Those who witness the effort to add ERA to the Constitution might
well exclaim, 'O equality! What crimes are attempted in thy name!'
Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr.[1]
Anti-Life Philosophy.
The Equal Rights Amendment has nothing at all to do with abortion. It
would not make abortion part of the Constitution. All we want is a
Constitutional guarantee of equality for men and women. Anyone who
opposes the ERA is an ignorant misogynist and a bigot; anti-choicers are
merely setting up a false abortion 'red herring' because they are
inherently woman-haters and want to keep women down.
Introduction.
When Dealing With Snakes ...
The proposed Equal Rights Amendment, as shown below, sounds simple,
straightforward, and reasonable.
But pro-lifers experienced in the legislative arena (and every other
arena, for that matter) know well that, when dealing with
pro-abortionists, literally nothing is what it seems to be.
THE PROPOSED EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT TO THE UNITED STATES
CONSTITUTION
Section I: Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or
abridged by the United States or any state on account of sex.
Section II: The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by
appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.
Section III: This amendment shall take effect two years after the
date of ratification.
The Ultimate Objective of the ERA.
The primary and ultimate objective of the ERA is to enshrine
abortion in the United States Constitution, which would make
child-killing absolutely unassailable. No restriction or limitation on
abortion whatever including informed consent, conscience clauses,
parental involvement, and waiting periods would be allowed. In this
area, the ERA is similar to the Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA).
Under the ERA that is desired by pro-aborts, the mere picketing of an
abortion mill could, with a little help from the ever-willing court
system, become a Federal civil rights violation.
A Brief History of the
Federal ERA.
Early in the Century.
The National Woman's Party first outlined the concept of an Equal
Rights Amendment in early 1923 at the 75th Seneca Falls Conference.
Later that year, the ERA was first introduced into Congress by two
United States legislators from Kansas, Senator Charles Curtis and
Representative Daniel Anthony.
The ERA has been introduced in both the House and the Senate in every
session since 1923. In 1950 and 1953, the Senate passed the Amendment;
both times it was killed by the attachment of the Hayden rider, which
kept all State protective legislation intact.
The House Judiciary Committee also held Amendment hearings in 1948,
and then not again until 1970, because the Chairman of the Committee,
Rep. Emanuel D. Cellar [D.-NY], refused to schedule them.[2]
The States Speak. Previously to 1970, voting for the ERA was a
popular and relatively risk-free symbolic gesture, similar to voting
pro-life before the Supreme Court's 1989 Webster decision. Before
1970, more than 80 Senators had co-sponsored the ERA because they were
certain that it would never be reported out of the House.
However, on June 11, 1970, the ERA became a whole new ball game. On
this date, Representative Martha Griffiths [D.-Mich.], used the rare
discharge petition to force the Amendment out of the Judiciary
Committee, where it was voted on for the first time on August 10. It was
passed by a lopsided vote of 352 to 15.
On August 17, 1970, the ERA reached the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary, and on October 7, it reached the Senate floor, where it was
weighed down with 'controversial' (i.e., pro-life) riders (many
introduced by Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr. [D-NC]), and subsequently
died.[2]
The Ervin Amendments.
The Equal Rights Amendment was finally passed by both Congress and
the Senate on March 22, 1972. Numerous pro-family amendments (mostly
proposed by Senator Sam Ervin) to the ERA were this time rejected in
conference. These amendments would have;
• exempted women from compulsory military duty and combat
(Amendments 1065 and 1066);
• protected the traditional rights of wives, widows, and mothers
(Amendments 1067 and 1068);
• preserved the responsibility of fathers to support their
children (Amendment 1069);
• preserved laws that protect privacy for men and women (i.e.,
segregated toilet facilities, Amendment 1070), and;
• upheld laws that make sexual offenses of all types crimes, and
upheld guarantees that homosexuality would not be forced on the public
with the force of law (Amendment 1071).[3]
Obviously, if the ERA had not meant to make these actions legally
enforceable, there would not have been any need to offer amendments (or
vote them down). It is revealing indeed that the far-left radical
Neofeminist groups fanatically opposed all of the above amendments.
Ratification by the States.
Following passage by both the House and the Senate, a proposed
Constitutional Amendment must be ratified by three-fourths of the States
before it becomes the law of the land. The ERA therefore required the
support of 38 states.
Congress presented the unamended Equal Rights Amendment to the States
on March 22, 1973. In just twelve months, 30 states had ratified it.[2]
Incredibly, 14 of the states that ratified the ERA did so without any
hearings or committee action, without any debate, without any airing of
the issue in the media, and without any input from the voters![4]
This is a typical pro-abort tactic: To rush legislation through
before the people have a chance to react or comment, and then crow that
the new law represents "the will of the people."
In the period 1973 to 1977, five more states ratified the ERA (the
last state to ratify was Indiana in 1977). However, during the same time
period, five other states, after bitter legal struggles, withdrew their
ratifications as follows;
Nebraska March 15, 1973;
Tennessee April 23, 1974;
Idaho
February 8, 1977;
Kentucky March 16, 1978; and
South Dakota March 1, 1979.
The states that never ratified the Equal Rights Amendment were
Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina,
Utah, and Virginia.
During the ratification period, the ERA enjoyed the fanatical support
of the elite; Presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford, most wealthy and
trendy national organizations, virtually all of the media, and public
officials at every level. Yet history has shown us that, when the ERA
has been presented to the people, the result was nine defeats in nine
tries, as depicted below;[3]
RECORD OF THE ERA AT PUBLIC REFERENDUM
[A medium text size on your computer's 'view'
setting is recommended, otherwise, the table may be discombobulated.]
Date
of
Against
For
State
Referendum
ERA
ERA
Wisconsin November
1973
52%
48%
New York November
1975
55%
45%
New Jersey November
1975
52%
48%
Nevada
November
1978
66%
34%
Florida
November
1978
60%
40%
Iowa
November
1980
55%
45%
Maine
November
1984
64%
36%
Vermont
November
1986
57%
43%
Iowa
November
1992
54%
46%
The seven-year ratification limit expired on March 22, 1979. This was
in accordance with the Supreme Court's decision Dillon v. Gloss,
handed down in 1921, which upheld the seven-year time limit on
Constitutional amendments in order to reflect the will of the people.
But Congress, bowing under radical left-wing pressure once again,
ignored this standing Supreme Court decision and unconstitutionally
extended the ratification deadline another 30 months to September 22,
1981. Despite this unlawful extension, no further states ratified the
ERA.[3]
The "New" ERA.
This unbroken series of defeats didn't faze the pro-ERA forces in the
least. In January of 1983, the same ERA was reintroduced in both the
Congress and the Senate.
During hearings, the lead sponsor of the 'new and improved' ERA was
pro-abortion Senator Paul Tsongas. When questioned about the effect of
the ERA on the enshrinement of abortion and homosexuality in the
Constitution, Tsongas replied, "That's up to the courts to
decide."[4]
This meant that the Supreme Court and lower Federal courts could
decide anything they wanted to regarding the ERA and, in view of the
court system's past devastating campaign against family life and matters
of ethics and morals, this was a frightening prospect for pro-life
groups.
The Final Proof.
The National Right to Life Committee lobbied to have the following
amendment attached to the 1983 Equal Rights Amendment; "Nothing in
this Article [the ERA] shall be construed to grant or secure any right
relating to abortion or the funding thereof."[5]
Constitutional attorneys and other experts predicted that the ERA
would easily pass both the House and Senate with this amendment.
However, every major national radical feminist group rose up with one
voice and condemned this wording and demanded that the ERA be put to a
vote in its unamended form. When the votes were taken on November 15,
1983, the ERA was defeated yet again by six votes.
The uncontestable link to abortion was the obvious killer of the ERA.
The Vampire Rises Again.
Like that hoary old monster of old, the ERA simply just will not go
away. In late 1987, Molly Yard, former president of the National
Organization for Women, announced a plan to lobby nationwide once again
for the ERA. Pro-life forces must continue to remain alert, with wooden
stakes close to hand.
Tactics Used to Push the
ERA.
Introduction.
No discussion of any major battle with the Neofeminists would be
complete without a description of some of the effective (and
not-so-effective) tactics they use to achieve their goals.
Three of the most unusual tactics used by Neofeminists in the
original (mid-1970s) fight over the ERA were witchcraft, subversion, and
bribery, as described in the following paragraphs.
"Z" Takes the Lead.
Speaking of wooden stakes and other ghoulish beasties, many pro-life
activists were bemused at the strange Neofeminist antics used to try and
pass the ERA. Self-professed witch Z. Budapest even cooked up a spell
"To be cast by wimmin [sic] who have worked for the ERA or who
strongly want to "do something" for it."
The text of the spell is rather lengthy, but is worth the space for
its entertainment content. Editorial comments are contained in
[brackets].
WITCH Z. BUDAPESTS'S SPELL IN SUPPORT OF THE ERA
"When the moon is full, at sundown, go to a place "wild
and lone" (or your own backyard). Place on the ground a map of
the United States with the non-ratified states outlined in blood red.
On each of the capital cities of each of these non-ratified states,
place a red-white and blue candle with the letters E.R.A. scratched
onto it three times with a rose thorn. Also place on each capital a
black candle inscribed with the names of the people and organizations
who are working against the ERA in that state [Comment: black is never
used in Wicca ceremonies unless death or 'great evil' is to be
directed against someone]. Anoint the triple power candle with seven
power oil, the black candle with hecate oil [Comment: hecate oil is
another representation of death; Hecate was the Greek goddess of death
and the underworld]. You will also need some incense, either high
power, high priestess, or dragon's blood."
"Form a circle around the map. Light the candles, then the
incense; inhale the incense while looking at the full moon. To raise
power, everyone join hands and hum without strain, a centering sound.
The four wimmin [sic] standing in the four corners of the Universe (E,S,W,N)
within the circle will invoke the Goddess in turn [Comment: here each
'wimmin' recites a lengthy prayer to various goddesses, including Ea,
Astarte, Ishtar, Lilith, Esmerelda, Vesta, Aphrodite, and a host of
others]."
"All then link arms around the circle and raise more power,
concentrating on the non-ratified states. (Chanting would be
appropriate here, using chants from ERA demonstrations) [Comment: How
about a rousing chorus of "not the church, not the state
...?]."
"Offering: mix honey and clear water in a chalice, then pour a
small amount on the ground, saying: "To return to you a small
portion of that which you have given us so freely." Each womon
[sic] then takes the chalice, going clockwise around the circle, and
speaks her feelings about the ERA, then drinks. When the chalice has
gone all around and all have reaffirmed each others spell, share some
in the Goddess' honor."
"Then take a pair of shears and cut out the [nonratified]
states from the map, and burn them in the flames of the candles. Say:
"As this paper burns in the flame of the Goddess, so shall the
enemies of wimmin [sic] be melted against her. The states will grant
ratifications in the name of Thekis, Goddess of Special
Consciousness." "
"Let the candles burn down at their own pace until done.
Gather all the remnants of this spell, including the rest of the map,
and throw them into a living body of water."
"It is done."
Reference: Z. Budapest. "A Spell for
the E.R.A." The Allegheny Feminist [Pennsylvania], July
1978, pages 1 and 7.
While Z. Budapest and her 'wimmin wiccas' were taking their ease and
occupying themselves with complex, strange and useless ceremonies under
the full moon, Phyllis Schlafly and her Eagle Forum were fighting the
battle with prayer and lots of slogging hard work.
History, of course, reveals to us which side won the ERA battle.
Bribery.
The Neofeminists did not stop at silly incantations in their
desperation to pass the ERA. On May 14, 1980, Wanda Brandstetter, a
"field organizer" for the National Organization for Women,
offered a $1,000 "campaign contribution" (i.e., bribe) to
Representative Nord L. Swanstrom in exchange for a "Yes" vote
on the ERA. She was indicted by a Sangamon County grand jury.[6]
Subversion.
Perhaps the most effective strategy used by Neoliberals to paralyze
the churches in the vital area of moral action is infiltration and
subversion. This strategy, discussed in Chapter 10 of Volume I, may
involve the misrepresentation of the target organization's moral views
by people who claim to be an authority on the subject in question and
members of the organization that is being subverted.
An excellent example of such a subversive organization is the
'Religious' Coalition for Abortion Rights (RCAR), which claims that
Christians of all denominations (but especially Catholics) can kill
their preborn children with clear consciences.
An organization that was nearly identical to RCAR in terms of
membership, tactics, and propaganda style appeared in the mid-1970s.
This group, the 'Religious' Committee for the ERA, was composed of small
organizations that were either dissident 'Catholic' groups, tiny women's
committees from the mainline churches, Humanist agitators, or members of
the 'Religious' Coalition for Abortion Rights, as shown below.[7]
MEMBERS OF THE 'RELIGIOUS' COMMITTEE FOR THE ERA
American Baptist Women
American Friends Service Committee
Catholic Women for ERA
Catholics Act for ERA
Disciples of Christ Homeland Ministries *
Church of the Brethren *
Church Women United
Joint Strategy Action Committee
Lutheran Church Women
National Assembly of Women Religious
National Coalition of American Nuns
National Council of Jewish Women
National Federation of Temple Sisterhoods *
Presbyterian Church, Committee on Women's Concerns *
Priests for Equality
Sisters of Loretto
United Methodist Board of Global Ministries *
Unitarian Universalist Women's Federation *
United Church of Christ *
United Synagogues of America *
Women's League for Conservative Judaism
Young Women's 'Christian' Association
* These organizations are also members of the 'Religious' Coalition
for Abortion Rights.
The Ineptitude of the ERA.
Introduction.
The two legal objections to the Equal Rights Amendment are very basic
in nature. The proposed Amendment is fundamentally and hopelessly flawed
in that;
(1) it duplicates existing legislation, and
(2) it would cause extreme confusion in the judicial and
legislative branches at every level, because its intent is so general
and far-flung.
The ERA Duplicates Existing Legislation.
The strongest argument of ERA proponents is that the proposed ERA
would guarantee equal pay for equal work and equal treatment under the
law. However, equal pay for equal work is already guaranteed by
the major Federal legislation.[3] The primary reason that women earn
less than men on the average is that they are concentrated in
lower-paying jobs.
If unequal pay for unequal work still exists in many areas, yet
another law will make little or no difference. The answer to perceived
inequalities under existing law is local litigation, not more Federal
law.
The following major Federal laws guarantee equal pay for equal work;
(1) the Equal Pay Act of 1963;
(2) the Civil Rights Act of 1964;
(3) the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972; and
(4) the Federal Minimum Wage Act of 1974.
Equal protection under the law is adequately covered by the following
major Federal legislation;[3]
(1) the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution;
(2) the Comprehensive Health Manpower Training Act of 1971;
(3) the Nurse Training Act of 1971;
(4) the Higher Education Act of 1972;
(5) the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1973; and
(6) the Federal Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1975.
The ERA Would Cause Judicial Confusion.
Professor Paul A. Freund of the Harvard Law School, one of the
foremost legal analysts in the country, opposed the use of the ERA in an
article entitled "The Equal Rights Amendment is NOT the Way,"
written in the Harvard Civil Rights Civil Law Review. He applied
a medical analogy to the field of Constitutional law, endorsing the use
of "specific pills for specific ills" instead of one
"broad-spectrum drug" which carries with it "unwanted and
uncertain [legal] side effects."[8]
Freund and other distinguished legal scholars, including Roscoe
Pound, oppose the ERA not because of principle, but because of the
practical legal effect it would have if enacted. As a body, these
attorneys concluded that;
The basic fallacy in the proposed amendment is that it attempts to
deal with complicated and highly concrete problems arising out of a
diversity of human relationships in terms of a single and simple
abstraction. As a constitutional standard, it is hopelessly inept.
That the proposed Equal Rights Amendment opens up an era of
regrettable consequences for the legal status of women in this country
is highly probable. That it would open up a period of extreme
confusion in constitutional law is a certainty.[9]
The courts could use the ERA to nullify literally thousands of
legislative acts, thereby increasing the power of the judiciary
drastically, even above the current already unacceptable level. The
actual objective of the ERA is to curtail the power of representative
government. No other constitutional Amendment has had or would have such
a direct destructive or coercive intent.
Over the last quarter-century, Neoliberals have consistently used the
judiciary to advance their causes. The ERA is nothing more or less than
a battering ram that would freely be used to override the will of the
people.
The Conclusion.
ERA proponents allege that they want equal pay for equal work and
equal protection under the law. The only reason that these objectives
have not been met is that existing legislation has not been enforced.
Since these primary ERA objectives have already been covered by
existing Federal legislation, there can be only one logical
conclusion: the ERA pushers want something else!
And that hidden 'something else' is ABORTION.
The ERA-Abortion
Connection.
Conclusive Evidence at the Federal Level.
There is not a particle of doubt among scholars familiar with the ERA
both pro and con that the primary objective of this Amendment is to
place abortion in an unassailable position as a truly
constitutionally-guaranteed right, a status that it does not now enjoy.
If the ERA passes, it will be nearly impossible for pro-life activists
to fight abortion from a legislative position.
The stated objective of the ERA is full equality between the sexes.
Since men are free of pregnancy, it follows that women must be allowed
the same right.
It is interesting to note that no mention is made of the mirror-image
argument using the same weird logic: That if women can get pregnant, in
the name of equality, legislation should be introduced to guarantee men
the right to become pregnant if they wish, as well. Therefore, the fact
that men cannot get pregnant is, in itself, an unconstitutional
restraint.
Neofeminist-style class action suit, anyone?
As Professor Charles E. Rice of Notre Dame's Law Department says,
If the ERA were adopted, it would make it abundantly clear that the
states are disabled from restricting abortion in any significant way.
Abortion is an operation which can be performed only upon women. The
combination of the Supreme Court abortion decisions and the ERA would
operate to prevent any restrictions on abortion. In fact, I believe
that the adoption of the ERA would jeopardize, at least to public
institutions and personnel, the so-called conscience clauses which
give hospitals and medical personnel the right to refuse on grounds of
conscience to perform abortions. The potential effects of ERA on
abortion are sufficient, it seems to me, to cause all those who oppose
abortion to oppose the ERA.[10]
Professor Joseph P. Witherspoon, an authority on Constitutional law
from the University of Texas Law School who was very active in the civil
rights movement, outlined the case for an ERA-abortion connection
succinctly;
Ratification of the ERA will inevitably be interpreted by the
Supreme Court of the United States as an explicit ratification and
approval by the people of the United States of its 1973 decision
invalidating state anti-abortion statutes and of its declaration
therein that the unborn child is not a human person ... and it will
make it more difficult to obtain ratification of a Human Life
Amendment.[11]
Finally, we should let the pro-abortion people speak for themselves.
Betty Friedan, one of the founders of the modern pro-ERA movement, and
obviously an expert on its objectives, stated in her March 1978 letter
to the International Women's Year Conference delegates; "The ERA
has become both symbol and substance for the whole of the modern woman's
movement of equality. Further, I am convinced if we lose this struggle
for the ERA, we will have little hope in our own lifetime of saving our
right to abortion."[12]
And as another Neofeminist writer put it, "The separation of
abortion from the campaign for the ERA has jeopardized abortion and
produced a truncated version of liberation."[6]
Conclusive Evidence at the State Level.
Without exception, the proposed State Equal Rights Amendments are
identical in their primary objective: To secure a Constitutional right
to abortion that will be unassailable in the courts and legislatures.
As one example, the Wisconsin State Legislature added language to its
proposed state ERA which would not allow forced funding for abortion or
gay rights. The sponsors of the Wisconsin ERA (including the National
Organization for Women, the American Civil Liberties Union, and the
League of Women Voters), which had until this time been vigorously
pushing the legislation, suddenly reversed their position and publicly
denounced the amended ERA, because it now contained "...
objectionable anti-civil libertarian language."[13]
An identical sequence of events occurred in Minnesota in 1983.
As final proof, the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut,
Pennsylvania, and Hawaii all have state ERAs. In each case, the American
Civil Liberties Union stated in its briefs that the state ERAs require
courts to rule in favor of abortion funding, as shown below;[14]
By singling out for special treatment and effectively excluding
from coverage an operation which is unique to women, while including
without comparable limitation a wide range of other operations,
including those which are unique to men, the statutes constitute
discrimination on the basis of sex, in violation of the Massachusetts
Equal Rights Amendment.
Moe v. King, Massachusetts, 1980.
Pregnancy is unique to women. 62 P.S. 453 and 18 Pa. C.S.A. 3215(c)
which expressly deny benefits for health problems arising out of
pregnancy, discriminate against women recipients because of their sex.
62 P.S. 453, 8 Pa. C.S.A. 3215(c) and the regulations issued pursuant
thereto constitute a gender-based classification in violation of the
Pennsylvania Equal Rights Amendment, Article I, S 28 of the
Pennsylvania Constitution.
Fischer v. Department of Public Welfare,
Pennsylvania, 1983.
Abortion is a medical procedure performed only for women;
withdrawing funding for abortions while continuing to reimburse other
medical procedures sought by both sexes or only by men would be
tantamount to a denial of equal rights on account of sex.
Hawaii Right to Life v. Chang, Hawaii, 1978.
In each of these cases, District judges have ruled that, under the
ERA, the states must fund abortions. Any challenge to this
funding, even by public petition, is unconstitutional.
For example, New Haven (Connecticut) Superior Court Judge Robert
Berdon, on April 19, 1986, stated that "Since only women become
pregnant, discrimination against pregnancy by not funding abortion ...
is sex-oriented discrimination."[15]
Lynn Paltrow, a lawyer with the ACLU's Reproductive Freedom Project,
also stated at an October 1986 speech at Sarah Lawrence College:
"They say the ERA will lead to funding for abortion. I say, I hope
so."[16]
THIS, THEN, IS THE VERY HEART AND SOUL OF THE EQUAL RIGHTS
AMENDMENT!
These examples at the State level make it perfectly clear that one of
the primary objectives of the Federal ERA is to enshrine abortion rights
in the United States Constitution. These rights are an integral part of
the fabric of every Equal Rights Amendment so far introduced at the
Federal and State level.
References: The Equal Rights Amendment.
[1] Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr., in a September 22, 1975 letter to a
constituent. Quoted in Eileen Vogel. "Abortion and the Equal Rights
Amendment: A Call to Common Sense." 20 page booklet, June, 1978,
available from People Concerned for the Unborn Child, 1760 Potomac
Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15216. An excellent summary of the
background and weaknesses of the ERA, suitable for giving to people with
little background on the subject.
[2] Judith Hole and Ellen Levine. Rebirth of Feminism.
Quadrangle Books: New York, 1971. Pages 54 to 77. An excellent history
of the Equal Rights Amendment to mid-1971.
[3] "A Short History of E.R.A." The Phyllis Schlafly
Report, September 1986. Copies of this excellent four-page pamphlet
are available from: The Eagle Trust Fund, Post Office Box 618, Alton,
Illinois 62002. See also testimony on the ERA in the Congressional
Record, March 22, 1972.
[4] Congressman Henry J. Hyde. "The ERA-Abortion
Connection." Human Life Review, Summer 1983, pages 81 to 86.
[5] J.C. Willke, M.D. Abortion Questions and Answers. Hayes
Publishing Company, 6304 Hamilton Avenue, Cincinnati, Ohio, 45224.
Telephone: (513) 681-7559. 1988, pages 267 to 275.
[6] Rhonda Copelon. "Abortion Rights: Where Do We Go From
Here?" Ms. Magazine, October 1983.
[7] Pamphlet entitled "Why Religious Groups Support the ERA.
'Religious' Committee for the ERA, 475 Riverside Drive, Room 812, New
York, New York 10027, undated.
[8] Paul A. Freund. "The Equal Rights Amendment is NOT the
Way." Harvard Civil Rights Civil Law Review. Quoted in
Eileen Vogel, "Abortion and the Equal Rights Amendment: A Call to
Common Sense." People Concerned for the Unborn Child, June 1978.
[9] John T. Noonan, Jr. "ERA: Equal Rights for Abortion?" Human
Life Review, Spring 1984, pages 29 to 46. Also included in Congressional
Record ERA testimony of March 22, 1972.
[10] Charles E. Rice, Professor of Law, Notre Dame University.
"ERA: Easy Rampant Abortion." The Wanderer, February
1975.
[11] Lincoln C. Oliphant. "ERA and the Abortion
Connection." Human Life Review, Spring 1981, pages 42 to 60.
[12] Betty Friedan, quoted in Eileen Vogel, "Abortion and the
Equal Rights Amendment: A Call to Common Sense." People Concerned
for the Unborn Child, June 1978.
[13] Johnson, D. "Proof of Abortion-ERA Link Massive,
Compelling." National Catholic Register, July 6, 1984.
[14] Johnson, D. "Aborting the ERA." American Politics,
May 1987, pages 19 to 21.
[15] Douglas Johnson. "Connecticut E.R.A./Abortion Ruling
Allowed To Stand; Attorney General Won't Appeal." National Right
to Life News, May 15, 1986, page 5.
[16] "Action Box: Equal Rights Amendment." National
Right to Life News, February 5, 1987, page 4.
Further Reading: The Equal Rights Amendment.
Carol Felsenthal. Phyllis Schlafly: The Sweetheart of the
Silent Majority.
Chicago: Regnert Gateway, 1981. The last five chapters of this book
describe Schlafly's fight against the ERA and gives fascinating insight
into the strategies and tactics used by both 'sides' in the battle.
Lawrence Lader. Abortion II, Making the Revolution.
Boston: Beacon Press, 1973. Pages 36 to 40 describe the early
history of the ERA.
United States Senate Subcommittee hearing on Constitutional
Amendments, April 11, 1975.
Subject: Abortion Part IV, pages 297 to 301.
© American Life League BBS — 1-703-659-7111
This is a chapter of the Pro-Life Activist’s Encyclopedia published
by American Life League.
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