could name their fathers. They certainly were called
Fathers, through respect, and their descendants, Patricians.[17]
[Footnote 14: Apparitores hoc genus. There is something
incorrect in the language of the original here. In my version I have
followed Drakenborch. Walker, in his edition, proposes to read ut
for et; thus, quibus ut apparitores et hoc genus ab Etruscis
——numerum quoque ipsum ductum placet, “who will have it, that as
public servants of this kind, so was their number also, derived from
the Etrurians.”]
[Footnote 15: The population at that time consisted of not more than
3,000 foot, and less than 300 horse. At the death of Romulus, it is
said to have amounted to 46,000 foot and almost 1,000 horse.]
[Footnote 16: [Greek: to metaxy chôrion tou te Kapitôliou kai tês
akras ho kaleitai nyn kata tên Rhômaiôn dialekton methorion dyoin
drymôn]. Dio. ii. 15.]
[Footnote 17: Ex industria—deditâ operá—[Greek: apo
paraskeuês].]
9. And now the Roman state was become so powerful, that it was a
match for any of the neighbouring nations in war, but, from the paucity
of women, its greatness could only last for one age of man; for they
had no hope of issue at home, nor had they any intermarriages with
their neighbours. Therefore, by the advice of the Fathers, Romulus sent
ambassadors to the neighbouring states to solicit an alliance and the
privilege of intermarriage for his new subjects. “That cities, like
every thing else, rose from very humble beginnings. That those which
the gods and their own merit aided, gained great power and high renown.
That he knew full well, both that the gods had aided the origin of
Rome, and that merit would not be wanting. Wherefore that, as men, they
should feel no reluctance to mix their blood and race with men.” No
where did the embassy obtain a favourable hearing: so much did they at
the same time despise, and dread for themselves and their posterity, so
great a power growing up in the midst of them. They were dismissed by
the greater part with the repeated question, “Whether they had opened
any asylum for women also, for that such a plan only could obtain them
suitable matches?” The Roman youth resented this conduct bitterly, and
the matter unquestionably began to point towards violence. Romulus, in
order that he might afford a favourable time and place for this,
dissembling his resentment, purposely prepares games in honour of
Neptunus Equestris; he calls them Consualia. He then orders the
spectacle to be proclaimed among their neighbours; and they prepare for
the celebration with all the magnificence they were then acquainted
with, or were capable of doing, that they might render the matter
famous, and an object of expectation. Great numbers assembled, from a
desire also of seeing the new city; especially their nearest
neighbours, the Cæninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates. Moreover the
whole multitude of the Sabines came, with their wives and children.
Having been hospitably invited to the different houses, when they had
seen the situation, and fortifications, and the city crowded with
houses, they became astonished that the Roman power had increased so
rapidly. When the time of the spectacle came on, and while their minds
and eyes were intent upon it, according to concert a tumult began, and
upon a signal given the Roman youth ran different ways to carry off the
virgins by force. A great number were carried off at hap-hazard,
according as they fell into their hands. Persons from the common
people, who had been charged with the task, conveyed to their houses
some women of surpassing beauty, destined for the leading senators.
They say that one, far distinguished beyond the others for stature and
beauty, was carried off by the party of one Thalassius, and whilst many
inquired to whom they were carrying her, they cried out every now and
then, in order that no one might molest her, that she was being taken
to Thalassius; that from this circumstance this term became a nuptial
one. The festival being disturbed by this alarm, the parents of the
young women retire in grief, appealing to the compact of violated
hospitality, and invoking the god, to whose festival and games they had
come, deceived by the pretence of religion and good faith. Neither had
the ravished virgins better hopes of their condition, or less
indignation. But Romulus in person went about and declared, “That what
was done was owing to the pride of their fathers, who had refused to
grant the privilege of marriage to their neighbours; but
notwithstanding, they should be joined in lawful wedlock, participate
in all their possessions and civil privileges, and, than which nothing
can be dearer to the human heart, in their common children. He begged
them only to assuage the fierceness of their anger, and cheerfully
surrender their affections to those to whom fortune had consigned their
persons.” [He added,] “That from injuries love and friendship often
arise; and that they should find them kinder husbands on this account,
because each of them, besides the performance of his conjugal duty,
would endeavour to the utmost of his power to make up for the want of
their parents and native country.” To this the caresses of the husbands
were added, excusing what they had done on the plea of passion and
love, arguments that work most successfully on women's hearts.
10. The minds of the ravished virgins were soon much soothed, but
their parents by putting on mourning, and tears and complaints, roused
the states. Nor did they confine their resentment to their own homes,
but they flocked from all quarters to Titus Tatius, king of the
Sabines; and because he bore the greatest character in these parts,
embassies were sent to him. The Cæninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates
were people to whom a considerable portion of the outrage extended. To
them Tatius and the Sabines seemed to proceed somewhat dilatorily. Nor
even do the Crustumini and Antemnates bestir themselves with sufficient
activity to suit the impatience and rage of the Cæninenses. Accordingly
the state of the Cæninenses by itself makes an irruption into the Roman
territory. But Romulus with his army met them ravaging the country in
straggling parties, and by a slight engagement convinces them, that
resentment without strength is of no avail. He defeats and routs their
army, pursues it when routed, kills and despoils their king in battle,
and having slain their general takes the city at the first assault.
From thence having led back his victorious army, and being a man highly
distinguished by his exploits, and one who could place them in the best
light, went in state to the capitol, carrying before him, suspended on
a frame curiously wrought for that purpose, the spoils of the enemy's
general, whom he had slain, and there after he had laid them down at
the foot of an oak held sacred by the shepherds, together with the
offering, he marked out the bounds for a temple of Jupiter, and gave a
surname to the god: “Jupiter Feretrius,” he says, “I, king Romulus,
upon my victory, present to thee these royal arms, and to thee I
dedicate a temple within those regions which I have now marked out in
my mind, as a receptacle for the grand spoils, which my successors,
following my example, shall, upon their killing the kings or generals
of the enemy, offer to thee.” This is the origin of that temple, the
first consecrated at Rome. It afterwards so pleased the gods both that
the declaration of the founder of the temple should not be frustrated,
by which he announced that his posterity should offer such spoils, and
that the glory of that offering should not be depreciated by the great
number of those who shared it. During so many years, and amid so many
wars since that time, grand spoils have been only twice gained,[18] so
rare has been the successful attainment of that honour.
[Footnote 18: Two, one by A. Cornelius Cossus for slaying L.
Tolumnius, king of Veii, U. C. 318, another by M. Claudius Marcellus,
for killing Viridomarus, king of the Gauls, U. C. 532.]
11. Whilst the Romans are achieving these exploits, the army of the
Antemnates, taking advantage of their absence, makes an incursion into
the Roman territories in a hostile manner. A Roman legion being marched
out in haste against these also, surprise them whilst straggling
through the fields. Accordingly the enemy were routed at the very first
shout and charge: their town taken; and as Romulus was returning,
exulting for this double victory, his consort, Hersilia, importuned by
the entreaties of the captured women, beseeches him “to pardon their
fathers, and to admit them to the privilege of citizens; that thus his
power might be strengthened by a reconciliation.” Her request was
readily granted. After this he marched against the Crustumini, who were
commencing hostilities; but as their spirits were sunk by the defeat of
their neighbours, there was still less resistance there. Colonies were
sent to both places, but more were found to give in their names for
Crustuminum, because of the fertility of the soil. Migrations in great
numbers were also made from thence to Rome, chiefly by the parents and
relatives of the ravished women. The last war broke out on the part of
the Sabines, and proved by far the most formidable: for they did
nothing through anger or cupidity; nor did they make a show of war,
before they actually began it. To prudence stratagem also was added.
Sp. Tarpeius commanded the Roman citadel; Tatius bribes his maiden
daughter with gold, to admit armed soldiers into the citadel: she had
gone by chance outside the walls to fetch water for the sacrifice.
Those who were admitted crushed her to death by heaping their arms upon
her; either that the citadel might seem rather to have been taken by
storm, or for the purpose of establishing a precedent, that no faith
should, under any circumstances, be kept with a traitor. A story is
added, that the Sabines commonly wore on their left arm golden
bracelets of great weight, and large rings set with precious stones,
and that she bargained with them for what they had on their left hands;
hence that their shields were thrown upon her instead of the golden
presents. There are some who say that in pursuance of the compact to
deliver up what was on their left hands, she expressly demanded their
shields, and that appearing to act with treachery, she was killed by
the reward of her own choosing.
12. The Sabines, however, kept possession of the citadel, and on the
day after, when the Roman army, drawn up in order of battle, filled up
all the ground lying between the Palatine and Capitoline hills, they
did not descend from thence into the plain, till the Romans, fired with
resentment, and with a desire of retaking the citadel, advanced to
attack them. Two chiefs, one on each side, animated the battle, viz.
Mettus Curtius on the part of the Sabines, Hostus Hostilius on that of
the Romans. The latter, in the front ranks, supported the Roman cause
by his courage and bravery, on disadvantageous ground. As soon as
Hostus fell, the Roman line immediately gave way and was beaten to the
old gate of the Palatium. Romulus, himself too carried away with the
general rout, raising his arms to heaven, says, “O Jupiter, commanded
by thy birds, I here laid the first foundation of the city on the
Palatine hill. The Sabines are in possession of the citadel, purchased
by fraud. From thence they are now advancing hither, sword in hand,
having already passed the middle of the valley. But do thou, father of
gods and men, keep back the enemy at least from hence, dispel the
terror of the Romans, and stop their shameful flight. Here I solemnly
vow to build a temple to thee as Jupiter Stator, as a monument to
posterity, that this city was saved by thy immediate aid.” Having
offered up this prayer, as if he had felt that his prayers were heard,
he cries out, “At this spot, Romans, Jupiter, supremely good and great,
commands you to halt, and renew the fight.” The Romans halted as if
they had been commanded by a voice from heaven; Romulus himself flies
to the foremost ranks. Mettus Curtius, on the part of the Sabines, had
rushed down at the head of his army from the citadel, and driven the
Romans in disorder over the whole ground now occupied by the forum. He
was already not far from the gate of the Palatium, crying out, “We have
defeated these perfidious strangers, these dastardly enemies. They now
feel that it is one thing to ravish virgins, another far different to
fight with men.” On him, thus vaunting, Romulus makes an attack with a
band of the most courageous youths. It happened that Mettus was then
fighting on horseback; he was on that account the more easily repulsed:
the Romans pursue him when repulsed: and the rest of the Roman army,
encouraged by the gallant behaviour of their king, routs the Sabines.
Mettus, his horse taking fright at the din of his pursuers, threw
himself into a lake; and this circumstance drew the attention of the
Sabines at the risk of so important a person. He, however, his own
party beckoning and calling to him, acquires new courage from the
affection of his many friends, and makes his escape. The Romans and
Sabines renew the battle in the valley between the hills; but Roman
prowess had the advantage.
13. At this juncture the Sabine women, from the outrage on whom the
war originated, with hair dishevelled and garments rent, the timidity
of their sex being overcome by such dreadful scenes, had the courage to
throw themselves amid the flying weapons, and making a rush across, to
part the incensed armies, and assuage their fury; imploring their
fathers on the one side, their husbands on the other, “that as
fathers-in-law and sons-in-law they would not contaminate each other
with impious blood, nor stain their offspring with parricide, the one
[19]their grandchildren, the other their children. If you are
dissatisfied with the affinity between you, if with our marriages, turn
your resentment against us; we are the cause of war, we of wounds and
of bloodshed to our husbands and parents. It were better that we perish
than live widowed or fatherless without one or other of you.” The
circumstance affects both the multitude and the leaders. Silence and a
sudden suspension ensue. Upon this the leaders come forward in order to
concert a treaty, and they not only conclude a peace, but form one
state out of two. They associate the regal power, and transfer the
entire sovereignty to Rome. The city being thus doubled, that some
compliment might be paid to the Sabines, they were called Quirites,
from Cures. As a memorial of this battle, they called the place where
the horse, after getting out of the deep marsh, first set Curtius in
shallow water, the Curtian Lake. This happy peace following suddenly a
war so distressing, rendered the Sabine women still dearer to their
husbands and parents, and above all to Romulus himself. Accordingly,
when he divided the people into thirty curiæ, he called the curiæ by
their names. Since, without doubt, the number of the Sabine women was
considerably greater than this, it is not recorded whether those who
were to give their names to the curiæ were selected on account of their
age, or their own or their husbands' rank, or by lot. At the same time
three centuries of knights were enrolled, called Ramnenses, from
Romulus; Tatienses, from Titus Tatius. The reason of the name and
origin of the Luceres is uncertain.
[Footnote 19: Nepotum et liberûm progeniem = Nepotes et
liberos,—[Greek: hyies Achaiôn = hoi Achaioi].]
14. Thenceforward the two kings held the regal power not only in
common, but in concord also. Several years after, some relatives of
king Tatius beat the ambassadors of the Laurentes, and when the
Laurentes commenced proceedings according to the law of nations, the
influence of his friends and their importunities had more weight with
Tatius. He therefore drew upon himself the punishment due to them; for
he is slain at Lavinium, in a tumult which arose on his going thither
to an anniversary sacrifice. They say that Romulus resented this with
less severity than the case required, either by reason of their
association in the kingly power being devoid of cordiality, or because
he believed that he was justly killed. He therefore declined going to
war; in order, however, that the ill-treatment of the ambassadors and
the murder of the king might be expiated, the treaty was renewed
between the cities of Rome and Lavinium. With this party, indeed, peace
continued, contrary to expectation; another war broke out much nearer
home, and almost at the very gates. The Fidenates, thinking that a
power too near to themselves was growing to a height, resolve to make
war, before their strength should become as great as it was apparent it
would be. An armed body of young men being sent in, all the land is
laid waste between the city and Fidenæ. Then turning to the left,
because the Tiber confined them on the right, they continue their
depredations to the great consternation of the peasantry. The sudden
alarm reaching the city from the country, served as the first
announcement. Romulus, roused at this circumstance, (for a war so near
home could not admit of delay,) leads out his army: he pitches his camp
a mile from Fidenæ. Having left there a small garrison, marching out
with all his forces, he commanded a party of his soldiers to lie in
ambush in a place [20]hidden by thick bushes which were planted around.
Then advancing with the greater part of the foot and all the horse, and
riding up to the very gates of the city in a disorderly and menacing
manner, he drew out the enemy, the very thing he wanted. The same mode
of fighting on the part of the cavalry likewise made the cause of the
flight, which was to be counterfeited, appear less surprising: and
when, the horse seeming irresolute, as if in deliberation whether to
fight or fly, the infantry also retreated, the enemy suddenly rushed
from the crowded gates, after they had made an impression on the Roman
line, are drawn on to the place of ambuscade in their eagerness to
press on and pursue. Upon this the Romans, rising suddenly, attack the
enemy's line in flank. The standards of those who had been left behind
on guard, advancing from the camp, further increase the panic. The
Fidenates, thus dismayed with terrors from so many quarters, turn their
backs almost before Romulus, and those who had accompanied him on
horseback, could wheel their horses round; and those who a little
before had pursued men pretending to fly, now ran back to the town in
much greater disorder, for their flight was in earnest. They did not
however get clear of the enemy: the Romans pressing on their rear rush
in as it were in one body before the gates could be shut against them.
[Footnote 20: The original has undergone various changes here: my
version coincides with the reading, locis circà densa obsita
virgulta obscuris.]
15. The minds of the Veientes being excited by the contagious
influence of the Fidenatian war, both from the tie of consanguinity,
for the Fidenates also were Etrurians, and because the very proximity
of situation, in case the Roman arms should be turned against all their
neighbours, urged them on, they made an incursion on the Roman
territories, more to commit depredations than after the manner of a
regular war. Accordingly, without pitching a camp, or awaiting the
approach of the enemy's army, they returned to Veii, carrying with them
the booty collected from the lands; the Roman army on the other side,
when they did not find the enemy in the country, being prepared for and
determined on a decisive action, cross the Tiber. And when the Veientes
heard that they were pitching a camp, and intended to advance to the
city, they came out to meet them, that they might rather decide the
matter in the open field, than be shut up and fight from their houses
and walls. Here the Roman king obtained the victory, his power not
being aided by any stratagem, merely by the strength of his veteran
army: and having pursued the routed enemies to their walls, he made no
attempt on the city, strong as it was by its fortifications, and well
defended by its situation: on his return he lays waste their lands,
rather from a desire of revenge than booty. And the Veientes, being
humbled by that loss no less than by the unsuccessful battle, send
ambassadors to Rome to sue for peace. A truce for one hundred years was
granted them after they were fined a part of their land. These are the
principal transactions which occurred during the reign of Romulus, in
peace and war, none of which seem inconsistent with the belief of his
divine original, or of the deification attributed to him after death,
neither his spirit in recovering his grandfather's kingdom, nor his
project of building a city, nor that of strengthening it by the arts of
war and peace. For by the strength attained from that outset under him,
it became so powerful, that for forty years after it enjoyed a profound
peace. He was, however, dearer to the people than to the fathers; but
above all others he was most beloved by the soldiers. And he kept three
hundred of them armed as a body-guard not only in war but in peace,
whom he called Celeres.
16. After performing these immortal achievements, while he was
holding an assembly of the people for reviewing his army, in the plain
near the lake of Capra, on a sudden a storm having arisen, with great
thunder and lightning, enveloped the king in so dense a mist, that it
took all sight of him from the assembly. Nor was Romulus after this
seen on earth. The consternation being at length over, and fine clear
weather succeeding so turbulent a day, when the Roman youth saw the
royal seat empty, though they readily believed the fathers who had
stood nearest him, that he was carried aloft by the storm, yet, struck
with the dread as it were of orphanage, they preserved a sorrowful
silence for a considerable time. Then, a commencement having been made
by a few, the whole multitude salute Romulus a god, son of a god, the
king and parent of the Roman city; they implore his favour with
prayers, that he would be pleased always propitiously to preserve his
own offspring. I believe that even then there were some, who silently
surmised that the king had been torn in pieces by the hands of the
fathers; for this rumour also spread, but was not credited; their
admiration of the man, and the consternation felt at the moment,
attached importance to the other report. By the contrivance also of one
individual, additional credit is said to have been gained to the
matter. For Proculus Julius, whilst the state was still troubled with
regret for the king, and felt incensed against the senators, a person
of weight, as we are told, in any matter however important, comes
forward to the assembly, “Romans,” he says, “Romulus, the father of
this city, suddenly descending from heaven, appeared to me this day at
day-break. While I stood covered with awe, and filled with a religious
dread, beseeching him to allow me to see him face to face, he said, Go
tell the Romans, that the gods so will, that my Rome should become the
capitol of the world. Therefore let them cultivate the art of war, and
let them know and hand down to posterity, that no human power shall be
able to withstand the Roman arms. Having said this, he ascended up to
heaven.” It is surprising what credit was given to the man on his
making this announcement, and how much the regret of the common people
and army, for the loss of Romulus, was assuaged upon the assurance of
his immortality.
17. Meanwhile ambition and contention for the throne actuated the
minds of the fathers; factions had not yet sprung up from individuals,
because, among a new people, no one person was eminently distinguished
above the rest: the contest was carried on between the different
orders. The descendants of the Sabines wished a king to be elected out
of their body, lest, because there had been no king on their side since
the death of Tatius, they might lose their claim to the crown[21]
according to the compact of equal participation. The old Romans spurned
the idea of a foreign prince. Amid this diversity of views, however,
all were anxious that there should be a king, they not having yet
tasted the sweets of liberty. Fear then seized the senators, lest the
minds of the surrounding states being incensed against them, some
foreign power should attack the state, now without a government, and
the army without a leader. It was therefore their wish that there
should be some head, but no one could bring himself to give way to
another. Thus the hundred senators divide the government among them,
ten decuries being formed, and one selected from each decury, who was
to have the chief direction of affairs. Ten governed; one only was
attended with the insignia of authority and the lictors: their power
was limited to the space of five days, and it passed through all in
rotation, and the interval between a kingly government lasted a year.
From the circumstance it was called an Interregnum, a term which holds
good even now. But the people began to murmur, that their slavery was
multiplied, and that they had got a hundred sovereigns instead of one,
and they seemed determined to bear no authority but that of a king, and
that one of their own choosing. When the fathers perceived that such
schemes were in agitation, thinking it advisable to offer them, of
their own accord, what they were sure to lose; they thus conciliate the
favour of the people by yielding to them the supreme power, yet in such
a manner as to grant them no greater privilege than they reserved to
themselves. For they decreed, that when the people should choose a
king, the election should be valid, if the senate approved. And[22] the
same forms are observed at this day in passing laws and electing
magistrates, though their efficacy has been taken away; for before the
people begin to vote, the senators declare their approbation, whilst
the result of the elections is still uncertain. Then the interrex,
having called an assembly of the people, addressed them in this manner:
“Do you, Romans, choose yourselves a king, and may it prove fortunate,
happy, and auspicious to you; so the fathers have determined. Then, if
you choose a prince worthy to succeed Romulus, the fathers will confirm
your choice.” This concession was so pleasing to the people, that, not
to be outdone in generosity, they only voted, and required that the
senate should determine who should be king of Rome.
[Footnote 21: Although, according to the terms of the alliance, the
Sabines and the Romans were to be in all respects on an equal footing.]
[Footnote 22: The order of the people still requires the sanction of
the senate for its ratification: but that sanction now being given
beforehand, the order of the people is no longer subject to the control
of the senate, and therefore not precarious as heretofore.]
18. The justice and piety of Numa Pompilius was at that time
celebrated. He dwelt at Cures, a city of the Sabines, and was as
eminently learned in all laws human and divine, as any man could be in
that age. They falsely represent that Pythagoras of Samos was his
instructor in philosophy, because there appears no other person to
refer to. Now it is certain that this philosopher, in the reign of
Servius Tullius, more than a hundred years after this, held assemblies
of young men, who eagerly imbibed his doctrine, in the most distant
part of Italy, about Metapontus, Heraclea, and Croton. But [23]from
these places, even had he flourished at the same time, what fame of his
(extending) to the Sabines could have aroused any one to a desire of
learning, or by what intercourse of language (could such a thing have
been effected)? Besides, how could a single man have safely passed
through so many nations differing in language and customs? I presume,
therefore, that his mind was naturally furnished with virtuous
dispositions, and that he was not so much versed in foreign sciences as
in the severe and rigid discipline of the ancient Sabines, than which
class none was in former times more strict. The Roman fathers, upon
hearing the name of Numa, although they perceived that the scale of
power would incline to the Sabines if a king were chosen from them, yet
none of them ventured to prefer himself, or any other of his party, or
any of the citizens or fathers, to that person, but unanimously
resolved that the kingdom should be conferred on Numa Pompilius. Being
sent for, just as Romulus before the building of the city obtained the
throne by an augury, he commanded the gods to be consulted concerning
himself also. Upon this, being conducted into the citadel by an augur,
(to which profession that office was made a public one and perpetual by
way of honour,) he sat down on a stone facing the south: the augur took
his seat on his left hand with his head covered, holding in his light a
crooked wand free from knots, which they called lituus; then
taking a view towards the city and country, after offering a prayer to
the gods, he marked out the regions from east to west, the parts
towards the south he called the right, those towards the north, the
left; and in front of him he set out in his mind a sign as far as ever
his eye could reach. Then having shifted the lituus into his left hand,
placing his right hand on the head of Numa, he prayed in this manner:
“O father Jupiter, if it is thy will that this Numa Pompilius, whose
head I hold, should be king of Rome, I beseech thee to give sure and
evident signs of it within those bounds which I have marked.” Then he
stated in set terms the omens which he wished to be sent; and on their
being sent, Numa was declared king and came down from the stand.
[Footnote 23: Ex quibus locis, quæ fama in Sabinos, aut quo
linguæ commercio ——quenquam excivisset. “From which (remote)
places, what high character of him (could have reached) to the Sabines,
or by what intercourse of language could such high character of him
have aroused any one to become a pupil?” Other editions read quâ
famâ; thus, from which places by what high character for talent, or
by what intercourse of language, could he, Pythagoras, have aroused any
one, etc.?]
19. Having thus obtained the kingdom, he sets about establishing
anew, on the principles of laws and morals, the city recently
established by violence and arms. When he saw that their minds, as
having been rendered ferocious by military life, could not be
reconciled to those principles during the continuance of wars,
considering that a fierce people should be mollified by the disuse of
arms, he erected at the foot of Argiletum a temple of Janus, as an
index of peace and war; that when open, it might show the state was
engaged in war, and when shut, that all the neighbouring nations were
at peace with it. Twice only since the reign of Numa hath this temple
been shut; once when T. Manlius was consul, at the end of the first
Punic war; and a second time, which the gods granted our age to see, by
the emperor Augustus Cæsar, after the battle of Actium, peace being
established by sea and land. This being shut, after he had secured the
friendship of the neighbouring states around by alliance and treaties,
all anxiety regarding dangers from abroad being removed, lest their
minds, which the fear of enemies and military discipline had kept in
cheek, should become licentious by tranquillity, he considered, that,
first of all, an awe of the gods should be instilled into them, a
principle of the greatest efficacy with a multitude ignorant and
uncivilized as in those times. But as it could not sink deeply into
their minds without some fiction of a miracle, he pretends that he
holds nightly interviews with the goddess Egeria; that by her direction
he instituted the sacred rites which would be most acceptable to the
gods, and appointed proper priests for each of the deities. And, first
of all, he divides the year into twelve months, according to the course
of the moon; and because the moon does not make up thirty days in each
month, and some days are wanting to the complete year as constituted by
the solstitial revolution, he so portioned it out by inserting
intercalary months, that every twenty-fourth year, the lengths of all
the intermediate years being completed, the days should correspond to
the same place of the sun (in the heavens) whence they had set out.[24]
He likewise made a distinction of the days[25] into profane and sacred,
because on some it was likely to be expedient that no business should
be transacted with the people.
[Footnote 24: Romulus had made his year to consist of ten months,
the first month being March, and the number of days in the year being
only 304, which corresponded neither with the course of the sun or
moon. Numa, who added the two months of January and February, divided
the year into twelve months, according to the course of the moon. This
was the lunar Greek year, and consisted of 354 days. Numa, however,
adopted 355 days for his year, from his partiality to odd numbers. The
lunar year of 354 days fell short of the solar year by 11-1/4
days;—this in 8 years amounted to (11-1/4 × 8) 90 days. These 90 days
he divided into 2 months of 22 and 2 of 23 days, ([2 × 22] + [2 × 23] =
90,) and introduced them alternately every second year for two
octennial periods: every third octennial period, however, Numa
intercalated only 66 days instead of 90 days, i. e. he inserted
3 months of only 22 days each. The reason was, because he adopted 355
days as the length of his lunar year instead of 354, and this in 24
years (3 octennial periods) produced an error of 24 days; this error
was exactly compensated by intercalating only 66 days (90-24) in the
third octennial period. The intercalations were generally made in the
month of February, after the 23rd of the month. Their management was
left to the pontiffs—ad metam eandem solis unde orsi essent—
dies congruerent; “that the days might correspond to the same
starting-point of the sun in the heavens whence they had set out.” That
is, taking for instance the tropic of Cancer for the place or
starting-point of the sun any one year, and observing that he was in
that point of the heavens on precisely the 21st of June, the object was
so to dispense the year, that the day on which the sun was observed to
arrive at that same meta or starting-point again, should also be
called the 21st of June:—such was the congruity aimed at by
these intercalations.]
[Footnote 25:
Ille nefastus erit per quem tria verba silentur;
Fastus erit, per quem lege licebit agi.—Ov. F. i. 47. ]
20. Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests,
though he performed many sacred rites himself, especially those which
now belong to the flamen of Jupiter. But, as he imagined that in a
warlike nation there would be more kings resembling Romulus than Numa,
and that they would go to war in person, he appointed a residentiary
priest as flamen to Jupiter, that the sacred functions of the royal
office might not be neglected, and he distinguished him by a fine robe,
and a royal curule chair. To him he added two other flamines, one for
Mars, another for Quirinus. He also selected virgins for Vesta, a
priesthood derived from Alba, and not foreign to the family of the
founder. That they might be constant attendants in the temple, he
appointed them salaries out of the public treasury; and by enjoining
virginity, and other religious observances, he made them sacred and
venerable. He selected twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and gave them
the distinction of an embroidered tunic, and over the tunic a brazen
covering for the breast. He commanded them to carry the celestial
shields called [26]Ancilia, and to go through the city singing songs,
with leaping and solemn dancing. Then he chose out of the number of the
fathers Numa Marcius, son of Marcus, as pontiff,[27] and consigned to
him an entire system of religious rites written out and sealed,
(showing) with what victims, upon what days, and in what temples the
sacred rites were to be performed; and from what funds the money was to
be taken for these expenses. He placed all religious institutions,
public and private, under the cognisance of the pontiff to the end that
there might be some place where the people should come to consult, lest
any confusion in the divine worship might be occasioned by neglecting
the ceremonies of their own country, and introducing foreign ones. (He
ordained) that the same pontiff should instruct the people not only in
the celestial ceremonies, but also in (the manner of performing)
funeral solemnities, and of appeasing the manes of the dead; and what
prodigies sent by lightning or any other phenomenon were to be attended
to and expiated. To elicit such knowledge from the divine mind, he
dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter [28]Elicius, and
consulted the god by auguries as to what (prodigies) should be
expiated.
[Footnote 26: Ancilia, from [Greek: ankulos].]
[Footnote 27: Pontificem, scil. Maximum.]
[Footnote 28:
Eliciunt coelo te, Jupiter: unde minores
Nunc quoque te celebrant, Eliciumque vocant.
Ov. F. iii. 327.]
21. The whole multitude having been diverted from violence and arms
to the considering and adjusting these matters, both their minds had
been engaged in doing something, and the constant watchfulness of the
gods now impressed upon them, as the deity of heaven seemed to interest
itself in human concerns, had filled the breasts of all with such
piety, that faith and religious obligations governed the state, no less
than fear of the laws and of punishment. And while[29] the people were
moulding themselves after the morals of the king, as their best
example, the neighbouring states also, who had formerly thought that it
was a camp, not a city, situate in the midst of them to disturb the
general peace, were brought (to feel) such respect for them that they
considered it impious that a state, wholly occupied in the worship of
the gods, should be molested. There was a grove, the middle of which
was irrigated by a spring of running water, issuing from a dark grotto.
As Numa went often thither alone, under pretence of conferring with the
goddess, he dedicated the place to the Muses, because their meetings
with his wife Egeria were held there. He also instituted a yearly
festival to Faith alone, and commanded the priests to be carried to her
temple in an arched chariot drawn by two horses, and to perform the
divine service with their hands wrapt up to the fingers, intimating
that Faith ought to be protected, and that her seat ought to be sacred
even in men's right hands. He instituted many other sacred rites, and
dedicated places for performing them, which the priests call Argei. But
the greatest of all his works was his maintenance of peace, during the
whole period of his reign, no less than of his royal prerogative. Thus
two kings in succession, by different methods, the one by war, the
other by peace, aggrandized the state. Romulus reigned thirty-seven
years, Numa forty-three: the state was both strong and well versed in
the arts of war and peace.
[Footnote 29: Cum ipsi se ——formarent, tum finitimi etiam,
etc. Some of the editors of Livy have remarked on this passage, that
cum when answering to tum may be joined to a subjunctive, as
here; the fact however is, that cum here does not answer to
tum at all; cum is here “whilst,”—and so necessarily
requires the verb to be in the subjunctive mood.]
22. Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to an
interregnum. After that the people appointed as king, Tullus Hostilius,
the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand against the
Sabines at the foot of the citadel. The fathers confirmed the choice.
He was not only unlike the preceding king, but was even of a more
warlike disposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and the
renown of his grandfather, stimulated his ambition. Thinking therefore
that the state was becoming languid through quiet, he every where
sought for pretexts for stirring up war. It happened that some Roman
and Alban peasants had mutually plundered each other's lands. C.
Cluilius at that time governed Alba. From both sides ambassadors were
sent almost at the same time, to demand restitution. Tullus ordered his
to attend to nothing before their instructions. He knew well that the
Alban would refuse, and that so war might be proclaimed on just
grounds. Their commission was executed more remissly by the Albans. For
being courteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they politely avail
themselves of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had both
been first in demanding restitution, and, upon the refusal of the
Albans, had proclaimed war after an interval of thirty days: of this
they give Tullus notice. Upon this he granted the Alban ambassadors an
opportunity of stating what they came to demand. They, ignorant of all,
waste some time in making apologies: “That it was with the utmost
reluctance they should say any thing which was not pleasing to Tullus;
but they were compelled by their orders. That they had come to demand
restitution; and if this be not made, they were commanded to declare
war.” To this Tullus made answer, “Go tell your king, that the king of
the Romans takes the gods to witness, which of the two nations hath
with contempt first dismissed the ambassadors demanding restitution,
that on it they may visit all the calamities of this war.” The Albans
carry home these tidings.
23. War was prepared for on both sides with the utmost vigour, very
like to a civil war, in a manner between parents and children: both
being Trojan offspring; for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium
Alba, and the Romans were descended from the race of Alban kings. But
the result of the war rendered the quarrel less distressing, for they
never came to any action; and, when the houses only of one of the
cities had been demolished, the two states were incorporated into one.
The Albans first made an irruption into the Roman territories with a
large army. They pitch their camp not above five miles from the city,
and surround it with a trench, which, for several ages, was called the
Cluilian trench, from the name of the general, till, in process of
time, the name, together with the thing itself, were both forgotten. In
that camp Cluilius, the Alban king, dies; the Albans create Mettus[30]
Fuffetius dictator. In the mean time, Tullus being in high spirits,
especially on the death of the king, and giving out that the supreme
power of the gods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance on
the whole Alban nation for this impious war, having passed the enemy's
camp in the night-time, marches with a hostile army into the Alban
territory. This circumstance drew out Mettus from his camp likewise; he
leads his forces as near as he can to the enemy; from thence he
commands a herald, despatched by him, to tell Tullus that a conference
was expedient before they came to an engagement; and that if he would
give him a meeting, he was certain he should adduce matters which
concerned the interest of Rome not less than that of Alba. Tullus not
slighting the proposal, though the advances made were of little avail,
draws out his men in order of battle; the Albans on their part come out
also. As both armies stood in battle-array, the chiefs, with a few of
the principal officers, advance into the middle between them. Then the
Alban commences thus: [31]"That injuries and the non-restitution of
property according to treaty, when demanded, were the cause of this
war, methinks I both heard our King Cluilius (assert), and I doubt not,
Tullus, but that you state the same thing. But if the truth is to be
told, rather than that which is plausible, the desire of dominion
stimulates two kindred and neighbouring states to arms. Nor do I take
upon myself to determine whether rightly or wrongly: be that his
consideration who commenced the war. The Albans have made me their
leader for carrying on the war. Of this, Tullus, I would wish to warn
you; how powerful the Etruscan state is around us, and round you
particularly, you know better (than we), inasmuch as you are nearer
them. They are very powerful by land, extremely so by sea. Recollect
that, when you shall give the signal for battle, these two armies will
presently be a spectacle to them; and they may fall on us wearied and
exhausted, victor and vanquished together. Therefore, in the name of
heaven, since, not content with certain liberty, we are incurring the
dubious risk of sovereignty and slavery, let us adopt some method,
whereby, without much loss, without much blood of either nation, it may
be decided which shall rule the other.”—The proposal is not
displeasing to Tullus, though both from the natural bent of his mind,
as also from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined to violence.
After some consideration, a plan is adopted on both sides, for which
Fortune herself afforded the materials.
[Footnote 30: Mettus. Gronovius and Bekker read Mettius
; Niebuhr also prefers Mettius; he conceives that the Latin
prænomina and the Roman nomina terminated in ius.]
[Footnote 31: Injurias et non redditas, etc. The construction
is, et ego videor audisse regem nostrum Cluilium (præ se ferre)
injurias et non redditas res ... nec dubito te ferre eadem præ te,
Tulle.]
24. It happened that there were in each of the two armies three
brothers[32] born at one birth, unequal neither in age nor strength.
That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough; nor is
there any circumstance of antiquity more celebrated; yet in a matter so
well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, to which
nation the Horatii and to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors claim
them for both sides; yet I find more who call the Horatii Romans. My
inclination leads me to follow them. The kings confer with the three
brothers, that they should fight with their swords each in defence of
their respective country; (assuring them) that dominion would be on
that side on which victory should be. No objection is made; time and
place are agreed on. Before they engaged, a compact is entered into
between the Romans and Albans on these conditions, that the state whose
champions should come off victorious in that combat, should rule the
other state without further dispute. Different treaties are made on
different terms, but they are all concluded in the same general method.
We have heard that it was then concluded as follows, nor is there a
more ancient record of any treaty. A herald asked king Tullus thus, “Do
you command me, O king, to conclude a treaty with the pater patratus of
the Alban people?” After the king had given command, he said, “I demand
vervain of thee, O king.” To which the king replied, “Take some that is
pure.” The herald brought a pure blade of grass from the citadel; again
he asked the king thus, “Dost thou, O king, appoint me the royal
delegate of the Roman people, the Quirites? including my vessels
and attendants?” The king answered, “That which may be done without
detriment to me and to the Roman people, the Quirites, I do.” The
herald was M. Valerius, who appointed Sp. Fusius pater patratus,
touching his head and hair with the vervain. The pater patratus is
appointed “ad jusjurandum patrandum,” that is, to ratify the treaty;
and he goes through it in a great many words, which, being expressed in
a long set form, it is not worth while repeating. After setting forth
the conditions, he says, “Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of
the Alban people, and ye, Alban people, hear. As those (conditions),
from first to last, have been recited openly from those tablets or wax
without wicked fraud, and as they have been most correctly understood
here this day, from those conditions the Roman people will not be the
first to swerve. If they first swerve by public concert, by wicked
fraud, on that day do thou, O Jupiter, so strike the Roman people, as I
shall here this day strike this swine; and do thou strike them so much
the more, as thou art more able and more powerful.” When he said this,
he struck the swine with a flint stone. The Albans likewise went
through their own form and oath by their own dictator and priests.
[Footnote 32: Three brothers born at one birth. Dionys. iii.
14, describes them as cousin-germans. Vid. Wachsmuth, p. 147. Niebuhr,
i. p. 342.]
25. The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been
agreed, take arms. Whilst their respective friends exhortingly reminded
each party “that their country's gods, their country and parents, all
their countrymen both at home and in the army, had their eyes then
fixed on their arms, on their hands; naturally brave, and animated by
the exhortations of their friends, they advance into the midst between
the two lines.” The two armies sat down before their respective camps,
free rather from present danger than from anxiety: for the sovereign
power was at stake, depending on the valour and fortune of so few.
Accordingly, therefore, eager and anxious, they have their attention
intensely riveted on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal is
given: and the three youths on each side, as if in battle-array, rush
to the charge with determined fury, bearing in their breasts the
spirits of mighty armies: nor do the one or the other regard their
personal danger; the public dominion or slavery is present to their
mind, and the fortune[33] of their country, which was ever after
destined to be such as they should now establish it. As soon as their
arms clashed on the first encounter, and their burnished swords
glittered, great horror strikes the spectators; and, hope inclining to
neither side, their voice and breath were suspended. Then having
engaged hand to hand, when not only the movements of their bodies, and
the rapid brandishings of their arms and weapons, but wounds also and
blood were seen, two of the Romans fell lifeless, one upon the other,
the three Albans being wounded. And when the Alban army raised a shout
of joy at their fall, hope entirely, anxiety however not yet, deserted
the Roman legions, alarmed for the lot of the one, whom the three
Curiatii surrounded. He happened to be unhurt, so that, though alone he
was by no means a match for them all together, yet he was confident
against each singly. In order therefore to separate their attack, he
takes to flight, presuming that they would pursue him with such
swiftness as the wounded state of his body would suffer each. He had
now fled a considerable distance from the place where they had fought,
when, looking behind, he perceives them pursuing him at great intervals
from each other; and that one of them was not far from him. On him he
turned round with great fury. And whilst the Alban army shouts out to
the Curiatii to succour their brother, Horatius, victorious in having
slain his antagonist, was now proceeding to a second attack. Then the
Romans encourage their champion with a shout such as is usually (given)
by persons cheering in consequence of unexpected success: he also
hastens to put an end to the combat. Wherefore before the other, who
was not far off, could come up he despatches the second Curiatius also.
And now, the combat being brought to an equality of numbers, one on
each side remained, but they were equal neither in hope nor in
strength. The one his body untouched by a weapon, and a double victory
made courageous for a third contest: the other dragging along his body
exhausted from the wound, exhausted from running, and dispirited by the
slaughter of his brethren before his eyes, presents himself to his
victorious antagonist. Nor was that a fight. The Roman, exulting, says,
“Two I have offered to the shades of my brothers: the third I will
offer to the cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over the
Alban.” He thrusts his sword down into his throat, whilst faintly
sustaining the weight of his armour: he strips him as he lies
prostrate. The Romans receive Horatius with triumph and congratulation;
with so much the greater joy, as success had followed so close on fear.
They then turn to the burial of their friends with dispositions by no
means alike; for the one side was elated with (the acquisition of)
empire, the other subjected to foreign jurisdiction: their sepulchres
are still extant in the place where each fell; the two Roman ones in
one place nearer to Alba, the three Alban ones towards Rome; but
distant in situation from each other, and just as they fought.[34]
[Footnote 33: The order is: fortuna patriæ deinde futura ea quam
ipsi f. (animo obvers.); the fortune of their country, the high or
humble character of which for the future depended on their exertions on
that occasion.]
[Footnote 34: The two Roman champions, we have seen, fell in the one
place, super alium alius; consequently were buried together;
whilst the Curiatii fell in different places, as Horatius contrived to
separate them to avoid their joint attack.]
26. Before they parted from thence, when Mettus, in conformity to
the treaty which had been concluded, asked what orders he had to give,
Tullus orders him to keep the youth in arms, that he designed to employ
them, if a war should break out with the Veientes. After this both
armies returned to their homes. Horatius marched foremost, carrying
before him the spoils of the three brothers: his sister, a maiden who
had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him before the gate
Capena: and having recognized her lover's military robe, which she
herself had wrought, on her brother's shoulders, she tore her hair, and
with bitter wailings called by name on her deceased lover. The sister's
lamentations in the midst of his own victory, and of such great public
rejoicings, raised the indignation of the excited youth. Having
therefore drawn his sword, he run the damsel through the body, at the
same time chiding her in these words: “Go hence, with thy unseasonable
love to thy spouse, forgetful of thy dead brothers, and of him who
survives, forgetful of thy native country. So perish every Roman woman
who shall mourn an enemy.” This action seemed shocking to the fathers
and to the people; but his recent services outweighed its guilt.
Nevertheless he was carried before the king for judgment. The king,
that he himself might not be the author of a decision so melancholy,
and so disagreeable to the people, or of the punishment consequent on
that decision, having summoned an assembly of the people, says, “I
appoint, according to law, duumvirs to pass sentence on Horatius for
[35]treason.” The law was of dreadful import. [36]"Let the duumvirs
pass sentence for treason. If he appeal from the duumvirs, let him
contend by appeal; if they shall gain the cause,[37] cover his head;
hang him by a rope from a gallows; scourge him either within the
pomoerium or without the pomoerium.” When the duumvirs appointed by
this law, who did not consider that, according to the law, they could
[38]acquit even an innocent person, had found him guilty; one of them
says, “P. Horatius, I judge thee guilty of treason. Go, lictor, bind
his hands.” The lictor had approached him, and was fixing the rope.
Then Horatius, by the advice of Tullus,[39] a favourable interpreter of
the law, says, “I appeal.” Accordingly the matter was contested by
appeal to the people. On that trial persons were much affected,
especially by P. Horatius the father declaring, that he considered his
daughter deservedly slain; were it not so, that he would by his
authority as a father have inflicted punishment on his son.[40] He then
entreated that they would not render childless him whom but a little
while ago they had beheld with a fine progeny. During these words the
old man, having embraced the youth, pointing to the spoils of the
Curiatii fixed up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia,
“Romans,” said he, “can you bear to see bound beneath a gallows amidst
scourges and tortures, him whom you just now beheld marching decorated
(with spoils) and exulting in victory; a sight so shocking as the eyes
even of the Albans could scarcely endure. Go, lictor, bind those hands,
which but a little while since, being armed, established sovereignty
for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of the liberator of this city;
hang him on the gallows; scourge him, either within the pomoerium, so
it be only amid those javelins and spoils of the enemy; or without the
pomoerium, only amid the graves of the Curiatii. For whither can you
bring this youth, where his own glories must not redeem him from such
ignominy of punishment?” The people could not withstand the tears of
the father, or the resolution of the son, so undaunted in every danger;
and acquitted him more through admiration of his bravery, than for the
justice of his cause. But that so notorious a murder might be atoned
for by some expiation, the father was commanded to make satisfaction
for the son at the public charge. He, having offered certain expiatory
sacrifices, which were ever after continued in the Horatian family, and
laid a beam across the street, made his son pass under it as under a
yoke, with his head covered. This remains even to this day, being
constantly repaired at the expense of the public; they call it Sororium
Tigillum. A tomb of square stone was erected to Horatia in the place
where she was stabbed and fell.
[Footnote 35: Perduellio, (duellum, bellum,) high treason
against the state or its sovereign; but in those times any offence
deserving capital punishment was included under that of treason, Qui
Horatio perduellionem judicent, to pass sentence on Horatius, as
being manifestly guilty of murder; not to try whether he was guilty or
not.]
[Footnote 36: Duumviri, etc. Niebuhr considers these to be the very
words of the old formula.]
[Footnote 37: If the sentence (of the duumviri) be confirmed by the
people.]
[Footnote 38: The letter of the law allowed of no justification or
extenuation of the fact. It left no alternative to the judge.]
[Footnote 39: He kindly pointed out the loop-hole in the law, which
left an opening for the culprit's acquittal.]
[Footnote 40: By the laws of Romulus, a father had the power of life
and death over his children.]
27. Nor did the peace with Alba continue long. The dissatisfaction
of the populace, because the fortune of the state had been hazarded on
three soldiers, perverted the weak mind of the dictator; and because
honourable measures had not turned out well, he began to conciliate
their affections by perfidious means. Accordingly, as one formerly
seeking peace in war, so now seeking war in peace, because he perceived
that his own state possessed more courage than strength, he stirs up
other nations to make war openly and by proclamation:[41] for his own
people he reserves treachery under the mask of alliance. The Fidenates,
a Roman colony, having gained over the Veientes as partisans in the
confederacy, are instigated to declare war and take up arms under a
compact of desertion on the part of the Albans. When Fidenæ had openly
[42]revolted, Tullus, after summoning Mettus and his army from Alba,
marches against the enemy. When he crossed the Anio, he pitches his
camp at the [43]conflux of the rivers. Between that place and Fidenæ,
the army of the Veientes had crossed the Tiber. These, in line of
battle, occupied the right wing near the river; the Fidenates are
posted on the left nearer the mountains. Tullus stations his own men
opposite the Veientian foe; the Albans he opposes to the legion of the
Fidenates. The Alban had not more courage than fidelity. Neither daring
therefore to keep his ground, nor to desert openly, he files off slowly
to the mountains. After this, when he supposed he had gone far enough,
he [44]halts his entire army; and being still irresolute in mind, in
order to waste time, he opens his ranks. His design was, to turn his
forces to that side to which fortune should give success. At first the
Romans who stood nearest were astonished, when they perceived their
flanks were uncovered by the departure of their allies; then a horseman
in full gallop announces to the king that the Albans were moving off.
Tullus, in this perilous juncture, vowed twelve Salii, and temples to
Paleness and Panic. Rebuking the horseman in a loud voice, so that the
enemy might hear him, he orders him to return to the fight, “that there
was no occasion for alarm; that by his order the Alban army was
marching round to fall on the unprotected rear of the Fidenates.” He
likewise commands him to order the cavalry to raise their spears aloft;
this expedient intercepted from a great part of the Roman infantry the
view of the Alban army retreating. Those who saw it, believing what
they had heard the king say, fought with the greater ardour. The alarm
is now transferred to the enemy; they had both heard what had been
pronounced so audibly, and a great part of the Fidenates, as having
been joined as colonists to the Romans, understood Latin. Therefore,
that they might not be intercepted from the town by a sudden descent of
the Albans from the hills, they take to flight. Tullus presses forward,
and having routed the wing of the Fidenates, returned with greater fury
against the Veientes, disheartened by the panic of the others: nor did
they sustain his charge; but the river, opposed to them behind,
prevented a precipitate flight. Whither when their flight led, some,
shamefully throwing down their arms, rushed blindly into the river;
others, while they linger on the banks, doubting whether to fly or
fight, were overpowered. Never before had the Romans a more desperate
battle.
[Footnote 41: The part which he reserves for himself and the Albans
is to play the traitors to Tullus in the hour of need, wearing
meanwhile the mark of friendship to Rome.]
[Footnote 42: The fact is, that the subject population rose up
against the Roman colonists, drove them out of the town, and asserted
their independence. Nieb. i. 24. 5.]
[Footnote 43: The Tiber and the Anio.]
[Footnote 44: Erigit—“he makes it halt,” from the French
faire alte, or formerly haut, because soldiers then stand
upright and hold their spears erect.]
28. Then the Alban army, that had been spectators of the fight, was
marched down into the plains. Mettus congratulates Tullus on his defeat
of the enemy; Tullus on his part addresses Mettus with great civility.
He orders the Albans to unite their camp with the Romans, which he
prayed might prove beneficial to both; and prepares a sacrifice of
purification for the next day. As soon as it was light, all things
being in readiness, according to custom, he commands both armies to be
summoned to an assembly. The heralds,[45] beginning at the outside,
summoned the Albans first. They, struck[46] too with the novelty of the
thing, in order to hear the Roman king harangue, crowded next to him.
The Roman legions, under arms, by concert surrounded them; a charge had
been given to the centurions to execute their orders without delay.
Then Tullus begins as follows: “Romans, if ever before at any other
time in any war there was (an occasion) on which you should return
thanks, first to the immortal gods, next to your own valour, that
occasion was yesterday's battle. For the contest was not more with
enemies than with the treachery and perfidy of allies, a contest which
is more serious and more dangerous. For that a false opinion may not
influence you, the Albans retired to the mountains without my orders,
nor was that my command, but a stratagem and the pretence of a command:
that so your attention might not be drawn away from the fight, you
being kept in ignorance that you were deserted, and that terror and
dismay might be struck into the enemy, conceiving themselves to be
surrounded on the rear. Nor does that guilt, which I now state, extend
to all the Albans. They followed their leader; as you too would have
done, if I had wished my army to make a move to any other point from
thence. Mettus there is the leader of that march, the same Mettus is
the contriver of this war; Mettus is the violator of the treaty between
Rome and Alba. Let another hereafter attempt the like conduct, unless I
now make of him a signal example to mankind.” The centurions in arms
stand round Mettus, and the king proceeds with the rest as he had
commenced: “It is my intention, and may it prove fortunate, auspicious,
and happy to the Roman people, to myself, and to you, O Albans, to
transplant all the inhabitants of Alba to Rome: to grant your people
the rights of citizenship, and to admit your nobles into the rank of
senators: to make one city, one republic; that as the Alban state was
formerly divided from one people into two, so it may now return into
one.” On hearing this the Alban youth, unarmed, surrounded by armed
men, however divided in their sentiments, yet restrained by the common
apprehension, continue silent. Then Tullus proceeded: “If, Mettus
Fuffetius, you were capable of learning fidelity, and how to observe
treaties, that lesson would have been taught you by me, while still
alive. Now, since your disposition is incurable, do you at least by
your punishment teach mankind to consider those things sacred which
have been violated by you. As therefore a little while since you kept
your mind divided between the interest of Fidenæ and of Rome, so shall
you now surrender your body to be torn asunder in different
directions.” Upon this, two chariots drawn by four horses being
brought, he ties Mettus extended at full length to their carriages:
then the horses were driven on in different directions, carrying off
the mangled body on each carriage, where the limbs had been fastened by
the cords. All turned away their eyes from so shocking a spectacle.
That was the first and last instance of a punishment among the Romans
regardless of the laws of humanity. In other cases we may boast that no
nation whatever adopted milder forms of punishment.
[Footnote 45: Præcones ab extremo. At the farther part of the
Roman camp, where it joined that of the Albans.]
[Footnote 46: As well as by the orders issued by Tullus.]
29. During these occurrences the cavalry had been despatched onward
to Alba to remove the multitude to Rome. The legions were next led
thither to demolish the city. When they entered the gates, there was
not indeed that tumult nor panic, such as usually takes place with
captured cities when the gates being burst open, or the walls levelled
by the ram, or the citadel taken by assault, the shouts of the enemy
and rush of armed men through the city throws every thing into
confusion by fire and sword: but gloomy silence and speechless sorrow
so absorbed the minds of all, that, through fear, forgetting what they
should leave behind, what they should take with them, all concert
failing them, and frequently making inquiries of each other, they now
stood at their thresholds, now wandering about they strayed through
their houses, doomed to see them for that the last time. But as soon as
the shouts of the horsemen commanding them to depart now urged them on,
the crashing of the dwellings which were being demolished, was now
heard in the remotest parts of the city, and the dust, rising in
distant places, had filled every quarter as with a cloud spread over
them; hastily snatching up whatever each of them could, whilst they
went forth leaving behind them their guardian deity and household gods,
and the homes in which each had been born and brought up, a continued
train of emigrants soon filled the ways, and the sight of others
through mutual commiseration renewed their tears, and piteous cries too
were heard, of the women more especially, when they passed by their
revered temples now beset with armed men, and left their gods as it
were in captivity. After the Albans had evacuated the town, the Roman
soldiery level all the public and private edifices indiscriminately to
the ground, and one short hour consigned to demolition and ruin the
work of four hundred years, during which Alba had stood. The temples of
the gods, however, for such had been the orders given by the king, were
spared.
30. In the mean time Rome increases by the demolition of Alba. The
number of citizens is doubled. The Coelian mount is added to the city,
and in order that it might be inhabited more populously, Tullus selects
that situation for his palace and there took up his abode. The leading
persons among the Albans he enrols among the patricians, that that
branch of the state also might increase, the Julii, Servilii, Quinctii,
Geganii, Curiatii, Cloelii; and as a consecrated place of meeting for
the order augmented by him he built a senate-house, which was called
Hostilia even down to the age of our fathers. And that every rank might
acquire some additional strength from the new people, he formed ten
troops of horsemen from among the Albans: he likewise recruited the
old, and raised new legions from the same source. Confiding in this
increase of strength, Tullus declares war against the Sabines, a nation
at that time the most powerful, next to the Etrurians, in men and in
arms. Injuries had been done on both sides, and restitution demanded in
vain. Tullus complained that some Roman merchants had been seized in an
open market near the temple of Feronia; the Sabines, that some of their
people had taken refuge in the asylum, and were detained at Rome. These
were assigned as the causes of the war. The Sabines, holding in
recollection both that a portion of their strength had been fixed at
Rome by Tatius, and that the Roman power had also been lately increased
by the accession of the Alban people, began, on their part, to look
around for foreign aid. Etruria was in their neighbourhood; of the
Etrurians the Veientes were the nearest. From thence they drew some
volunteers, their minds being stirred up to a revolt, chiefly in
consequence of the rankling animosities from (former) wars. And pay
also had its weight with some stragglers belonging to the indigent
population. They were assisted by no aid from the government, and the
faith of the truce stipulated with Romulus was strictly observed by the
Veientes (for with respect to the others it is less surprising). While
they were preparing for war with the utmost vigour, and the matter
seemed to turn on this, which should first commence hostilities, Tullus
first passes into the Sabine territory. A desperate battle ensued at
the wood called Malitiosa,[47] in which the Roman army was far
superior, both by the strength of their foot, and also by the recent
augmentation of their cavalry. The Sabine ranks were thrown into
disorder by a sudden charge of the cavalry, nor could either the fight
be afterwards restored, or a retreat accomplished without great
slaughter.
[Footnote 47: Malitiosam. [Greek: Tên hylên kaloumenên
Kakourgon]. Dio. iii.]
31. After the defeat of the Sabines, when the government of Tullus
and the whole Roman state was in high renown, and in a very flourishing
condition, word was brought to the king and senators, that it rained
stones on the Alban Mount. As this could scarcely be credited, on
persons being sent to inquire into the prodigy, a thick shower of
stones fell from heaven in their sight, just as when hail collected
into balls is pelted down to the earth by the winds. Besides, they
imagined that they heard a loud voice from the grove on the summit of
the hill, requiring the Albans to perform their religious service
according to the rites of their native country, which they had
consigned to oblivion, as if their gods had been abandoned together
with their country; and they had either adopted the religion of Rome,
or, as may happen, enraged at their evil destiny, had renounced
altogether the worship of the gods. A festival of nine days was
instituted publicly by the Romans also on account of the same prodigy,
either in obedience to the heavenly voice sent from the Alban mount,
(for that too is stated,) or by the advice of the aruspices. Certain it
is, it continued a solemn observance, that whenever the same prodigy
was announced, a festival for nine days was observed. Not long after,
they were afflicted with a pestilence; and though from this there arose
an aversion to military service, yet no respite from arms was granted
by this warlike king, who considered that the bodies of the young men
were even more healthy abroad than at home, until he himself also was
seized with a lingering disease. Then, together with his body, those
fierce spirits became so broken, that he, who formerly considered
nothing less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to religion,
suddenly became a slave to every form of superstition, important and
trifling, and filled the people's minds also with religious scruples.
The generality of persons, now wishing to recur to that state of things
which had existed under king Numa, thought that the only relief left
for their sickly bodies was, if peace and pardon could be obtained from
the gods. They say that the king himself, turning over the commentaries
of Numa, after he had found therein that certain sacrifices of a secret
and solemn nature had been performed to Jupiter Elicius, shut himself
up and set about the performance of this solemnity; but that that rite
was not duly undertaken or conducted, and that not only no appearance
of heavenly notification was presented to him, but that he was struck
with lightning and burnt to ashes, together with his house, through the
anger of Jupiter, exasperated at the impropriety of the ceremony.
Tullus reigned two-and-thirty years with great military renown.
32. On the death of Tullus the government devolved once more upon
the senate, and they nominated an interrex; and on his holding the
comitia, the people elected Ancus Marcius king. The fathers confirmed
the election. Ancus Marcius was the grandson of king Numa Pompilius by
his daughter. As soon as he ascended the throne, reflecting on the
renown of his grandfather, and that the late reign, glorious in every
other respect, in one particular had not been sufficiently prosperous,
the rites of religion having either been utterly neglected, or
improperly performed; deeming it of the highest importance to perform
the public ceremonies of religion as they had been instituted by Numa,
he orders the pontiff, after he had transcribed them all from the
king's commentaries on white tables, to expose them to public view.
Hence, both his own subjects, desirous of peace, and the neighbouring
nations, entertained a hope that the king would conform to the conduct
and institutions of his grandfather. Accordingly the Latins, with whom
a treaty had been concluded in the reign of Tullus, assumed new
courage; and after they had made an incursion upon the Roman lands,
return a contemptuous answer to the Romans on their demanding
restitution, supposing that the Roman king would spend his reign in
indolence among chapels and altars. The genius of Ancus was of a middle
kind, partaking both of that of Numa and of Romulus; and, besides that,
he thought that peace was more necessary in his grandfather's reign,
considering the people were but recent as well as uncivilized, he also
(considered) that he could not, without injury, preserve the
tranquillity which had fallen to his lot; that his patience was tried,
and being tried, was now despised; and that the times were more suited
to a king Tullus than to a Numa. In order, however, that as Numa had
instituted religious rites in peace, ceremonies relating to war might
be transmitted by him, and that wars might not only be waged, but
proclaimed also according to some rite, he borrowed from an ancient
nation, the Æquicolae, the form which the heralds still preserve,
according to which restitution is demanded. The ambassador, when he
comes to the frontiers of the people from whom satisfaction is
demanded, having his head covered with a fillet, (the fillet is of
wool,) says, “Hear, O Jupiter, hear, ye confines, (naming the nation
they belong to,) let Justice hear. I am a public messenger of the Roman
people; I come justly and religiously deputed, and let my words gain
credit.” He then makes his demands; afterwards he makes a solemn appeal
to Jupiter, “If I unjustly or impiously demand those persons and those
goods to be given up to me, the messenger of the Roman people, then
never permit me to enjoy my native country.” These words he repeats
when he passes over the frontiers; the same to the first man he meets;
the same on entering the gate; the same on entering the forum, some few
words in the form of the declaration and oath being changed. If the
persons whom he demands are not delivered up, on the expiration of
thirty-three days, for so many are enjoined by the rule, he declares
war, thus: “Hear, Jupiter, and thou, Juno, Romulus, and all ye
celestial, terrestrial, and infernal gods, give ear! I call you to
witness, that this nation (naming it) is unjust, and does not act with
equity; but we will consult the fathers in our own country concerning
these matters, and by what means we may obtain our right.” After that
the messenger returns to Rome to consult: the king immediately used to
consult the fathers almost in the following words: “Concerning such
matters, differences, and quarrels, as the pater patratus of the Roman
people, the Quirites, has conferred with the pater patratus of the
ancient Latins, and with the ancient Latin people, which matters ought
to be given up, performed, discharged, which matters they have neither
given up, performed, nor discharged, declare,” says he to him, whose
opinion he first asked, “what think you?” Then he said, “I think that
they should be demanded by a just and regularly declared war, therefore
I consent, and vote for it.” Then the others were asked in order, and
when the majority of those present agreed in the same opinion, the war
was resolved on. It was customary for the fecialis to carry in his hand
a javelin pointed with steel, or burnt at the end and dipped in blood,
to the confines of the enemy's country, and in presence of at least
three grown-up persons, to say, “Forasmuch as the states of the ancient
Latins, and the ancient Latin people, have offended against the Roman
people, the Quirites, forasmuch as the Roman people, the Quirites, have
ordered that there should be war with the ancient Latins, and the
senate of the Roman people, the Quirites, have given their opinion,
consented, and voted that war should be made with the ancient Latins,
on this account I and the Roman people declare and make war on the
states of the ancient Latins, and on the ancient Latin people.” After
he had said that, he threw the spear within their confines. After this
manner restitution was demanded from the Latins at that time, and war
proclaimed: and that usage posterity have adopted.
33. Ancus, having committed the care of sacred things to the
flamines and other priests, set out with a new army, which he had
levied, and took Politorium, a city of the Latins, by storm; and
following the example of former kings, who had increased the Roman
state by taking enemies into the number of the citizens, he
transplanted all the people to Rome. And since the Sabines occupied the
Capitol and citadel, and the Albans the Coelian mount around the
Palatium, the residence of the old Romans, the Aventine was assigned to
the new people; not long after, on Telleni and Ficana being taken, new
citizens were added in the same quarter. After this Politorium was
taken a second time by force of arms, because the ancient Latins had
taken possession of it when vacated. This was the cause of the Romans
demolishing that city, that it might not ever after serve as a
receptacle to the enemy. At last, the whole war with the Latins being
concentrated in Medullia, they fought there with various fortune,
sometimes the one and sometimes the other gaining the victory; for the
town was both well fortified by works, and strengthened by a strong
garrison, and the Latins, having pitched their camp in the open fields,
had several times fought the Romans in close engagement. At last Ancus,
making an effort with all his forces, obtained a complete victory over
them in a pitched battle, and having got a considerable booty, returned
thence to Rome; many thousands of the Latins being then also admitted
into the city, to whom, in order that the Aventine might be joined to
the Palatium, a settlement was assigned near the temple of Murcia. The
Janiculum was likewise added, not for want of room, but lest at any
time it should become a lodgment for the enemy. It was determined to
join it to the city, not only by a wall, but likewise, for the sake of
the convenience of passage, by a wooden bridge, then for the first time
built across the Tiber. The Fossa Quiritium, no inconsiderable defence
against the easy access to the city from the low grounds, is the work
of king Ancus. The state being augmented by such great accessions,
seeing that, amid such a multitude of persons, the distinction of right
and wrong being as yet confounded, clandestine crimes were committed, a
prison is built in the heart of the city, overlooking the forum, to
intimidate the growing licentiousness. And not only was the city
increased under this king, but the territory also and the boundaries.
The Mæsian forest was taken from the Veientes, the Roman dominion was
extended as far as the sea, and the city of Ostia built at the mouth of
the Tiber; salt-pits were formed around it, and, in consequence of the
distinguished success achieved in war, the temple of Jupiter Feretrius
was enlarged.
34. In the reign of Ancus, Lucumo, a rich and enterprising man, came
to settle at Rome, prompted chiefly by the desire and hope of obtaining
great preferment there, which he had no means of attaining at Tarquinii
(for there also he was descended from an alien stock). He was the son
of Demaratus, a Corinthian, who, flying his country for sedition, had
happened to settle at Tarquinii, and having married a wife there, had
two sons by her. Their names were [48]Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survived
his father, and became heir to all his property. Aruns died before his
father, leaving a wife pregnant. The father did not long survive the
son, and as he, not knowing that his daughter-in-law was pregnant, died
without taking any notice of his grandchild in his will, to the boy
that was born after the death of his grandfather, without having any
share in his fortune, the name of Egerius was given on account of his
poverty. And when his wealth already inspired Lucumo, on the other
hand, the heir of all his father's wealth, with elevated notions,
Tanaquil, whom he married, further increased such feeling, she being
descended from a very high family, and one who would not readily brook
the condition into which she had married to be inferior to that in
which she had been born. As the Etrurians despised Lucumo, because
sprung from a foreign exile, she could not bear the affront, and
regardless of the innate love of her native country, provided she might
see her husband advanced to honours, she formed the determination to
leave Tarquinii. Rome seemed particularly suited for her purpose. In
this state, lately founded, where all nobility is recent and the result
of merit, there would be room for her husband, a man of courage and
activity. Tatius a Sabine had been king of Rome: Numa had been sent for
from Cures to reign there: Ancus was sprung from a Sabine mother, and
rested his nobility on the single statue of Numa. She easily persuades
him, as being ambitious of honours, and one to whom Tarquinii was his
country only on the mother's side. Accordingly, removing their effects
they set out together for Rome. They happened to have reached the
Janiculum; there, as he sat in the chariot with his wife, an eagle,
suspended on her wings, gently stooping, takes off his cap, and flying
round the chariot with loud screams, as if she had been sent from
heaven for the very purpose, orderly replaced it on his head, and then
flew aloft. Tanaquil is said to have received this omen with great joy,
being a woman well skilled, as the Etrurians generally are, in
celestial prodigies, and embracing her husband, bids him hope for high
and elevated fortune: that such bird had come from such a quarter of
the heavens, and the messenger of such a god: that it had exhibited the
omen around the highest part of man: that it had lifted the ornament
placed on the head of man, to restore it to the same, by direction of
the gods. Carrying with them these hopes and thoughts, they entered the
city, and having purchased a house there, they gave out the name of
Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. His being a stranger and very rich, caused
him to be taken notice of by the Romans. He also promoted his own good
fortune by his affable address, by the courteousness of his
invitations, and by conciliating those whom he could by acts of
kindness; until a report of him reached even to the palace; and by
paying court to the king with politeness and address, he in a short
time so improved the acquaintance to the footing of intimate
friendship, that he was present at all public and private
deliberations, foreign and domestic; and being now tried in every
trust, he was at length, by the king's will, appointed guardian to his
children.
[Footnote 48: The Lucumones were a class of persons among the
Etrurians of a warlike sacerdotal character, patricians, not kings.
Vid. Niebuhr, i. p. 372.]
35. Ancus reigned twenty-four years, equal to any of the former
kings both in the arts and renown of war and peace. His sons were now
nigh the age of puberty, for this reason Tarquin was more urgent that
the assembly for the election of a king should be held as soon as
possible. The assembly being proclaimed, he sent away the boys to hunt
towards the time of their meeting. He is said to have been the first
who earnestly sued for the crown, and to have made a set speech for the
purpose of gaining the affections of the people: he said “that
he did not aim at any thing unprecedented; for that he was not the
first foreigner, (a thing at which any one might feel indignation or
surprise,) but the third who aspired to the sovereignty of Rome. That
Tatius not only from being an alien, but even an enemy, was made king:
that Numa, unacquainted with the city, and without soliciting it, had
been voluntarily invited by them to the throne. That he, as soon as he
was his own master, had come to Rome with his wife and whole fortune,
and had there spent a greater part of that age, in which men are
employed in civil offices, than he had in his native country: that he
had both in peace and war thoroughly learned the Roman laws and
religious customs, under a master not to be objected to, king Ancus
himself; that he had vied with all in duty and loyalty to his prince,
and even with the king himself in his bounty to others.” While he was
recounting these undoubted facts, the people by a great majority
elected him king. The same ambition which had prompted Tarquin, in
other respects an excellent man, to aspire to the crown, followed him
whilst on the throne. And being no less mindful of strengthening his
own power, than of increasing that of the commonwealth, he elected a
hundred into the fathers, who from that time were called Minorum
Gentium, i. e. of the younger families: a party hearty in the
king's cause, by whose favour they had got into the senate. The first
war he waged was with the Latins, from whom he took the town of Apiolæ
by storm, and having brought back thence more booty than the character
of the war would lead one to expect, he celebrated games with more cost
and magnificence than former kings. The place for the circus, which is
now called Maximus, was then first marked out, and spaces were parted
off for the senators and knights, where they might each erect seats for
themselves: they were called fori (benches). They viewed the games from
scaffolding which supported seats twelve feet high from the ground. The
show took place; horses and boxers were sent for, chiefly from Etruria.
These solemn games afterwards continued annual, being variously called
the Roman and Great (games). By the same king also spaces round the
forum were portioned off for private individuals to build on; porticoes
and shops were erected.
36. He was also preparing to surround the city with a stone wall,
when a Sabine war obstructed his designs. The matter was so sudden,
that the enemy had passed the Anio before the Roman army could meet and
stop them; great alarm therefore was produced at Rome. And at first
they fought with dubious success, but with great slaughter on both
sides. After this, the enemy's forces being led back into their camp,
and the Romans getting time to make new levies for the war, Tarquin,
thinking that the weakness of his army lay in the want of horse,
determined to add other centuries to the Ramnenses, the Titienses, and
Luceres which Romulus had appointed, and to leave them distinguished by
his own name. Because Romulus had done this by augury, Attus Navius, at
that time a celebrated soothsayer, insisted that no alteration or new
appointment of that kind could be made, unless the birds approved of
it. The king, enraged at this, and, as it is related, ridiculing the
art, said, “Come, thou diviner, tell me, whether what I am thinking on
can be done or not?” When he had tried the matter by divination, he
affirmed it certainly could. “But I was thinking,” says he, “whether
you could cut asunder this whetstone with a razor. Take it, and perform
what thy birds portend may be done.” Upon this, as they say, he
immediately cut the whetstone in two. A statue of Attus, with his head
veiled, was erected in the comitium, upon the very steps on the left of
the senate-house, on the spot where the transaction occurred. They say
that the whetstone also was deposited in the same place, that it might
remain a monument of that miracle to posterity. There certainly accrued
so much honour to augury and the college of augurs, that nothing was
undertaken either in peace or war without taking the auspices.
Assemblies of the people, the summoning of armies, and affairs of the
greatest importance were put off, when the birds would not allow of
them. Nor did Tarquin then make any other alteration in the centuries
of horse, except doubling the number of men in each of these corps, so
that the three centuries consisted of one thousand eight hundred
knights. Those that were added were called “the younger,” but by the
same names with the former; which, now that they have been doubled,
they call six centuries.
37. This part of his forces being augmented, a second battle is
fought with the Sabines. But, besides that the Roman army was thus
reinforced, a stratagem also is secretly resorted to, persons having
been sent to throw into the river a great quantity of timber that lay
on the banks of the Anio, it being first set on fire; and the wood
being further kindled by favour of the wind, and the greater[49] part
of it (being placed) on rafts, when it stuck firmly impacted against
the piers, sets the bridge on fire. This accident struck terror into
the Sabines during the battle, and, after they were routed, impeded
their flight; so that many, who had escaped the enemy, perished in the
river. Their arms floating down the Tiber, and being recognised at the
city, made known the victory, almost before any account of it could be
carried there. In that action the glory of the cavalry was prominent:
they say that, being posted in the two wings, when the centre of their
own infantry was being beaten, they charged so briskly in flank, that
they not only checked the Sabine legions who pressed hard on those who
retired, but quickly put them to flight. The Sabines made for the
mountains with great precipitation, yet few reached them; for, as we
said before, the greatest part were driven by the cavalry into the
river. Tarquin, thinking it advisable to pursue the enemy closely while
in this consternation, after sending the booty and the prisoners to
Rome, piling up and burning the spoils which he had vowed to Vulcan,
proceeds to lead his army onward into the Sabine territory. And though
matters had turned out adversely, nor could they hope for better
success; yet, because the occasion did not allow time for deliberation,
the Sabines came out to meet him with a hastily raised army; and being
again defeated there, and matters having now become desperate, they
sued for peace.
[Footnote 49: In my version of this passage I have followed the
reading, et pleraque in ratibus, impacta sublicis quum hærerent,
p. i. The burning logs were not sent down the river one by one, but
were placed on rafts, so that being incapable of passing on between the
piers of the bridge, they firmly stuck there, and burnt the bridge.
This mode of interpretation is confirmed by Dion. iii. 5, 6. The bridge
here meant is the one built by the Sabines at the confluence of the
Anio and the Tiber——Another reading is, pleraque in ratibus
impacta subliciis quam hærerent, “most of them being driven against
the boats, resting on piles, stuck there,” &c.]
38. Collatia and all the land about it was taken from the Sabines,
and Egerius, son to the king's brother, was left there with a garrison.
I understand that the people of Collatia were thus surrendered, and
that the form of the surrender was as follows: the king asked them,
“Are ye ambassadors and deputies sent by the people of Collatia to
surrender yourselves and the people of Collatia?” “We are.” “Are the
people of Collatia their own masters?” “They are.” “Do ye surrender
yourselves and the people of Collatia, their city, lands, water,
boundaries, temples, utensils, and every thing sacred or profane
belonging to them, into my power, and that of the Roman people?” “We
do.” “Then I receive them.” The Sabine war being ended, Tarquin
returned in triumph to Rome. After that he made war upon the ancient
Latins, where they came on no occasion to a general engagement; yet by
carrying about his arms to the several towns, he subdued the whole
Latin nation. Corniculum, old Ficulea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola,
Medullia, and Nomentum, towns which either belonged to the ancient
Latins, or which had revolted to them, were taken. Upon this a peace
was concluded. The works of peace were then set about with greater
spirit, even than the efforts with which he had conducted his wars; so
that the people enjoyed no more ease and quiet at home, than they had
done abroad: for he both set about surrounding the city with a stone
wall, on the side where he had not fortified it, the beginning of which
work had been interrupted by the Sabine war, and the lower parts of the
city round the forum and the other valleys lying between the hills,
because they did not easily carry off the water from the flat grounds,
he drains by means of sewers drawn sloping downward into the Tiber.
Moreover he levels an area for founding a temple to Jupiter in the
Capitol, which he had vowed to him in the Sabine war; his mind even
then presaging the future grandeur of the place.
39. At that time, a prodigy occurred in the palace, wonderful both
in its appearance and in its result. They relate, that the head of a
boy, called Servius Tullius, as he lay fast asleep, blazed with fire in
the sight of many persons. That by the very great noise made at so
miraculous a phenomenon, the royal family were awakened; and when one
of the servants was bringing water to extinguish the flame, that he was
kept back by the queen, and after the confusion was over, that she
forbade the boy to be disturbed till he should awake of his own accord.
As soon as he awoke the flame disappeared. Then Tanaquil, taking her
husband into a private place, said, “Do you observe this boy whom we
bring up in so mean a style? Be assured that hereafter he will be a
light to us in our adversity, and a protector to our palace in
distress. From henceforth let us, with all our care, train up this
youth, who is capable of becoming a great ornament publicly and
privately.” From this time the boy began to be treated as their own
son, and instructed in those arts by which men's minds are qualified to
maintain high rank. The matter was easily accomplished, because it was
agreeable to the gods. The young man turned out to be of a disposition
truly royal. Nor, when they looked out for a son-in-law for Tarquin,
could any of the Roman youth be compared to him in any accomplishment;
therefore the king betrothed his own daughter to him. This high honour
conferred upon him, from whatever cause, prevents us from believing
that he was the son of a slave, and that he had himself been a slave
when young. I am rather of the opinion of those who say that, on the
taking of Corniculum, the wife of Servius Tullius, who had been the
leading man in that city, being pregnant when her husband was slain,
being known among the other female prisoners, and, in consequence of
her high rank, exempted from servitude by the Roman queen, was
delivered of a child at Rome, in the house of Tarquinius Priscus. Upon
this, that both the intimacy between the ladies was improved by so
great a kindness, and that the boy, having been brought up in the house
from his infancy, was beloved and respected; that his mother's lot, in
having fallen into the hands of the enemy, caused him to be considered
the son of a slave.
40. About the thirty-eighth year of Tarquin's reign, Servius Tullius
was in the highest esteem, not only with the king, but also with the
senate and people. At this time the two sons of Ancus, though they had
before that always considered it the highest indignity that they had
been deprived of their father's crown by the treachery of their
guardian, that a stranger should be king of Rome, who was not only not
of a civic, but not even of an Italian family, yet now felt their
indignation rise to a still higher pitch at the notion that the crown
would not only not revert to them after Tarquin, but would descend even
lower to a slave, so that in the same state about the hundredth
year[50] after Romulus, descended from a deity, and a deity himself,
occupied the throne as long as he lived, a slave, and one born of a
slave, should now possess it. That it would be a disgrace both common
to the Roman name, and more especially to their family, if, whilst
there was male issue of king Ancus still living, the sovereignty of
Rome should be accessible not only to strangers, but even to slaves.
They determine therefore to prevent that disgrace by the sword. But
both resentment for the injury done to them incensed them more against
Tarquin himself, than against Servius; and (the consideration) that a
king was likely to prove a more severe avenger of the murder, if he
should survive, than a private person; and moreover, in case of Servius
being put to death, whatever other person he might select as his
son-in-law,[51] it seemed likely that he would adopt as his successor
on the throne.[52] For these reasons the plot is laid against the king
himself. Two of the most ferocious of the shepherds being selected for
the daring deed, with the rustic implements to which each had been
accustomed, by conducting themselves in as violent a manner as possible
in the porch of the palace, under pretence of a quarrel, draw the
attention of all the king's attendants to themselves; then, when both
appealed to the king, and their clamour reached even the interior of
the palace, they are called in and proceed before the king. At first
both bawled aloud, and vied in interrupting each other by their
clamour, until being restrained by the lictor, and commanded to speak
in turns, they at length cease railing. According to concert, one
begins to state the matter. When the king, attentive to him, had turned
himself quite that way, the other, raising up his axe, struck it into
his head, and leaving the weapon in the wound, they both rush out of
the house.
[Footnote 50: The hundredth year. 138 years had elapsed since
the death of Romulus: they diminish the number of years designedly, to
make the matter appear still worse.]
[Footnote 51: Son-in-law. Why not one of his two sons, Lucius
and Aruns? Dio. iv. 1. If these were not his grandchildren rather, they
must have been infants at the time. Dio. iv. 4, 6.—At this time
infants could not succeed to the throne.—Ruperti.]
[Footnote 52: This sentence has given some trouble to the
commentators.—Some will have it that three distinct reasons are given
for assassinating Tarquinius rather than Servius Tullius, and that
these are severally marked and distinguished by et—et—
tum, the second only having quia.—Stroth will have it that
only two reasons are assigned, one, why the king should be killed, and
the other, why Servius Tullius should not be killed, arising from the
danger and uselessness of the act—the former has not a quia,
because it was a fact, (et injuriæ dolor, &c.,) while the latter
has it in the first part (the danger, et quia gravior, &c,
quia being understood also before the other, the uselessness,
tum, Servio occiso, &c.) because it contained the reasoning
of the youths. Doering says there were only two powerful reasons,
revenge and fear, and a ratio probabilis introduced by tum;
which has the force of insuper. According to Dr. Hunter, there are two
formal assertions, one, that resentment stimulated the sons of Ancus
against the king himself; the other, that the plot is laid for the king
himself upon two considerations, of reason and policy.]
41. When those who were around had raised up the king in a dying
state, the lictors seize on the men who were endeavouring to escape.
Upon this followed an uproar and concourse of people, wondering what
the matter was. Tanaquil, during the tumult, orders the palace to be
shut, thrusts out all who were present: at the same time she sedulously
prepares every thing necessary for dressing the wound, as if a hope
still remained; at the same time, in case her hopes should disappoint
her, she projects other means of safety. Sending immediately for
Servius, after she had showed to him her husband almost expiring,
holding his right hand, she entreats him not to suffer the death of his
father-in-law to pass unavenged, nor his mother-in-law to be an object
of insult to their enemies. “Servius,” she said, “if you are a man, the
kingdom is yours, not theirs, who, by the hands of others, have
perpetrated the worst of crimes. Exert yourself, and follow the
guidance of the gods, who portended that this head would be illustrious
by having formerly shed a blaze around it. Now let that celestial flame
arouse you. Now awake in earnest. We, too, though foreigners, have
reigned. Consider who you are, not whence you are sprung. If your own
plans are not matured by reason of the suddenness of this event, then
follow mine.” When the uproar and violence of the multitude could
scarcely be withstood, Tanaquil addresses the populace from the upper
part of the palace through the windows facing the new street (for the
royal family resided near the temple of Jupiter Stator). She bids them
“be of good courage; that the king was stunned by the suddenness of the
blow; that the weapon had not sunk deep into his body; that he was
already come to himself again; that the wound had been examined, the
blood having been wiped off; that all the symptoms were favourable;
that she hoped they would see him very soon; and that, in the mean
time, he commanded the people to obey the orders of Servius Tullius.
That he would administer justice, and would perform all the functions
of the king.” Servius comes forth with the trabea and lictors, and
seating himself on the king's throne, decides some cases, with respect
to others pretends that he will consult the king. Therefore, the death
being concealed for several days, though Tarquin had already expired,
he, under pretence of discharging the duty of another, strengthened his
own interest. Then at length the matter being made public, and
lamentations being raised in the palace, Servius, supported by a strong
guard, took possession of the kingdom by the consent of the senate,
being the first who did so without the orders of the people. The
children of Ancus, the instruments of their villany having been already
seized, as soon as it was announced that the king still lived, and that
the power of Servius was so great, had already gone into exile to
Suessa Pometia.
42. And now Servius began to strengthen his power, not more by
public[53] than by private measures; and lest the feelings of the
children of Tarquin might be the same towards himself as those of the
children of Ancus had been towards Tarquin, he unites his two daughters
in marriage to the young princes, the Tarquinii, Lucius and Aruns. Nor
yet did he break through the inevitable decrees of fate by human
measures, so that envy of the sovereign power should not produce
general treachery and animosity even among the members of his own
family. Very opportunely for maintaining the tranquillity of the
present state, a war was commenced with the Veientes (for the truce had
now expired[54]) and with the other Etrurians. In that war, both the
valour and good fortune of Tullius were conspicuous, and he returned to
Rome, after routing a great army of the enemy, now unquestionably king,
whether he tried the dispositions of the fathers or the people. He then
sets about a work of peace of the utmost importance; that, as Numa had
been the author of religious institutions, so posterity might celebrate
Servius as the founder of all distinction among the members of the
state, and of those orders by which a limitation is established between
the degrees of rank and fortune. For he instituted the census, a most
salutary measure for an empire destined to become so great, according
to which the services of war and peace were to be performed, not by
every person, (indiscriminately,) as formerly, but in proportion to the
amount of property. Then he formed, according to the census, the
classes and centuries, and the arrangement as it now exists, eminently
suited either to peace or war.
[Footnote 53: By public—private. The “public” were
the steps taken by Servius to establish his political ascendency,
whilst the “private” refer to those intended to strengthen his family
connexions.]
[Footnote 54: The truce had now expired. If the truce
concluded with them by Romulus be here meant, it was long since
expired, since about 140 years had now elapsed. It is probable,
however, that it was renewed in the reign of Tullius.]
43. Of those who had an estate of a hundred thousand asses or more,
he made eighty centuries, forty of seniors and forty of juniors. All
these were called the first class, the seniors were to be in readiness
to guard the city, the juniors to carry on war abroad. The arms
enjoined them were a helmet, a round shield, greaves, and a coat of
mail, all of brass; these were for the defence of their body; their
weapons of offence were a spear and a sword. To this class were added
two centuries of mechanics, who were to serve without arms; the duty
imposed upon them was to carry the military engines. The second class
comprehended all whose estate was from seventy-five to a hundred
thousand asses, and of these, seniors and juniors, twenty centuries
were enrolled. The arms enjoined them were a buckler instead of a
shield, and except a coat of mail, all the rest were the same. He
appointed the property of the third class to amount to fifty thousand
asses; the number of centuries was the same, and formed with the same
distinction of age, nor was there any change in their arms, only
greaves were taken from them. In the fourth class, the property was
twenty-five thousand asses, the same number of centuries was formed:
the arms were changed, nothing was given them but a spear and a long
javelin. The fifth class was increased, thirty centuries were formed;
these carried slings and stones for throwing. Among them were reckoned
the horn-blowers, and the trumpeters, distributed into three centuries.
This whole class was rated at eleven thousand asses. Property lower
than this comprehended all the rest of the citizens, and of them one
century was made up which was exempted from serving in war. Having thus
divided and armed the infantry, he levied twelve centuries of knights
from among the chief men of the state. Likewise out of the three
centuries, appointed by Romulus, he formed other six under the same
names which they had received at their first institution. Ten thousand
asses were given them out of the public revenue, for the buying of
horses, and widows were assigned them, who were to pay two thousand
asses yearly for the support of the horses. All these burdens were
taken off the poor and laid on the rich. Then an additional honour was
conferred upon them; for the suffrage was not now granted promiscuously
to all, as it had been established by Romulus, and observed by his
successors, to every man with the same privilege and the same right,
but gradations were established, so that no one might seem excluded
from the right of voting, and yet the whole power might reside in the
chief men of the state. For the knights were first called, and then the
eighty centuries of the first class; and if they happened to differ,
which was seldom the case, those of the second were called: and they
seldom ever descended so low as to come to the lowest class. Nor need
we be surprised, that the present regulation, which now exists, since
the tribes were increased to thirty-five, should not agree in the
number of centuries of juniors and seniors with the amount instituted
by Servius Tullius, they being now double of what they were at that
time. For the city being divided into four parts, according to the
regions and hills which were then inhabited, he called these divisions
tribes, as I think, from the tribute.[55] For the method of levying
taxes rateably according to the value of estates was also introduced by
him; nor had these tribes any relation to the number and distribution
of the centuries.
[Footnote 55: Varro, de L.L. iv. 36, thinks, on the contrary, that
tributum was so called, as being paid by the tribes.]
44. The census being now completed, which he had expedited by the
terror of a law passed on those not rated, with threats of imprisonment
and death, he issued a proclamation that all the Roman citizens, horse
and foot, should attend at the dawn of day in the Campus Martius, each
in his century. There he drew up his army and performed a lustration of
it by the sacrifices called suovetaurilia, and that was called the
closing of the lustrum, because that was the conclusion of the census.
Eighty thousand citizens are said to have been rated in that survey.
Fabius Pictor, the oldest of our historians, adds, that such was the
number of those who were able to bear arms. To accommodate that number
the city seemed to require enlargement. He adds two hills, the Quirinal
and Viminal; then in continuation he enlarges the Esquiliæ, and takes
up his own residence there, in order that respectability might attach
to the place. He surrounds the city with a rampart, a moat, and a wall:
thus he enlarges the pomoerium. They who regard only the etymology of
the word, will have the pomoerium to be a space of ground without the
walls; but it is rather a space on each side the wall, which the
Etrurians in building cities consecrated by augury, reaching to a
certain extent both within and without in the direction they intended
to raise the wall; so that the houses might not be joined to it on the
inside, as they commonly are now, and also that there might be some
space without left free from human occupation. This space, which it was
not lawful to till or inhabit, the Romans called the pomoerium, not for
its being without the wall, more than for the wall's being without it:
and in enlarging the city, as far as the walls were intended to proceed
outwards, so far these consecrated limits were likewise extended.
45. The state being increased by the enlargement of the city, and
every thing modelled at home and abroad for the exigencies both of
peace and war, that the acquisition of power might not always depend on
mere force of arms, he endeavoured to extend his empire by policy, and
at the same time to add some ornament to the city. [56]The temple of
Diana at Ephesus was at that time in high renown; fame represented it
to have been built by all the states of Asia, in common. When Servius,
amid some grandees of the Latins with whom he had taken pains to form
connexions of hospitality and friendship, extolled in high terms such
concord and association of their gods, by frequently insisting on the
same subject, he at length prevailed so far as that the Latin states
agreed to build a temple to Diana at Rome, in conjunction with the
Roman people. This was an acknowledgment that Rome was the head of both
nations, concerning which they had so often disputed in arms. Though
that object seemed to have been left out of consideration by all the
Latins, in consequence of the matter having been so often attempted
unsuccessfully by arms, fortune seemed to present one of the Sabines
with an opportunity of recovering the superiority to his country by his
own address. A cow is said to have been calved to a certain person, the
head of a family among the Sabines, of surprising size and beauty. Her
horns, which were hung up in the porch of the temple of Diana,
remained, for many ages, a monument of this wonder. The thing was
looked upon as a prodigy, as it was, and the soothsayers declared, that
sovereignty would reside in that state of which a citizen should
immolate this heifer to Diana. This prediction had also reached the
ears of the high priest of Diana. The Sabine, when he thought the
proper time for offering the sacrifice was come, drove the cow to Rome,
led her to the temple of that goddess, and set her before the altar.
The Roman priest, struck with the uncommon size of the victim, so much
celebrated by fame, thus accosted the Sabine: “What intendest thou to
do, stranger?” says he. “Is it with impure hands to offer a sacrifice
to Diana? Why dost not thou first wash thyself in running water? The
Tiber runs along in the bottom of that valley.” The stranger, being
seized with a scruple of conscience, and desirous of having every thing
done in due form, that the event might answer the prediction, from the
temple went down to the Tiber. In the mean time the priest sacrificed
the cow to Diana, which gave great satisfaction to the king, and to the
whole state.
[Footnote 56: Temple of Diana. Built on the summit of the
Aventine mount towards the Tiber. On its brazen pillar were engraved
the laws of the treaty, and which were still extant in the time of
Augustus.]
46. Servius, though he had now acquired an indisputable right to the
kingdom by long possession, yet as he heard that expressions were
sometimes thrown out by young Tarquin, importing, “That he held the
crown without the consent of the people,” having first secured their
good will by dividing among them, man by man, the lands taken from
their enemies, he ventured to propose the question to the people,
whether they “chose and ordered that he should be king,” and was
declared king with such unanimity, as had not been observed in the
election of any of his predecessors. But this circumstance diminished
not Tarquin's hope of obtaining the throne; nay, because he had
observed that the question of the distribution of land to the
people[57] was carried against the will of the fathers, he felt so much
the more satisfied that an opportunity was now presented to him of
arraigning Servius before the fathers, and of increasing his own
influence in the senate, he being himself naturally of a fiery temper,
and his wife, Tullia, at home stimulating his restless temper. For the
Roman palace also afforded an instance of tragic guilt, so that through
their disgust of kings, liberty might come more matured, and the
throne, which should be attained through crime, might be the last. This
L. Tarquinius (whether he was the son or grandson of Tarquinius Priscus
is not clear; with the greater number of authorities, however, I would
say, his son[58]) had a brother, Aruns Tarquinius, a youth of a mild
disposition. To these two, as has been already stated, the two Tulliæ,
daughters of the king, had been married, they also being of widely
different tempers. It had so happened that the two violent dispositions
were not united in marriage, through the good fortune, I suspect, of
the Roman people, in order that the reign of Servius might be more
protracted, and the morals of the state be firmly established. The
haughty Tullia was chagrined, that there was no material in her
husband, either for ambition or bold daring. Directing all her regard
to the other Tarquinius, him she admired, him she called a man, and one
truly descended of royal blood; she expressed her contempt of her
sister, because, having got a man, she was deficient in the spirit
becoming a woman. Similarity of mind soon draws them together, as
wickedness is in general most congenial to wickedness. But the
commencement of producing general confusion originated with the woman.
She, accustomed to the secret conversations of the other's husband,
refrained not from using the most contumelious language of her husband
to his brother, of her sister to (her sister's) husband, and contended,
that it were better that she herself were unmarried, and he single,
than that they should be matched unsuitably, so that they must languish
away through life by reason of the dastardly conduct of others. If the
gods had granted her the husband of whom she was worthy, that she
should soon see the crown in her own house, which she now saw at her
father's. She soon inspires the young man with her own daring notions.
Aruns Tarquinius and the younger Tullia, when they had, by immediate
successive deaths, made their houses vacant for new nuptials, are
united in marriage, Servius rather not prohibiting than approving the
measure.
[Footnote 57: This is noticed as the first trace of the Agrarian
division by Niebuhr, i. p. 161.]
[Footnote 58: His son. Dionysius will have it that he was the
grandson. See Nieb. i. p. 367.]
47. Then indeed the old age of Servius began to be every day more
disquieted, his reign to be more unhappy. For now the woman looked from
one crime to another, and suffered not her husband to rest by night or
by day, lest their past murders might go for nothing. “That what she
had wanted was not a person whose wife she might be called, or one with
whom she might in silence live a slave; what she had wanted was one who
would consider himself worthy of the throne; who would remember that he
was the son of Tarquinius Priscus; who would rather possess a kingdom
than hope for it. If you, to whom I consider myself married, are such a
one, I address you both as husband and king; but if not, our condition
has been changed so far for the worse, as in that person crime is
associated with meanness. Why not prepare yourself? It is not necessary
for you, as for your father, (coming here) from Corinth or Tarquinii,
to strive for foreign thrones. Your household and country's gods, the
image of your father, and the royal palace, and the royal throne in
that palace, constitute and call you king. Or if you have too little
spirit for this, why do you disappoint the nation? Why do you suffer
yourself to be looked up to as a prince? Get hence to Tarquinii or
Corinth. Sink back again to your (original) race, more like your
brother than your father.” By chiding him in these and other terms, she
spurs on the young man; nor can she herself rest; (indignant) that when
Tanaquil, a foreign woman, could achieve so great a project, as to
bestow two successive thrones on her husband, and then on her
son-in-law, she, sprung from royal blood, should have no weight in
bestowing and taking away a kingdom. Tarquinius, driven on by these
frenzied instigations of the woman, began to go round and solicit the
patricians, especially those of the younger families;[59] reminded them
of his father's kindness, and claimed a return for it; enticed the
young men by presents; increased his interest, as well by making
magnificent promises on his own part, as by inveighing against the king
at every opportunity. At length, as soon as the time seemed convenient
for accomplishing his object, he rushed into the forum, accompanied by
a party of armed men; then, whilst all were struck with dismay, seating
himself on the throne before the senate-house, he ordered the fathers
to be summoned to the senate-house by the crier to attend king
Tarquinius. They assembled immediately, some being already prepared for
the occasion, some through fear, lest their not having come might prove
detrimental to them, astounded at the novelty and strangeness of the
matter, and considering that it was now all over with Servius. Then
Tarquinius, commencing his invectives against his immediate ancestors:
“that a slave, and born of a slave, after the untimely death of his
parent, without an interregnum being adopted, as on former occasions,
without any comitia (being held), without the suffrages of the people,
or the sanction of the fathers, he had taken possession of the kingdom
as the gift of a woman. That so born, so created king, ever a favourer
of the most degraded class, to which he himself belongs, through a
hatred of the high station of others, he had taken their land from the
leading men of the state and divided it among the very meanest; that he
had laid all the burdens, which were formerly common, on the chief
members of the community; that he had instituted the census, in order
that the fortune of the wealthier citizens might be conspicuous to
(excite) public envy, and that all was prepared whence he might bestow
largesses on the most needy, whenever he might please.”
[Footnote 59: Younger families. These had been brought into
the senate, as we have seen, by Tarquinius Priscus, and consequently
favoured the Tarquinian interest. Nieb. i. p. 372.]
48. When Servius, aroused by the alarming announcement, came in
during this harangue, immediately from the porch of the senate-house,
he says with a loud voice, “What means this, Tarquin? by what audacity
hast thou dared to summon the fathers, while I am still alive? or to
sit on my throne?” To this, when he fiercely replied “that he, the son
of a king, occupied the throne of his father, a much fitter successor
to the throne than a slave; that he (Servius) had insulted his masters
full long enough by his arbitrary shuffling,” a shout arises from the
partisans of both, and a rush of the people into the senate-house took
place, and it became evident that whoever came off victor would have
the throne. Then Tarquin, necessity itself now obliging him to have
recourse to the last extremity, having much the advantage both in years
and strength, seizes Servius by the middle, and having taken him out of
the senate-house, throws him down the steps to the bottom. He then
returns to the senate-house to assemble the senate. The king's officers
and attendants fly. He himself, almost lifeless, when he was returning
home with his royal retinue frightened to death, and had arrived at the
top of the Cyprian street, is slain by those who had been sent by
Tarquin, and had overtaken him in his flight. As the act is not
inconsistent with her other marked conduct, it is believed to have been
done by Tullia's advice. Certain it is, (for it is readily admitted,)
that driving into the forum in her chariot, and not abashed by the
crowd of persons there, she called her husband out of the senate-house,
and was the first to style him king; and when, on being commanded by
him to withdraw from such a tumult, she was returning home, and had
arrived at the top of the Cyprian street, where Diana's temple lately
was, as she was turning to the right to the Orbian hill, in order to
arrive at the Esquiline, the person who was driving, being terrified,
stopped and drew in the reins, and pointed out to his mistress the
murdered Servius as he lay. On this occasion a revolting and inhuman
crime is stated to have been committed, and the place is a monument of
it. They call it the Wicked Street, where Tullia, frantic and urged on
by the furies of her sister and husband, is reported to have driven her
chariot over her father's body, and to have carried a portion of her
father's body and blood to her own and her husband's household gods,
herself also being stained and sprinkled with it; through whose
vengeance results corresponding to the wicked commencement of the reign
were soon to follow. Tullius reigned forty-four years in such a manner
that a competition with him would prove difficult even for a good and
moderate successor. But this also has been an accession to his glory,
that with him perished all just and legitimate reigns. This authority,
so mild and so moderate, yet, because it was vested in one, some say
that he had it in contemplation to resign,[60] had not the wickedness
of his family interfered with him whilst meditating the liberation of
his country.
[Footnote 60: To resign. Niebuhr is of opinion that what is
said regarding the Commentaries of Servius Tullius, chap. 60, has
reference to this.]
49. After this period Tarquin began his reign, whose actions
procured him the surname of the Proud, for he refused his father-in-law
burial, alleging, that even Romulus died without sepulture. He put to
death the principal senators, whom he suspected of having been in the
interest of Servius. Then, conscious that the precedent of obtaining
the crown by evil means might be adopted from him against himself, he
surrounded his person with armed men, for he had no claim to the
kingdom except force, inasmuch as he reigned without either the order
of the people or the sanction of the senate. To this was added (the
fact) that, as he reposed no hope in the affection of his subjects, he
found it necessary to secure his kingdom by terror; and in order to
strike this into the greater number, he took cognizance of capital
cases solely by himself without assessors; and under that pretext he
had it in his power to put to death, banish, or fine, not only those
who were suspected or hated, but those also from whom he could obtain
nothing else but plunder. The number of the fathers more especially
being thus diminished, he determined to elect none into the senate, in
order that the order might become contemptible by their very paucity,
and that they might feel the less resentment at no business being
transacted by them. For he was the first king who violated the custom
derived from his predecessors of consulting the senate on all subjects;
he administered the public business by domestic counsels. War, peace,
treaties, alliances, he contracted and dissolved with whomsoever he
pleased, without the sanction of the people and senate. The nation of
the Latins in particular he wished to attach to him, so that by foreign
influence also he might be more secure among his own subjects; and he
contracted not only ties of hospitality but affinities also with their
leading men. To Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum he gives his daughter in
marriage; (he was by far the most eminent of the Latin name, being
descended, if we believe tradition, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe,
and by this match he attaches to himself his numerous kinsmen and
friends).
50. The influence of Tarquin among the chief men of the Latins was
now considerable, when he issues an order that they should assemble on
a certain day at the grove of Ferentina; that there was business about
which he wished to confer with them touching their common interest.
They assemble in great numbers at the break of day. Tarquinius himself
observed the day indeed, but he came a little before sun-set. Many
matters were there canvassed in the meeting in various conversations.
Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, inveighed violently against Tarquin for
his absence. “That it was no wonder the cognomen of Proud was given him
at Rome;” for they now called him so secretly and in whispers, but
still generally. “Could anything be more proud than thus to trifle with
the entire nation of the Latins? After their chiefs had been called at
so great a distance from home, that he who summoned the meeting did not
attend; that no doubt their patience was tried, in order that if they
submitted to the yoke, he may crush them when at his mercy. For to whom
did it not plainly appear that he was aiming at sovereignty over the
Latins? But if his own countrymen did well in intrusting it to him, or
if it was intrusted, and not seized on by means of murder, that the
Latins also ought to intrust him (though not even so, inasmuch as he
was a foreigner). But if his own subjects are dissatisfied with him,
(seeing that they are butchered one upon another, driven into exile,
and deprived of their property,) what better prospects are held out to
the Latins? If they follow his advice, that they would depart thence,
each to his own home, and take no more notice of the day of meeting
than the person who appointed it.” When this man, turbulent and daring,
and one who had attained influence at home by these means, was pressing
these and other observations having the same tendency, Tarquin came in.
This put a conclusion to his harangue. All turned away from him to
salute Tarquin, who, on silence being enjoined, being advised by those
next him to apologize for having come at that time, says, that he had
been chosen arbiter between a father and a son; that, from his anxiety
to reconcile them, he had delayed; and because that circumstance had
consumed that day, that on the morrow he would transact the business
which he had determined on. They say that he did not make even that
observation without a remark from Turnus; “that no controversy was
shorter than one between a father and son, and that it might be decided
in a few words,—unless he submitted to his father, that he must prove
unfortunate.”
51. The Arician withdrew from the meeting, uttering these
reflections against the Roman king. Tarquin, feeling the matter much
more acutely than he appeared to do, immediately sets about planning
the death of Turnus, in order that he might inspire into the Latins the
same terror with which he had crushed the spirits of his own subjects
at home; and because he could not be put to death openly, by virtue of
his authority, he accomplished the ruin of this innocent man by
bringing a false accusation against him. By means of some Aricians of
the opposite faction, he bribed a servant of Turnus with gold, to
suffer a great number of swords to be introduced privately into his
lodging. When this had been completed in the course of one night,
Tarquin, having summoned the chiefs of the Latins to him a little
before day, as if alarmed by some strange occurrence, says, “that his
delay of yesterday, having been occasioned as it were by some
providential care of the gods, had been the means of preservation to
him and them; that it was told to him that destruction was prepared by
Turnus for him and the chiefs of the Latins, that he alone might obtain
the government of the Latins. That he was to have made the attempt
yesterday at the meeting; that the matter was deferred, because the
person who summoned the meeting was absent, whom he chiefly aimed at.
That thence arose that abuse of him for being absent, because he
disappointed his hopes by delaying. That he had no doubt, but that if
the truth were told him, he would come at the break of day, when the
assembly met, attended with a band of conspirators, and with arms in
his hands. That it was said that a great number of swords had been
conveyed to his house. Whether that be true or not, might be known
immediately. He requested that they would accompany him thence to
Turnus.” Both the daring temper of Turnus, and his harangue of
yesterday, and the delay of Tarquin, rendered the matter suspicious,
because it seemed possible that the murder might have been put off in
consequence of it. They proceed then with minds inclined indeed to
believe, yet determined to consider every thing false, unless the
swords were detected. When they arrived there, Turnus is aroused from
sleep, and guards are placed around him; and the servants, who, from
affection to their master, were preparing to use force, being secured,
when the swords, which had been concealed, were drawn out from all
parts of the lodging, then indeed the whole matter appeared manifest,
and chains were placed on Turnus; and forthwith a meeting of the Latins
was summoned amid great confusion. There, on the swords being brought
forward in the midst, such violent hatred arose against him, that
without being allowed a defence, by a novel mode of death, being thrown
into the reservoir of the water of Ferentina, a hurdle[61] being placed
over him, and stones being thrown into that, he was drowned.
[Footnote 61: Hurdle, a mode of punishment in use among the
Carthaginians. See Tac. Germ. 12. Similar to the Greek, [Greek:
Katapontismos].]
52. Tarquin, having recalled the Latins to the meeting, and
applauded those who had inflicted well-merited punishment on Turnus, as
one convicted of parricide, by his attempting a change of government,
spoke as follows: “That he could indeed proceed by a long-established
right; because, since all the Latins were sprung from Alba, they were
included in that treaty by which the entire Alban nation, with their
colonies, fell under the dominion of Rome, under Tullus. However, for
the sake of the interest of all parties, he thought rather, that that
treaty should be renewed; and that the Latins should, as participators,
enjoy the prosperity of the Roman people, rather than that they should
be constantly either apprehending or suffering the demolition of their
town and the devastations of their lands, which they suffered formerly
in the reign of Ancus, afterwards in the reign of his own father.” The
Latins were persuaded without any difficulty, though in that treaty the
advantage lay on the side of Rome; but they both saw that the chiefs of
the Latin nation sided and concurred with the king, and Turnus was a
recent instance of his danger to each, if he should make any
opposition. Thus the treaty was renewed, and notice was given to the
young men of the Latins, that, according to the treaty, they should
attend in considerable numbers in arms, on a certain day, at the grove
of Ferentina. And when they assembled from all the states according to
the edict of the Roman king, in order that they should neither have a
general of their own, nor a separate command, or their own standards,
he compounded companies of Latins and Romans, so as to make one out of
two, and two out of one; the companies being thus doubled, he appointed
centurions over them.
53. Nor was Tarquin, though a tyrannical prince in peace, a
despicable general in war; nay, he would have equalled his predecessors
in that art, had not his [62]degeneracy in other respects likewise
detracted from his merit here. He began the war against the Volsci,
which lasted two hundred years after his time, and took from them
Suessa Pometia by storm; and when by the sale of the spoils he had
amassed forty talents of silver and of gold, he designed such
magnificence for a temple to Jupiter, as should be worthy of the king
of gods and men, of the Roman empire, and of the majesty of the place
itself: for the building of this temple he set apart the money arising
from the spoils. Soon after a war came upon him, more tedious than he
expected, in which, having in vain attempted to storm Gabii, a city in
his neighbourhood, when being repulsed from the walls all hopes of
taking it by siege also was taken from him, he assailed it by fraud and
stratagem, arts by no means Roman. For when, as if the war was laid
aside, he pretended to be busily taken up with laying the foundation of
the temple, and with his other works in the city, Sextus, the youngest
of his three sons, according to concert, fled to Gabii, complaining of
the inhuman cruelty of his father, “that he had turned his tyranny from
others against his own family, and was uneasy at the number of his own
children, intending to make the same desolations in his own house which
he had made in the senate, in order that he might leave behind him no
issue, nor heir to his kingdom. That for his own part, as he had
escaped from amidst the swords and other weapons of his father, he was
persuaded he could find no safety any where but among the enemies of L.
Tarquin. And, that they might not be led astray, that the war, which it
is now pretended has been given up, still lies in reserve, and that he
would attack them when off their guard on the occurrence of an
opportunity. But if there be no refuge for suppliants among them, that
he would traverse all Latium, and would apply to the Volscians, and
Æquians, and Hernicians, until he should come to those who knew how to
protect children from the impious and cruel persecution of parents.
That perhaps he would find some ardour also to take up arms and wage
war against this proud king and his haughty subjects.” As he seemed a
person likely to go further onward, incensed with anger, if they paid
him no regard, he is received by the Gabians very kindly. They bid him
not to be surprised, if he were at last the same to his children as he
had been to his subjects and allies;—that he would ultimately vent his
rage on himself if other objects failed him;—that his coming was very
acceptable to them, and they thought that it would come to pass that by
his aid the war would be transferred from the gates of Gabii to the
walls of Rome.
[Footnote 62: His degeneracy—degeneratum. This use of the
passive participle is of frequent occurrence in Livy.]
54. Upon this he was admitted into their public councils, where
though, with regard to other matters, he professed to submit to the
judgment of the old inhabitants of Gabii, to whom they were better
known, yet he every now and then advised them to renew the war; to that
he pretended to a superior knowledge, because he was well acquainted
with the strength of both nations, and knew that the king's pride was
decidedly become hateful to his subjects, which not even his own
children could now endure. As he thus by degrees stirred up the nobles
of the Gabians to renew the war, went himself with the most active of
their youth on plundering parties and expeditions, and ill-grounded
credit was attached to all his words and actions, framed as they were
for deception, he is at length chosen general-in-chief in the war.
There when, the people being still ignorant of what was really going
on, several skirmishes with the Romans took place, wherein the Gabians
generally had the advantage, then all the Gabians, from the highest to
the lowest, were firmly persuaded, that Sextus Tarquinius had been sent
to them as their general, by the special favour of the gods. By his
exposing himself to fatigues and dangers, and by his generosity in
dividing the plunder, he was so beloved by the soldiers, that Tarquin
the father had not greater power at Rome than the son at Gabii. When he
saw he had got sufficient strength collected to support him in any
undertaking, he sent one of his confidants to Rome to ask his father
what he wished him to do, seeing the gods had granted him the sole
management of all affairs at Gabii. To this courier no answer by word
of mouth was given, because, I suppose, he appeared of questionable
fidelity. The king going into a garden of the palace, as it were to
consider of the matter, followed by his son's messenger; walking there
for some time in silence, he is said to have struck off the heads of
the tallest poppies with his staff. The messenger, wearied with
demanding and waiting for an answer, returned to Gabii as if without
having accomplished his object, and told what he had said himself, and
what he had observed, adding, “that Tarquin, either through passion,
aversion to him, or his innate pride, had not spoke a word.” As soon as
it became evident to Sextus what his father wished, and what conduct he
recommended by those silent intimations, he put to death the most
eminent men of the city, accusing some of them to the people, and
others who were exposed by their own unpopularity. Many were executed
publicly, and some, against whom an impeachment was likely to prove
less specious, were secretly assassinated. Means of escape were to some
allowed, and others were banished, and their estates, as well as the
estates of those who were put to death, publicly distributed. By the
sweets of corruption, plunder, and private advantage resulting from
these distributions, the sense of the public calamities became
extinguished in them, till the state of Gabii, destitute of counsel and
assistance, was delivered without a struggle into the hands of the
Roman king.
55. Tarquin, thus put in possession of Gabii, made peace with the
Æquians, and renewed the treaty with the Etrurians. Then he turned his
thoughts to the business of the city. The chief whereof was that of
leaving behind him the temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian mount, as a
monument of his name and reign; [since posterity would remember] that
of two Tarquinii, both kings, the father had vowed, the son completed
it. And that the area, excluding all other forms of worship, might be
entirely appropriated to Jupiter, and his temple, which was to be
erected upon it, he resolved to unhallow several small temples and
chapels, which had been vowed first by king Tatius, in the heat of the
battle against Romulus, and which he afterwards consecrated and
dedicated. In the very beginning of founding this work it is said that
the gods exerted their divinity to presage the future greatness of this
empire; for though the birds declared for the unhallowing of all the
other temples, they did not admit of it with respect to that of
Terminus. This omen and augury were taken to import that Terminus's not
changing his residence, and being the only one of the gods who was not
called out of the places devoted to their worship, presaged the
duration and stability of their empire. This being deemed an omen of
the perpetuity, there followed another portending the greatness of the
empire. It is reported that the head of a man, with the face entire,
appeared to the workmen when digging the foundation of the temple. The
sight of this phenomenon unequivocally presaged that this temple should
be the metropolis of the empire, and the head of the world; and so
declared the soothsayers, both those who were in the city, and those
whom they had sent for from Etruria, to consult on this subject. The
king was encouraged to enlarge the expense; so that the spoils of
Pometia, which had been destined to complete the work, scarcely
sufficed for laying the foundation. On this account I am more inclined
to believe Fabius Pictor, besides his being the more ancient historian,
that there were only forty talents, than Piso, who says that forty
thousand pounds weight of silver were set apart for that purpose; a sum
of money neither to be expected from the spoils of any one city in
those times, and one that would more than suffice for the foundation of
any structure, even though exhibiting the magnificence of modern
structures.
56. Tarquin, intent upon finishing this temple, having sent for
workmen from all parts of Etruria, employed on it not only the public
money, but the manual labour of the people; and when this labour, by no
means inconsiderable in itself, was added to their military service,
still the people murmured less at their building the temples of the
gods with their own hands; they were afterwards transferred to other
works, which, whilst less in show, (required) still greater toil: such
as the erecting benches in the circus, and conducting under ground the
principal sewer,[63] the receptacle of all the filth of the city; to
which two works even modern splendour can scarcely produce any thing
equal. The people having been employed in these works, because he both
considered that such a multitude was a burden to the city when there
was no employment for them, and further, he was anxious that the
frontiers of the empire should be more extensively occupied by sending
colonists, he sent colonists to Signia and Circeii, to serve as
defensive barriers hereafter to the city by land and sea. While he was
thus employed a frightful prodigy appeared to him. A serpent sliding
out of a wooden pillar, after causing dismay and a run into the palace,
not so much struck the king's heart with sudden terror, as filled him
with anxious solicitude. Accordingly when Etrurian soothsayers only
were employed for public prodigies, terrified at this as it were
domestic apparition, he determined on sending persons to Delphos to the
most celebrated oracle in the world; and not venturing to intrust the
responses of the oracle to any other person, he despatched his two sons
to Greece through lands unknown at that time, and seas still more so.
Titus and Aruns were the two who went. To them were added, as a
companion, L. Junius Brutus, the son of Tarquinia, sister to the king,
a youth of an entirely different quality of mind from that the disguise
of which he had assumed. Brutus, on hearing that the chief men of the
city, and among others his own brother, had been put to death by his
uncle, resolved to leave nothing in his intellects that might be
dreaded by the king, nor any thing in his fortune to be coveted, and
thus to be secure in contempt, where there was but little protection in
justice. Therefore designedly fashioning himself to the semblance of
foolishness, after he suffered himself and his whole estate to become a
prey to the king, he did not refuse to take even the surname of Brutus,
that, concealed under the cover of such a cognomen, that genius that
was to liberate the Roman people might await its proper time. He, being
brought to Delphos by the Tarquinii rather as a subject of sport than
as a companion, is said to have brought with him as an offering to
Apollo a golden rod, enclosed in a staff of cornel-wood hollowed out
for the purpose, a mystical emblem of his own mind. When they arrived
there, their father's commission being executed, a desire seized the
young men of inquiring on which of them the sovereignty of Rome should
devolve. They say that a voice was returned from the bottom of the
cave, “Young men, whichever of you shall first kiss his mother shall
enjoy the sovereign power at Rome.” The Tarquinii order the matter to
be kept secret with the utmost care, that Sextus, who had been left
behind at Rome, might be ignorant of the response, and have no share in
the kingdom; they cast lots among themselves, as to which of them
should first kiss his mother, after they had returned to Rome. Brutus,
thinking that the Pythian response had another meaning, as if he had
stumbled and fallen, touched the ground with his lips; she being,
forsooth, the common mother of all mankind. After this they all
returned to Rome, where preparations were being made with the greatest
vigour for a war against the Rutulians.
[Footnote 63: The principal sewer—the cloaca maxima.
This is attributed to Tarquinius Priscus by several writers. Dio. iii.
67, states that it was he who commenced it. See Plin. H. N. xxxvi.
Nieb. i. p. 385.]
57. The Rutulians, a nation very wealthy, considering the country
and age they lived in, were at that time in possession of Ardea. Their
riches gave occasion to the war; for the king of the Romans, being
exhausted of money by the magnificence of his public works, was
desirous both to enrich himself, and by a large booty to soothe the
minds of his subjects, who, besides other instances of his tyranny,
were incensed against his government, because they were indignant that
they had been kept so long a time by the king in the employments of
mechanics, and in labour fit for slaves. An attempt was made to take
Ardea by storm; when that did not succeed, the enemy began to be
distressed by a blockade, and by works raised around them. As it
commonly happens in standing camps, the war being rather tedious than
violent, furloughs were easily obtained, more so by the officers,
however, than the common soldiers. The young princes sometimes spent
their leisure hours in feasting and entertainments. One day as they
were drinking in the tent of Sextus Tarquin, where Collatinus
Tarquinius, the son of Egerius, was also at supper, mention was made of
wives. Every one commended his own in an extravagant manner, till a
dispute arising about it, Collatinus said, “There was no occasion for
words, that it might be known in a few hours how far his Lucretia
excelled all the rest. If then, added he, we have any share of the
vigour of youth, let us mount our horses and examine the behaviour of
our wives; that must be most satisfactory to every one, which shall
meet his eyes on the unexpected arrival of the husband.” They were
heated with wine; “Come on, then,” say all. They immediately galloped
to Rome, where they arrived in the dusk of the evening. From thence
they went to Collatia, where they find Lucretia, not like the king's
daughters-in-law, whom they had seen spending their time in luxurious
entertainments with their equals, but though at an advanced time of
night, employed at her wool, sitting in the middle of the house amid
her maids working around her. The merit of the contest regarding the
ladies was assigned to Lucretia. Her husband on his arrival, and the
Tarquinii, were kindly received; the husband, proud of his victory,
gives the young princes a polite invitation. There the villanous
passion for violating Lucretia by force seizes Sextus Tarquin; both her
beauty, and her approved purity, act as incentives. And then, after
this youthful frolic of the night, they return to the camp.
58. A few days after, without the knowledge of Collatinus, Sextus
came to Collatia with one attendant only; where, being kindly received
by them, as not being aware of his intention, after he had been
conducted after supper into the guests' chamber, burning with passion,
when every thing around seemed sufficiently secure, and all fast
asleep, he comes to Lucretia, as she lay asleep, with a naked sword,
and with his left hand pressing down the woman's breast, he says, “Be
silent, Lucretia; I am Sextus Tarquin; I have a sword in my hand; you
shall die, if you utter a word.” When awaking terrified from sleep, the
woman beheld no aid, impending death nigh at hand; then Tarquin
acknowledged his passion, entreated, mixed threats with entreaties,
tried the female's mind in every possible way. When he saw her
inflexible, and that she was not moved even by the terror of death, he
added to terror the threat of dishonour; he says that he will lay a
murdered slave naked by her side when dead, so that she may be said to
have been slain in infamous adultery. When by the terror of this
disgrace his lust, as it were victorious, had overcome her inflexible
chastity, and Tarquin had departed, exulting in having triumphed over a
lady's honour, Lucretia, in melancholy distress at so dreadful a
misfortune, despatches the same messenger to Rome to her father, and to
Ardea to her husband, that they would come each with one trusty friend;
that it was necessary to do so, and that quickly.[64] Sp. Lucretius
comes with P. Valerius, the son of Volesus, Collatinus with L. Junius
Brutus, with whom, as he was returning to Rome, he happened to be met
by his wife's messenger. They find Lucretia sitting in her chamber in
sorrowful dejection. On the arrival of her friends the tears burst from
her eyes; and to her husband, on his inquiry “whether all was right,”
she says, “By no means, for what can be right with a woman who has lost
her honour? The traces of another man are on your bed, Collatinus. But
the body only has been violated, the mind is guiltless; death shall be
my witness. But give me your right hands, and your honour, that the
adulterer shall not come off unpunished. It is Sextus Tarquin, who, an
enemy in the guise of a guest, has borne away hence a triumph fatal to
me, and to himself, if you are men.” They all pledge their honour; they
attempt to console her, distracted as she was in mind, by turning away
the guilt from her, constrained by force, on the perpetrator of the
crime; that it is the mind sins, not the body; and that where intention
was wanting guilt could not be. “It is for you to see,” says she, “what
is due to him. As for me, though I acquit myself of guilt, from
punishment I do not discharge myself; nor shall any woman survive her
dishonour pleading the example of Lucretia.” The knife, which she kept
concealed beneath her garment, she plunges into her heart, and falling
forward on the wound, she dropped down expiring. The husband and father
shriek aloud.
[Footnote 64: To do so, and that quickly,—a use of the
participles facto and maturato similar to that already
noticed in chap. 53, degeneratum.]
59. Brutus, while they were overpowered with grief, having drawn the
knife out of the wound, and holding it up before him reeking with
blood, said, “By this blood, most pure before the pollution of royal
villany, I swear, and I call you, O gods, to witness my oath, that I
shall pursue Lucius Tarquin the Proud, his wicked wife, and all their
race, with fire, sword, and all other means in my power; nor shall I
ever suffer them or any other to reign at Rome.” Then he gave the knife
to Collatinus, and after him to Lucretius and Valerius, who were
surprised at such extraordinary mind in the breast of Brutus. However,
they all take the oath as they were directed, and converting their
sorrow into rage, follow Brutus as their leader, who from that time
ceased not to solicit them to abolish the regal power. They carry
Lucretia's body from her own house, and convey it into the forum; and
assemble a number of persons by the strangeness and atrocity of the
extraordinary occurrence, as usually happens. They complain, each for
himself, of the royal villany and violence. Both the grief of the
father moves them, as also Brutus, the reprover of their tears and
unavailing complaints, and their adviser to take up arms against those
who dared to treat them as enemies, as would become men and Romans.
Each most spirited of the youth voluntarily presents himself in arms;
the rest of the youth follow also. From thence, after leaving an
adequate garrison at the gates at Collatia, and having appointed
sentinels, so that no one might give intelligence of the disturbance to
the king's party, the rest set out for Rome in arms under the conduct
of Brutus. When they arrived there, the armed multitude cause panic and
confusion wherever they go. Again, when they see the principal men of
the state placing themselves at their head, they think that, whatever
it may be, it was not without good reason. Nor does the heinousness of
the circumstance excite less violent emotions at Rome than it had done
at Collatia; accordingly they run from all parts of the city into the
forum, whither, when they came, the public crier summoned them to
attend the tribune of the celeres, with which office Brutus happened to
be at that time vested. There an harangue was delivered by him, by no
means of that feeling and capacity which had been counterfeited up to
that day, concerning the violence and lust of Sextus Tarquin, the
horrid violation of Lucretia and her lamentable death, the bereavement
of Tricipitinus, to whom the cause of his daughter's death was more
exasperating and deplorable than the death itself. To this was added
the haughty insolence of the king himself, and the sufferings and toils
of the people, buried in the earth in cleansing sinks and sewers; that
the Romans, the conquerors of all the surrounding states, instead of
warriors had become labourers and stone-cutters. The unnatural murder
of king Servius Tullius was dwelt on, and his daughter's driving over
the body of her father in her impious chariot, and the gods who avenge
parents were invoked by him. By stating these and other, I suppose,
more exasperating circumstances, which though by no means easily
detailed by writers, the heinousness of the case suggested at the time,
he persuaded the multitude, already incensed, to deprive the king of
his authority, and to order the banishment of L. Tarquin with his wife
and children. He himself, having selected and armed some of the young
men, who readily gave in their names, set out for Ardea to the camp to
excite the army against the king: the command in the city he leaves to
Lucretius, who had been already appointed prefect of the city by the
king. During this tumult Tullia fled from her house, both men and women
cursing her wherever she went, and invoking on her the furies the
avengers of parents.
60. News of these transactions having reached the camp, when the
king, alarmed at this sudden revolution, was going to Rome to quell the
commotions, Brutus, for he had notice of his approach, turned out of
the way, that he might not meet him; and much about the same time
Brutus and Tarquin arrived by different routes, the one at Ardea, the
other at Rome. The gates were shut against Tarquin, and an act of
banishment passed against him; the deliverer of the state the camp
received with great joy, and the king's sons were expelled. Two of them
followed their father, and went into banishment to Cære, a city of
Etruria. Sextus Tarquin, having gone to Gabii, as to his own kingdom,
was slain by the avengers of the old feuds, which he had raised against
himself by his rapines and murders. Lucius Tarquin the Proud reigned
twenty-five years: the regal form of government continued from the
building of the city to this period of its deliverance, two hundred and
forty-four years. Two consuls, viz. Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius
Tarquinius Collatinus, were elected by the prefect of the city at the
comitia by centuries, according to the commentaries of Servius Tullius.